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Venice, Austria, and the Turks

in the

Seventeenth Century

Kenneth M. Setton

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Venice, Austria, and the Turks

in the

Seventeenth Century

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Venice^ Austria, and the Turks

in the

Seventeenth Century

Kenneth M. Setton

THE AMERICAN PHILOSOPHICAL SOCIETY
Independence Square • Philadelphia
1991

This Ono

I1I-0EN-4YA3

Memoirs op the

AMERICAN PHILOSOPHICAL SOCIETY
Held at Philadelphia
For Promoting Useful Knowledge
Volume 192

Library of Congress Catalog Card No: 90-55269 @
International Standard Book No. 0-87169-192-2
US ISSN: 0065-9738

In memoriam
Margaretae

CONTENTS

I. Austrians and Tufks in the Long War (1592-1606), the
Bohemian Succession, and the Outbreak of the Thirty
Years* War 1

II. Continuance of the War, Gustavus Adolphus, Cardinal
Richelieu, and the Hapsburgs, the Increasing Impor-
tance of France 40

III. The Last Stages of the Thirty Years' War and the Treaties
ofWestphaUa 79

IV. Venice, Malta, and the Turlis, the Beginning of the Long

War of Gandia 104

V. The Turco-Venetian War (1646-1653) and the Turmoil

in Istanbul 137

VI. Naval Battles at the Dardanelles (1654-1657), the Cre-
tan War, and Papal Aid to Venice 172

VII. Alvise da Molin's Embassy to the Porte, Failure of the
French to Relieve Gandia, Francesco Morosini's
Surrender of the City to the Turlu 206

VIII. Turoo-Venetian Rektions (1670-1683) and the Turltish

Siege of Vienna 244

IX. The Conquests of the Austrians in Hungary, the Revolt of
the Turkish Army, and the Venetians in the Morea
(1684-1687) 271

X. Francesco Moioslnl, the Invasion of Attica, and the De-

struction of the Parthenon 301

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XI. The Venetians' Withdrawal from Athens, the Removal of
Antiquities, and Morosini's Failure to Take Negroponte

XII. Girolamo Corner's Success at Monemvasia, Domenico
Mocenigo's Failure in the Aegean, and the Death of Fran-
cesco Morosini

XIII. Louis XIV, the Turks, and the War of the League of Augs-
burg, the Treaties of Ryswick and Kailowitz, and the Un-
easy Peace between Venice and the Porte

XIV. The Turkish Reconquest of the Morea, the Victories of
Eugene of Savoy, Von Schulenburg's Defense of Corfu,
the Peace of Passarowitz, and Venice as a Playground of
Europe

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331

363

389

426

PREFACE

This book is in many ways a sequel to the four volumes of my Papacy and
the Levant (1204-1571), although the emphasis has shifted northward from
the Holy See to Venice and Austria. Far more time and effort have thus
been spent in ^ Venetian than in the Vatican Archives, although the
latter have as idNvays been very useful. In most works one's plans may
dumge somewhat as one gets more deeply into a subject. It was originally
my intention to pursue certain questions in the Haus-, Hof- und Staats-
archiv in Vienna — talia publica diligo tabularia — but the book was becoming
much longer than I thought it should be. Therefore I gave up the idea of
working in the archives in Vienna, and confined myself to those in Venice
and the Vatican. As a result it soon seemed advisable to reduce the coverage
of Austria, which I did by a full third, et tmtae molis erat, and I think, at
least I hope, it was not a mistake. As for the Austrians vis-i-vis ttie Turlcs*
however, we must always bear in mind that the Venetian successes in
Greece after the Turkish failure at Vienna in 1683 were largely the con-
sequence of the Turks' being obliged to direct their chief armament against
the Austrian imperialist forces, not against those of the so-called Serene
Republic. We must also accept the fact that such was the strain of Turco-
Venetian relations that, as far as the Serenissima was concerned, the end
of the seventeentii century came not witti the peace (rf Karlowitz (in 1699)
but rather, as we shall see, with that of Passarowitz in 1718.

Nevertheless, to return to the archival sources, I have tried to put them
before the reader to the extent it has proved practicable, whatever the
variations in spelling to be found in the texts (hence Costantinopoli and
Constantinopoli, Morosini and Moresini, provveditore and proveditor, as
well as giovane, gjovine, and giovene, prindpe and prendpe, etc.). 1 mention
these inconsequential differences because it is possiUe tfiey may annoy or
perplex some readers.

As one puts aside the page proofs of a book, and turns to the Preface,
one feels the strong desire to acknowledge the various forms of assistance
received through the years. It is a pleasure thus to express my gratitude to
Mrs. Gladys Krieble Delmas and to Mrs. Boris Nedelev, both friends of
many years, for the help and encouragement they have given me. In her
generous gifts to the American Philosophical Society, Gladys Delmas has
helped subsidize the publication of this book. Mrs. Nedelev, known as
Eileen Turner during the years that she managed the publishing firm of
Variorum, has made available her apartment in London whenever I had
need of the Public Record Office. She has also read proofs, copied docu-
ments, and been helpful in numerous other ways.

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In recounting further debts, I must begin with my friends Profeason
Christian Habicht and Hans Eberhard Mayer, both of whom have read
the entire typescript, and offered valuable suggestions for improvement.
Professor Mayer has also been most helpful in dealing through the years
with the successive volumes of A History of the Crusades. Also I owe much
to several friends in Venice, especially (continuing my indebtedness in
alphabetical oider) Marino and Renata Berengo, Vittore and Olga Branca,
Gaetano and Luisa Cozzi^ ttie Rev. Giorgio Fedalto, Marino and Rosella
Zorzi. Professors Berengo and Cozzi both came to my rescue in connection
with the eighteenth century, into which I have boldly ventured at the
conclusion of this book. Dr. Zorzi, director (and historian) of the Biblioteca
Nazionale Marciana, and his staff produced every manuscript I needed,
and cheerfully rendered whatever other assistance they could. My thanks
go also to Dr. Maria Francesca Tiepolo and the staff of the Archivio di
State di Venezia, where I fint began woiking some forty years ago. Needless
to say, I abo owe much to the librarians of the Institute for Advanced
Study and Princeton University. And not the least of my indebtedness is
to Dr. Herman H. Goldstine, Executive Officer of the American Philo-
sophical Society, and Carole N. Le Faivre and Dr. Susan M. Babbitt, who
manage the editorial staff of the Society, all three of whom are (like several
others mentioned in this Preface) friends of many years.

Mrs. Enid Bayan and Mrs. Suki Lewin have prepared the typescript, and
Mr. Mark Darlyy of the Library of the Institute has been largely responsible
for the Index. When the Royal Society and the American Philosophical
Society held a joint meeting in Philadelphia (in April 1986), I was called
upon to give a lecture, for which I used selections from this book relating
to the Venetians in Greece and the destruction of the Parthenon. Although
the lectures read at this meeting were published^ they received but slight
circulation.

My friends will undentand tfie need to dedicate this book to my late,
ever-geneious wife Margaret She shared in every way my love ctf Italy
and the Italian Archives, and her "ready hdp was ever nigh."

K.M.S.

The Institute for Advanced Study
Princeton, N.J.
1 August 1990

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Austrians and Turks in the Long War
(1592-1606), the Bohemian SuccessioUy

and the Outbreak oj the Thirty Years' War

t was Saturday, 7 March 1573, a day long to be remembered in
Europe and the Levant. That day at Pera, the suburb of Istanbul
north of the Golden Horn, the Venetians made peace with Sultan
Selim 11, abandoning their alliance with Spain and the Holy See and
surrendering the island of Cyprus to the Turks. The high point of the
Gypriot war had been the Ghrlstlan victory at Lepanto, which quickly
became an inspiration to painters and poets, historians, newsmen, and
printers. Ivepanto, however, turned out to be of but slight naval impor*
tance to Christendom, for the Turks soon rebuilt their armada, occupy-
ing the Tunisian outport of La Goletta after a month-long siege in August
1574 and taking the fortress town of Tunis in September. The Turks thus
remained masters of the eastern Mediterranean, and strengthened their
hold upon the Maghreb, "the West,** i.e., Tripolitania and Tunisia, Al-
geria and even Morocco. A long peace usually followed a Turco- Venetian
war, and after the notable events of 1573-1574 the Republic and the
Porte refrained from serious hostility for a full seventy years, until in
1645 the Turks embarked upon the conquest of the Venetian island of
Crete in the long "war of Gandia.'*

In many ways, however, these seventy years were not years of peace.
The Christians seem to have been more of a disruptive force in the

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Venice, Auatrta, and the Turkt Ut tike Seventeenth Century

Mediterranean dian the Moslems. One or more squadrons of Spanish,
Tuscan, Neapolitan, Sicilian, and Hospitaller galleys made annual
voyages into the Ivcvant, ran^'ing as far as Rhodes, Cyprus, Tenedos, and
even the Dardanelles, looting the Turkish eonvoys on the route between
Alexandria and Istanbul. The Hospitallers of Malta, the so-called Knights
of S. John of Jerusalem, were the most aggressive. Usually more enter-
prising at sea than the Turks, the Christians attacked the Barbary
strongholds of La Goletta and Tunis, Tripoli, Bizerte, and Algiers. To the
distress of the Venetians, who always feared embroilment with the
Turks, Spanish-Italian agents of Philip III encouraged the natives of
Maina on the central prong of the Morea as well as those of Syria to revolt
against the Porte, providing them with arms and supplies to add effect to
their dissidence.

The Venetians had rarely got along well with the Gasa d' Austria, and
now they were having trouble with the Hapsburgs' cousin in Madrid.
Nevertheless, nilllp III did intervene in September 1617 to help arrange

peace between the Austrian Hapsburgs who, as we shall see, were having
difficulties of their own, and the Venetian Signoria. It was agreed that
the Uskoks should be expelled from Segna (Scnj) and other places be-
longing to the house of Austria, and in return the V^enetians would re-
store to the Hapsburgs certain places which they had occupied both in
Istria and in Friuli.' The Uskoks were pirates, a plague to Venetian ship-
ping in the Adriatic and a ceaseless nuisance to the Turlcs in the border-
lands of Dalmatia. In fact the Uskoks had been harassing the Venetians
and the Turks for almost a century, a matter which the Austrian Haps-
burgs had never found inconvenient. Philip Ill's mediation helped calm
the troubled waters. Encounters at sea between the Venetians and the
Spanish- Italian (i.e., Neapolitan) galleys had been frequent. A state of
almost warfare had existed through much of the second decade of the
seventeenth century, especially whenever the galleys of Philip III en-
tered the "Venetian Gulf," i.e., the Adriatic.^ From time to time, to be
sure, a Turkish armada moved into the Spanish-Italian waters; indeed
the Turks sacked Reggio di Calabria (in 1594) and Manfredonia (in Au-
gust 1620).

'J. Dumont, Corps universe! diplonuitique, \'-2 (Amsterdam and The Fiague, 1728),
no. OUU, pp. J04-5. doc. dated 26 September 1617. The French had assisted in the formu-
lation of rtie treaty (ihid., no. cucix, pp. 302-4).

' On N'enetian-Spanish relations durinj^ the second decade of the seventeenth century
and on the long-controversial legend of the Spanish conspiracy against Venice (in 1618),
which Involved a nnmber of shady characters with whom the Spanish government in Na-
ples would in fact have nothing to do. see Giorgio Spini. "Li Congiura degli Spagnoli
contro Venezia del 1618," Archivio storico italiano, CVII (1949), 17-53, and CVIU
(1950). 159-74. Pedro TMea Glr6n, duke of Osuna, was viceroy of Naples from 1616 to
1620. It was he who rejected the overtures of the disreputahle would-be conspirators then
resident in Venice, although the Venetians later charged him with conspiring to put an end
CO (be Republlo.

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The Long War, the Bohemian Succemfon, the Thirty Years' War

The modes of naval warfare were changing, especially from about the
year 1600, as square-rigged sailing ships, "battleships," with heavy
broadside cannon w ere replacing the galleys as the most effective arma-
ment at sea. As time passed, "three-deckers" were built with heavy guns
on three levels, the lower calibers being put on the top deck. Manuals
were written to instruct gunners in the employment of their ordnance in
battles at sea. The Hospitallers, the "Knights of Malta," following the
lead of the Dutch and English, took on the square-rigged vessels more
quickly than did the Venetians, and (even more than the Venetians) the
Turks seemed to Hnd the change difficult of acceptance. By the later
seventeenth century, however, the Venetians were apparently relying as
heavily on the square-rigged battleship as on the galleass, which had won
the battle of Lepanto. The broadside cannon of the big square- riggers
rendered out-of*date the **ramming and boarding" practices of galley
warfare.

The last years of the sixteenth century and the first years of the seven-
teenth were filled with warfare on land, much less so at sea, bringing

about changes in central and eastern Europe that were long to endure.
As the Turks were moving toward another invasion of Europe, Christen-
dom was a house divided against itself. The Protestant princes and
burghers in Germany and the Protestant bourgeoisie in Holland, France,
and England, as well as the Venetian nobles and merchants were at con-
stant odds with the Hapsbuigs in Austria and Spain, the Holy See, the
Spanish-dominated states in Italy, and the Catholic kingdom of Poland.
The Protestants of the Northwest had kindred spirits among the Calvin-
ists (and Lutherans) in Hungary and Transylvania. In the years before
and after 1600 the Ilapsburgs were also at the nadir of their history, and
owing to Hapsburg ineffectiveness, the Turks were again a great menace.

As the Protestants in Holland were struggling to survive and to pre-
serve their independence, treaties of one sort or another were nego-
tiated by representatives of the United Provinces with England in 1585,^
with the French in 1589,^ and with the Rhenish Palatinate and the elec-
torate of Brandenburg in 1605.* During these years the Dutch were tak-
ing giant strides forward, economically and militarily, and Spain would
never be able to reassert her dominance over the northern Netherlands.
Indeed, in these critical years before and after 1600 the economic and

Diimont. Corps iiniverscl diplomatique, V- 1 (1 72S), nos. cc, cciii-CGiv, pp. 446. 454-
57, docs, dated 6 .lune and 10 August 1585 and 6 February 1586, which pact was nullitied
by the "perpetual alliance" which James I of En^and made in 1 604 with Philip 1 1 1 of Spain
and the Archdukes Albreoht and Isabella of iIm southern (Belgian) Netherlands {ihid^ V-2,
no. XVII, pp. 32-36).

* Dumont, V-1, no. ocxvi, pp. 479-81, doc. dated 31 May 1589, an agreement somewhat
altered by Henry IV's commercial treaty with Philip III and the Archdukes Albrecht and
Isabella in 1604 (ibid., V-2, no. xii, p. 42).

' Dumont, V-2. no. xvii, pp. 53-54, doc. dated 25 April 1605.

Venice, AuatHot and cfte TUrka in the Seventeenth Century

military dominance of Europe was shifting from the Mediterranean world
of the Italian and Spanish peninsulas to the Northwest, to the Nether-
lands, England, and the Germanies. The Venetians were feeling the im-
pact of Dutch and English naval enterprise in the Levantine ports. The
strange strengthening of the Germanies extended into Austria, and con-
tributed to the decline of the Ottoman empire.

Searching for economic advantages and military alliances everywhere
in non-Catholic Europe and the Mediterranean, the Dutch managed to
obtain a rich commercial "capitulation" from Ahmed I, the fourteenth
sultan of the house of Osman. It was a notable concession, dated at
Istanbul at the beginning of July 1612. Thenceforth the Dutch would be
seen in eastern waters, like the French and the English, "trafiquant et
negociant par tout," under the protective aegis of the sultan, "seigneur
et patron de la forteresse des vertus."* There was a long-standing entente
between France and the Ottoman Empire, since 1536 in fact;' but, for
the rest. Protestantism was alurays an advantage when dealing with the
Turks, who rarely put aside their hostility to the Catholic Hapsburgs."

The world of warfare was changing, especially in Holland and the Euro-
pean northland, as we shall have occasion to note again. A wide range of
armaments was improved upon, and new ones concocted, during the
later sixteenth and throughout the seventeenth centuries — cannon and
culverins, falcons and falconets, with varying bores and weights, arque-
buses and petronels fired by wheel locks, muskets fired by matchlocks
and flintlock, with a diversity of lengths, weights, and names (oalivers,
curriers, carbines, blunderbusses, dragons, etc.), pistols (dags), hand
grenades, incendiary bombs, petards, and wheeled rigs loaded with ex-
plosives to roll downhill against the enemy. By the mid-sixteenth century
gunsmiths and foundries were to be found everywhere in Europe, and so
were powder-mills, making gunpowder of saltpeter (potassium nitrate),
charcoal, and sulphur. The recipes for gunpowder varied from place to
place, but the ingredients were always the same.

Crossbows, "arbalests," had become almost useless in the face of
firearms on the battlefield. They were, of course, employed as a major
weapon into the seventeenth century. Hunters used crossbows for
shooting game even into the eighteenth century, but that was sport, not
warfare. In the era of the crossbow the mercenary owned his own weap-

Diimnnt, V-2, no. cxxiv. pp. 205-14. doc. dated "I'an d'aprcs la manifestation du
Trophete 1U21, qui est au uommenccmcnt de Juillet de I'anncc dc notre Seigneur Jesus
Christ 1612."

^ Cf. Kenneth M. Setton. The Papacy and the Uvant (1204-1571), 4 vols., Philadelphia:
American I'hilosophical Society, 1976-1984, III, 400-1.

"Cf. K.M. Setton. "Lutheranism and the Turkish Peril," Balkan Studies, 111 (Thessalo-
niki, 1962), 1.1.1-68, and Carl Gollner, "Die Tiirkenfrage im SpannttngBfeld der Reforma-
tion," Sudost Forschutigen, XXXIV (1975), 61-78.

The Long War, the Bohemian Succesttion, the Thir^ Years' War

onry, and to some extent the practice continued into the age of firearms.
Until the organization of the "standing army" {stehendes Heer) toward
the end of the seventeenth century the gunners were sometimes entre-
preneurs who owned their guns or worked for those who did. They were
in fact civihans, strictly speaking, not part of the military. They even
provided the wagons for the transport of their cannonry, their property
being leased for service when troops were recruited at the outbreali of
war. And when the war ended, lilce the mercenaries they were out
of work.

Such gunners were thus not unlike the captains of galleys and ships
which were often leased from private owners (and in the seventeenth
century the Turks sometimes hired English and Dutch ships which they
used perforce in naval combat). The gunners, like the captains, might
worry more about protecting their own or their employers' property
than about the outcome of a field battle or a hostile encounter at sea.
With the appearance of the standing army, however, artillery gradu-
ally became an abiding branch of governmental service, the cannonry
being owned and transported by the state, the artillerymen being en-
rolled in the military and trained to operate the state-owned guns
{Geschiitzhedienungsmannschaft).'^

Although the years had given a clumsy complexity to Ottoman mili-
tary organization, the Turks always remained a formidable foe, making a
fearful impact upon their enemy to the blare of drums, tambourines,
trumpets, and diverse other instruments. When the first attack failed,
however, there was little likelihood of effective tactics, and the Turks
lacked a mobile field artillery. Indeed the disparate structure of the
Ottoman army, with various units tending to go each its own way on the
spur of a critical moment, made tactics almost impossible after the initial
assault. In the seventeenth century the Turks, like the Spanish, tended to
follow past practices. The Spanish were caught in an era of religious

' On the manufacture of various forms of artillery, light and heavy, the production of
munitions, and the tactical employment of cannonry on the battletield and in siege warfare
in the sixteenth and seventeenth century, with much attention given to the T&rkenkrieie,

see Anton Dolleczek, Geschichte der osterreichischen Artillerie von den friihesten Zei-
ten bis zur Gegenwart, Vienna, 1887, repr. Graz, 1973, pp. 78-288, and cf. Dolleczek's
Mttnographie der k. und k. dsterr.-ung. btanken und Handfeuer-Waffen, Kriegmntuik,
Fahnen und Standarten seit Errichtung des stehenden Ueeres his zur Gegenwart,
Vienna, 1896, repr. Graz, 1970, which gives some attention to the seventeenth but is
chiefly concerned with the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. More modern and more
readable arc Charles Ffoulkes, The Gun-Founders of England, Cambridge, 1937, and A.R.
Hall, Ballistics in the Seventeenth Century, Cambridge, 1952, which also deals primarily
with England: Frederic C. Lane, Venetian Ships and Shipbuilders of the Renaissance,
Baltimore, 1934, and cf. Lane, Venice and History, Baltimore, 1966, pp. 3-24, 143ff.; also
CM. Cipolla, Ghtks and Sails in the Early Phase of European Expansion, 1400-1700,
London, 1965. Well equipped with guns, Cipolla sails from the Adantic and the Medi-
terranean to India and China in an interesting little book.

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Venice, Auurta, and the Turka in the Seventeenth Omiury

bigotry, the Turks In A renewal of Islamic fanaticism, and neither peojAe
could keep abreast of the technological innovations which had been
altering European society from at least the mid-sixteenth century.

The Ottoman government had made peace with Venice in 1573 and
wtth the Hapsbuiigff and Poland In 1577. With peace on the European
front the Turks embaifced on some twelve years of costly, exhausting
warfare with Persia (1578-1590), from which the Porte appeared to
emerge victorious, having established a semblance of authority over
Kurdistan, Georgia, Azerbaijan, Shirvan, and Dagestan. The young Ab-
bas, later known as "the Great," who had become the sophi or shah of
Persia in 1587, had no alternative but to accept the unfavorable peace of
1590, which seemed likely to assure the Porte a widespread political and
economic dominance west and south of the Caspian Sea. The Porte,
however, had paid a heavy price for the Turks' apparent success.

Despite the alle^ peace which had existed between Austria and the
Porte since the time of Rudolf IPs accession to the Imperial throne (in
1576), the Turks had made frequent raids into the emperor's kingdom of
Hungary. In 1590 not only did the Persian war come to an end, but the
Porte again made peace with Poland. An abundance of soldiery now
became available, and the Turks were short of funds. Warfare would
employ the troops, for whom plunder might help take the place of wages.
In June 1592 the Turks seized the imperial town of Blha6 (Wlhltsch) on
the Una river In southern Croatia to the distress of Gement VIII, who
had recently been elected pope. Clement now proposed, as his predeces-
sors had often done, a league against the Turks. From Bihac the Turks
might move north to Ljubljana and thence into Friuli, but the Venetian
Signoria could not be moved to join an anti-Turkish league, which would
of course disrupt the Levantine trade.

According to a contemporary "warhaiftlge newe Zeitung aus Ungem,
Graits und Wlen," the Tuiks killed five thousand Christians and carried
off eight hundred children when they captured Bihac. From July
through October 1 502 the raids of Hassan Pasha of Bosnia into the areas
of Neuhiiuscl (No\'c Zamky) in Bohemia, Karlstadt (Karlovac) in Croatia,
and Raab (Gyor) in Hungary are said to have netted the Turks 35,000
captives."

From the time of the Turkish capture of the town of Bilia6 (Wihltsch)
In 1592 until the end of the Long War (in 1606) Journalists and pamphle-
teers, preachers and propagandists kept Europe well informed with a
deluge of Zeitungen, BeachreU^ungen, awM, ragguogli, orottonea, and

** Carl GSIiner, ed., Tyrctca: Die europdtachen Tarkendruche dee XVI. Jahrhunderta,

11 (Bucharest and Baden-Baden. 1968). no. 189.S. p. 470. and tii. CoL State Pttpere . . . ,
Venice, IX (1897, repr. 1970), nos. 197. 209, pp. 96, 101.
" GflOner. nircica, II, no. 1896, p. 471.

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The Long War, the Bohemian Succession, the Thirty Years' War

various other publications. They rolled off the presses in Nuremberg,
Leipzig, Graz, Prague, Dresden, Freiburg, Vienna, Frankfurt am Main,
Paris, London, Rome. Florence, Verona, and elsewhere. Hundreds were
published, recalling the anti-Turkish exploits of Scanderbeg, Martin
Luther's Biichlein vom Krieg wider den Tiircken, the Christian victory
at "Strigonia" (Gran, Esztergom), *ia d^faite des Turcs en Allemagne
devant la ville de Sissik, le 22 de luin dernier, 1593," and so on year after
year. Sisak (Sziszek) is in northern Croatia on the river Sava, and it was
quite true tliat Hassan Paslia had been defeated at Sisak, then Hungarian
Sziszek.'^

The rejoicing did not last long, however, for the Turks took the town of
Sisak in late August (1593), as other Zeitun^en sadly relate. Every
Christian or Turkish victory or defeat became the subject of a pamphlet
or a "newspaper.** These remain among the chief sources for the military
exploits and tragedies of the time.^^ As with all newspapers, however,
one would be ill-advised to believe all the details they recount, but in
alignment with other sources they help make clear the extent to which
the last decades of the sixteenth century were a period of turmoil and
confusion.

Most generalizations concerning Ottoman society, perhaps concern-
ing any society, tend to break down under the weight of factual data. The
historical record makes clear, however, that with the advent of the seven-
teenth century the Tuiiis' expansion into Hungary and the western Bal-
kans, and eastward into Persia, had reached the limits of their capacity
for conquest. As castles were built and towns were fortified, especially in
the West, and the countryside was plundered from year to year, Turkish
campaigning became more difficult and less profitable.

On the whole large armies did not remain in the field during the cold
season. Winter quarters were unpopular. Most Turkish expeditions
started from Istanbul-Edime, and the campaigning season was largely
finished by the time the army had reached Hapsburg Hungary or Persia.
As for the Turicish ventures into Hungary, a look at the map is deceptive.
In medieval and eariy modem times the Danube was a poor passageway.

Cf. Liidwi^ von I'astor, Ocsch. d. I'tipste, 16 vols, in 22, Freiburg im 13reisgau, 1926—
33, IX (1927). 200 and, ihid., note 9; (Jul. State Papers .... Venice, IX (1897, repr.
1970), nos. 181. 187, 197. pp. 78ff.; and for the contemporary Zcituuficu. /hizcifiunficn,
"chronicles." propaganda, etc., see Karl Vocelka. Die politischc I'ropu^undu Kaiser Ru-
dolfs II. (1570-1612), Vienna: Ostcrreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1981. esp.
pp. 219ff. On the historical baclt^ound, note J.V. PoHiensliy, "Bohemia, the Turk and the
Christian Commonwealth (1462-1620)," Hyzantinoslavica, XIV (Prague, 1953), 82-
108, esp. pp. 96ff.

Gollner, Turcica, II, nos. 1897-2463, pp. 471-729, ha.s collected the Zeitungen, etc.,
which appeared from 1593 until the year 1600. They were published in Latin, German,
C/ceh, Italian, Dutch, French. Kngllsh. On the Turkish occupation of Sisak, cf. Cat. State
Papers .... Venice, IX, no. 228, p. 111. Vocelka's Politische Propaganda covers the
entire period of Rudolf IPs reign.

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Venice, Austria, and the Turka in the Seventeenth Century

Trade was confined to narrow limits. Navigation was always difficult.
Downstream traffic was impeded by political and ethnic hostilities, forti-
fied outposts, watcrmills, and banditry. Bandits did not interfere with
Ottoman armies, but upstream traffic was hard going. Despite strenuous
effort it usually took some twelve weeks to get from Istanbul-Edirne to
Buda[pest]. Expeditionary forces usually encountered heavy rains, swol-
len rivers, flooded plains, broken bridges, and washed-out roads, as they
moved in and out of the Danube valley.

As the western frontiers became more heavily fortified and the impe-
rialist forces better equipped to deal with the Turks, the sultan's soldiery
garnered less plunder. His troops required more pay and had become
less disciplined, especially the janissaries — the central corps of the Ot-
toman armament — who were beginning two full centuries of rapine, rob-
bery, and revolt. The sipahis, the rank and file of the cavalry, were no
better behaved. The unruly troops brought about the downfall and death
of many a grand vizir. Even the sultan was not safe in Istanbul. But as Sir
John Pinch, the English ambassador to the Porte in the later seventeenth
century, once observed, "the Turkc cannot 1 ive without a warr." * And
so the Turks went to war with Austria and the Hapsburg hereditary states
in the summer of 1593, beginning the "Long War,"'^ which was to last
until 1606. The war cast a long shadow. Judgments were made, and
stands were taken, that would last a century and more.

Meanwhile, as Matteo Zane, the Venetian bailie in Istanbul (1591-
1593), wrote the doge and Senate (on 24 July 1593), "Many here think
that the Sultan's anxiety for war is caused by the dread of a rising among
the troops which have just come home from the Persian war." When the
English ambassador in Istanbul, Edward Barton, delivered letters from
Queen Elizabeth to the Porte, recommending the preservation of peace
between the Holy Roman Empire and the Turks, and requesting fulfill-
ment of "the engagements repeatedly made to her of attacking Spain and
assisting her in the [English] war [with Spain]. . . he caused the grand
vizir Sinan Pasha no end of agitation. Elizabeth had written that "to
begin a war was in the hands of princes, its successful conclusion was in
the hands of God." Barton noted "that the world did not hold the Imperi-
alists responsible for what had happened in Bosnia, while the Queen
always hoped that war would be made upon Spain, and to move in so
many directions was not advisable."

Having heard this,

the Pasha flew into a rage, and declared that the forces of the Sultan were so
numerous that he was equal to facing the whole world; and this war would not

" G. P. Abbott, Under the Turk in Constantinople, London, 1920, p. 281.
" Cf. Cat. State Papers. . . . Venice. IX (1897, repr. 1970), nos. 159, 164-65, 176-77,
180, 187, 189, 190-91, 197-98, 211, 213. pp. 70ff.

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The Long War, the Bohemian Succession, the Thirty Yeara' War

end in Hungary, but would spread to Vienna, and he himaelf would not be satis*

fied till he had levelled the walls of Rome. In order to prove that this war was just,
he declared that the Imperialists had seized on a place in Croatia where they
were exhorted to turn the mosques into taverns and pigsties; the Turks were not
going to war for an increaae of territory nor of subjects, for of these diey had
enough, but in obedience to their laws; and even if they did not win, it was a
great good fortune to die as martyrs, but victory was certain. He added that if the
Emperor ehose to surrender all his possessions in Hungary, it would then be
possible to treat of peace, and to allow him to enjoy the rest in quiet; but if he
were to offer thirty tributes, he would find a deaf ear turned to his proposala. The
Pasha boasted that in fifteen days he had collected and deapalohed a very power*
ful army, a feat no one else could have accomplished. As to the King of Spain, the
Pasha announced that war by sea would be declared. That this had not been
done before was due to the operations in Persia.*^

Clement VIII*8 response to the Turks' aggression was certainly
prompt. He dispatched missions to the Emperor Rudolf II, Philip II of

Spain, and other princes. At the beginning of the year 1 594 Clement sent
Aleksandnr Komulovic, rector of the Yugoslav church of S. Girolamo in
Rome and abbot of Nona, on a prolonged embassy into central and east-
ern Europe. Komulovic went by way of Venice, Trent, Innsbruck, and
Vienna to Alba lulia (Weissenburg, Gyulafehervar), the capital of Tran-
sylvania. His purpose was to try to persuade the prince of Transylvania,
the voivodes of Moldavia and Wallachia, the king of Poland, and the tsar
of Muscovy to join a western alliance against the Turks.

Komulovic was also to try to enlist the aid of the Zaporozhian Cossacks
against the Turks. The Cossacks could be useful. Theoretically subject to
Poland, they made frequent raids into Turkish territory and into the
Tatar Khanate of the Crimea, which was subject to the Porte. Further-
more, Komulovic was to appeal to the Serbs to free themselves of the
Turlts. In the spring or summer of 1597, after a long and arduous itiner-
ary, Komulovi6 set out on his return journey, stopping at Prague, where
he suggested to the Emperor Rudolf II the recovery fnm the Turks of the
border fortress of Klis (Clissa) in southern Croatia, which the adventur*
ous Uskolts had occupied for a brief while alM>ut a year before.*^

Cut. State rupcrs .... Venice, IX, no. 190, pp. 83-84.
" Cf. I'astor, Geschichte der I'dpste. XI (1927). 202-4, 210; Peter BartI, " Marolare
veiBO GostanUnopoli:' Zur Turkenpolitili Klemens' VIM ," Saeculum, XX (1969), 47-49,
repeated with corrections in Bartl's monograph on Der Weatbalkan zvoinchen Hptinischer
Monarchic und osmanisvhem Reich: Zur Tiirkenkriegsproblematik an der Wende vom
16. zum 17. Jahrhundcrt, Wiesbaden, 1974, pp. 47-50. According to the papal nuncio in
Venice, Komulovic had sewed up his Insuiictions and letters In a ovshion which be Inad-
vertendy left behind upon hit departure from die city. When discovered, they were turned
over to the Signoria. While In Venice, Komulovic stayed with the well-known Albanian
Tommaso Feiessa, who is said to have claimed that Komulovio was equipped with false
•eab and tatters (<UdL, pp. 47, 1 19), the significance of which seenn to be unclear.

Venice, Austria, and tiie Turks in the Seventeenth Century

The war started badly for the imperialists. On 2 October 1594, owing
to the apparent incompetence of the Austrian commander Ferdinand
von Hardegg, the Turks (much assisted by the Crimean Tatars) occupied
the heavily fortiHed town of Raab (Gyor) in northern Hungary at the
confluence of the river Raab and the Danube. It was a case of "the
sleeping Germans against the wakeful Turks" {die achlaffende Teut-
8chen wider die wachende TtZrcfcen).** The latter failed, however, to
take Komamo in October,'' and that ended the year's campaign. Shock-
ing as the loss of Raab (or rather Gydr) was to both Austria and the Holy
See. the Turks were to lose the fortress town four years later.

Before the Turks could resume their offensive in 1595, an alliance was
formed between Rudolf 11 and Sigismund Bathory, the prince of Transyl-
vania. The voivodes Michael the Brave of Wallachia and Aaron of Molda-
via also threw in their lot with the imperialists, and began to take action
against the Turics.^ Their adherence to the imperialist cause was seri-
ous, for Wallachia and Moldavia were the breadbaskets of Istanbul. The
Turks put in their claim for grain, and shipped it to the Bosporus from
Galati, Braila, and Silistra. Most inopportunely for the Ottoman govern-
ment and its army Sultan Murad III died in mid January 1595, and it was
some months before Turkish troops could take the field. On 1 July,
however, an imperial army under the able Count Karl von Mansfeld laid
siege to the great fortress city of Gran (Esztergom), the birthplace of S.
Stephen (d. 1038), the **apostolic king** of Hungary. On 4 August, von
Mansfeld defeated a Turkish relief force of (it is said) 20,000
men. Shortly thereafter von Mansfeld died, an irreparable loss to the
Christian cause.

In late August the imperialist army was reinforced l)y several thousand
papal auxiliary troops under the command of Clement Vlll's nephew
Gian Francesco Aldobrandini. Other Italian troops under their own com-
manders, among whom was Duke Vincenzo I Gonzaga of Mantua, also
Joined in the siege, helping to bring about the Tuiidsh surrender of Gran

On the early history of the Zaporozhlan or Dnieper Cossacks (as opposed to the Don

Cossacks), note W.E.I). Allen. The I'kruinc: A History. Cambridge, 1940. pp. 72-79. 120-
23; Uunter Stokl, Die Entstehung ties Kosukencums, Munich, 1953, pp. 157ff.
(Ver5ffendichan|en des Osteuropa-lnstitutes, Mflnohen, III), and CM. Kortepeter, Otto-
man ImperUdism during the Reformation: Europe and the Caucaaua, New York and
Liondon, 1972, pp. 16, 32-33. et alibi.

*"G«lhMr, Turcica, II (1968). nos. 1948, 2003, 2075, pp. 494, 519, 554-55. Today, as
one enters the city of Gyor from Papa, one first encounters a massive public-housing
development, and thereafter finds little or no trace of the Turks except for a so-called
Turkish house and the site of an alleged Turkish fountain or bath.

'"Cf. Gollner. rurcica. II, nos. 1967, 2002, 2010. 2012. pp. 504, 519, 522. 523.

^ As usual the Venetian bailie in Istanbul kept the Signoria well informed, for which
note Cal. State Papcra .... V'cnfce. IX, nos. 317. 319, pp. 147ff., where "Bogdania"
means Moldavia, and see in general Walter Leitsch, "Rudolf II und Sudosceuropa, 1593-
1606," Boat European Quarterly, VI-3 (1972), 301-20, esp. 307ff.

The Long War, the Bohemian Succession, the Thirty Years' War

on 2 September.^^ Thereafter Aldobrandini succeeded in taking nearby
Visegrad from the Turks. The Christian recovery of Gran was hailed as a
miraculous victory; considerinj^ the topography and fortifications of the
city, it certainly seemed so. The Turks had held Gran for more than half a
century, having taken it on 9 August 1543, when they were alleged to
have killed everyone they found within the walls.^^

Although the imperialists recovered a few towns in Croatia, the Chris-
tian campaign of 1595 was over. The imperialists sought refuge in their
winter encampments. The papal forces and their allies were recalled to
Italy. Clement Vlll's subsidies to the Hapsburgs and to the campaign had
cost the Holy See some 600, 000 scudi during the years 1594-1595." In
retrospect contemporaries may not have regarded it as quite worth the
effort and the cost, for the Turks soon recovered Gran (in 1605), and
held it until late October 1683 when, after the failure of the Turks before
Vienna, they were forced to surrender the city to the imperialist com-
mander Charles V of Lorraine and John III Sobieski of Poland.^''

Although Sigismund Bathory of Transylvania, in union with Michael
the Brave of Wallachia, achieved some measure of success against the
Turks, their efforts were undone by the great Ottoman campaign of
1596. The imj^erialist commander, the Archduke Maximilian, also began
with some measure of success, seizing and sacking the town of Hatvan in
northern Hungary. His undisciplined troops slaughtered the inhabitants
in early September (1596).^ As the Turkish army approached Szeged, at
the juncture of the Theiss (Tisza) and Maros (Mure$) rivers, Maximilian
retreated westward to Gran (Esztergom). The Turks then proceeded
northward up the valley of the Theiss to Erlau (Eger), which they had
failed to take in September and October 1552 in a dramatic and indeed
famous siege.

This time the Turks did take possession of Erlau (Eger, Agria) on 12
October 1596, after a siege of three weeks, the Archduke Maximilian
having arrived on the scene too late to relieve the city. As a result of the

(Millner. Turvicti. II, nos 3076, 2()S2-8 l, 2091-')2. 2096-98, 2106. 2111,21 14-15.
ct alibi, pp. 555ff. On the career of Karl von Mansfeld, note the AUgemeine Deutsche
Biographie, XX (1884. repr. 1970). 234-35.
" Cf K.M. Setton, The Papacy and the Levant, 1204-1571, III, 472 note. 479, and cf.

vol. IV, 697ii.

".I.W. Zinkeisen (180.1-1863). (leschichte des nsmanischen Retches in Enropa, 7
vols,, Goth.i. 18.S7-63, III, 585-602; N. .lorfia, Gesch. d. nsnumischeii Reichcs. 5 vols.,
Gotha. 1908-13, III, 295-315; Pastor, Gesc/i. (/. I'dpste, XI (1927). 198-214, and Hist.
I'opt's, XXIII, 265-88; P. Bartl. "Marciare verso Costantinopoli." Saecultim, XX (1969),
55; CM. Kortcpetcr. Ottoman Itnpcrialism during the Re/ortnation, pp. 1,16-47.

^* Thomas M. Harkor, Douhle Enfile and ('rescerit: Vietitia's Second Tiirkish Sic0c and
its Historical Scttinf*. Alhany. N.Y., 1967, pp. 356-60, and see below, pp. 271, 276, 364.

" (Ji)llner. Turcica, II. nos. 2221. 2234. 2238. 2240. pp. 621, 627, 628, 629-30, et alibi.
Setton. IV, 585.

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Venice, Austria, and the Turks in the Seventeenth Century

advent of Sigismund Bathory with reinforcements, however, Maximilian
decided to meet the Turks head-on. The hard-fought battle began near
the httle town of Mezokeresztes, to the southeast of Erlau, on 23 Oc-
tober, lasted for three days with Herce, intermittent encounters, and
ended in disaster for the Christian allies on the long-lamented 26th of
October. Once more the Crimean Tatars had rendered their Ottoman
overiords an inestimable service on the battlefield. Sigismund Badiory*8
forces suffered heavy losses at Mezdkeresztes.^

The strength of the Turkish movement westward was a threat not only
to Austria and the hereditary lands of the Hapsburgs but also to Italy.
Ever since the fall of Constantinople it had been said from time to time
(and was now being said again) that, as the successors of Gonstantine
and the Byzantine emperors, the sultans claimed Italy as their rightful
possession. The Curia Romana was well aware of the alleged Ottoman
ambition. Qement VIII sought throughout his reign to do as Pius V had
done before him, to create an effective Holy League against the Turlcs,
but his appeals to Spain were hardly productive and those to Venice
quite futile. In fact the Venetians professed to believe that the formation
of a Holy League would only lead the Turks to increased effort and a
heavier armament while, league or no league, the Christian states would
remain disunited and weak. The Venetian outposts of Corfu, Zara, and
Cattaro as well as Candia, Cerigo, and Zante were Christian bulwarks
against the westward advance of the Turics whether through the south-
em Balkans or via the Mediterranean.

In November 1595 the historian Paolo Paruta returned to Venice from
Rome, where he had ser\'ed the Signoria for thirty-eight months as am-
bassador to the Holy See. He lies buried today in the church of the S.
Spirito on the Zattere. Paruta apparently made his report to the doge and
Senate after February 1596. He provides us, as he did the doge and
Senate, with a remarkably complete and discerning summary of the sta-
tus quo of the Holy See during the reign of Clement VIII. Speaking of the
formation of leagues among the Christian princes in times past, Paruta
noted that alliance with the papacy was of the greatest importance, not
for the popes' temporal powers, "although these are also of some impor-
tance," but for the papal capacity to gain adherents to an alliance, to
give it repute and emphasize its justice and legitimacy. This had been
very much the case **in the enterprises undertaken against the infideb,"
for the crusade had been the pontiff's especial responsibility as the head
of Christendom.

" Gollncr. Ttirvicu, II, nos. 2221a. 2227. 2242. 2307. pp. 621-22. 624. 630-31, 662,
and on the h.itcic of MeiSkeresztes, note Calendar of State Papers .... Venice, IX. no.
524, pp. 247-48, a report of Marco Venier, Venetian bailie in Istanbul to the do^e and
Senate, dated 24 December, 1596.

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The Long War, the Bohemian Succession, the Thirty Years' War

In the days of yore, "when the zeal for religion was greater/' the
influence of the papacy had been enough to put great armies into the
field "contra Saraceni e altri infedeli." Yes, even in recent times the
Republic had itself been obliged to have recourse to the Holy See "nelle
guerre contra Turchi." Paul III had taken the lead in putting together the
Holy League of 1537, and Pius V in that of 1570. But the popes had not
always acted with justice. They had sometimes employed their spiritual
weapons to achieve temporal objectives, like Julius II in the war of the
League of Cambrai, which had been directed against Venice. Prudent
princes, says Paruta, had taken care to maintain the "friendship and
grace" of the popes, often condoning "grandissime imperfezioni" to be
found in many of those who had attained the pontificate. Paruta was far
more aware of the imperfections of the popes than those of his self-seek-
ing fellow countrymen who always turned to the Holy See and the Chris-
tian princes, pleading for help against Turkish attacks (which the papacy
always provided), but never rendering others aid when they were at-
tacked. Such was the situation as Paruta addressed the Senate. Clement
VI 11 was pouring vast sums into the imperialist efforts against the Turks.
The Venetians were doing nothing.

Weaving in and out of occasional references to the Turks, Paruta felt
no need to justify to the doge and Senate their decision not to come to
the assistance of the Emperor Rudolf II. Clement did not think highly of
the emperor, who fell below the level of his lineage, and whose idleness
made him unequal to his great responsibility.^* For the Swedish king of
Poland, Sigismund III Vasa (1587-1632), however, Clement had the
highest admiration, seeing in him a prince of the utmost virtue, com-
mending especially his zealous advocacy of the Catholic religion, which
was in fact to help cut short his possession of the kingdom of Sweden
(1592-1599).

Clement was pleased with Sigismund's anti-Turkish promises and
plans. When the king failed to do something or tried to do it too late, the
pope would blame it on the disagreements of "the barons of the realm,"

on the weakness of the king in Poland, and on his lack of money. To assist
Sigismund in his anti-Turkish designs and to encourage him, Clement
had often urged the Venetian Signoria to unite with the Holy See to help
provide the necessary funds. Sigismund had promised to take up arms
against the Turks "con potenti forze** for a subvention of 400,000 scudi a
year. Clement had not been pressing the matter of late, according to
Paruta, but he had not given up the idea.

I'aolo Paruta. "Relazione di Roma," in Riiftcnio Albdrl, ed., Le Relazioni dc^li arnhn-
sciutori veneli til Senato durante il secnlo decimosesto, X (ser. II, torn. IV, Florence.
1857), 359, 365-66, 424-25: . . e [rimperatorej sia amatore dcirozio e della quiete
troppo piu di cio che a chi sostiene que! ^rado di dignita e alia qualita di qucsti tempi sarin
conveniente" (p. 424). On Paolo Paruta, note Paolo Preto, Venezia e i Turchi, Florence,
1975, pp. 302-13.

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Venice, Atistria, and the Turks in the Seventeenth Century

Clement was also full of praise for Sigismund Bathory, prince of Tran-
sylvania: lo lauda di hontd, di religione, di prudenza civile, e di valor
militare. As the doge and Senate were well aware, Clement hoped that
one day the Signoria would finally agree, especially when the affairs of
the imperialists were changing for the better, "to unite in a league with
them and with other Christian princes against the Turks." He had often
regaled Paruta with word of the disorders in the Turkish government and
in the armed forces, which were the consequence of the effeminate na-
ture of the last two sultans, "dati in preda aH'ozio e alle delizie." Dwell-
ing constantly upon the assumed weakness of the Ottoman state, Clem-
ent was inclined in Faruta's opinion to exaggerate certain recent defeats
which the imperialists and the prince of Transylvania had inflicted on the
Turks.^ However that might be, it was quite clear that Clement VIII was
as dedicated as Pius V had been to the idea of a great Christian offensive
against the Turks.

Little was achieved by the Christian campaign of 1597, to which
Clement VIII again contributed an auxiliary force under his nephew
Gian Francesco Aldobrandini. The allied army was assembled toward the
end of July at Hungarian Altenburg (present-day Mosonmagyarovar),
some twenty miles northwest of Raab (Gyor) in northwestern Hungary.
On 20 August the Christians occupied the town of Papa (between Raab
and Veszprem), failed to recover Raab from the Turics, managed to keep
an enemy force at bay, and closed another sorry year of warfare against
the hereditary enemy.

The spring of 1598 did bring the imperialists a striking success, how-
ever, for Adolf von Schwarzenberg and the Hungarian commander Nik-
las Palffy suddenly appeared before Raab on 28 March, and stormed the
fortress on the following day. The recovery of Raab was an event of the
greatest importance.^* The name of Schwarzenberg resounded through-
out Christendom, and Adolf was later knighted by the Emperor Rudolf II
at Prague (on 5 June 1599). There were some further conquests in the
imperialists' campaign of 1598, for after recapturing Raab they went on
to take Eisenstadt (Kismarton), Veszprem, and Varpalota. Pest, the
lower part of Buda (Ofen) on the left bank of the Danube, was occupied,
but the imperialists could not make their way into the upper city on the
right bank, which was the fortress. At that time Pest was of little strategic
importance.

In April 1599 Schwarzenberg tried again to gain the fortress of Buda
for the imperialists, but once more the effort was crowned with failure.

" Faruta, "Reiazione di Roma," pp. 431, 433, 435, 436-37.
Cf. Gdllner, Turcica, II, no. 2322, p. 668. In 1597 the Christians also took the fortress

of Totis (Tet) in Hungary {ibid., 11. nos. 2317-18, p. 666).

Gf. Gollner. Turcica, li, nos. 2340-41, 2346, 2349, 2351-54, 2358, 2361, 2365,
2368-74, pp. 676ff., et alibi.

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The Long War, the Bohemian Succession, the Thirty Years' War

The Turks had taken possession of Buda at the beginning of September

1541 and they were to hold it until Charles V of Lorraine reconquered
it. along with Pest, in 1686. In the meantime Schwarzenberg also failed
in 1599 in an attempt to take Stuhlweissenburg (Alha Regia,
Szekesfehervar), the coronation site of the kings of Hungary. Clement
VIII had provided the imperialists with huge subventions to assist them
In dieir struggle against the Turics. He was, therefore, much distressed to
learn of their attempts to negotiate peace with the Porte. Indeed, ao-
ooiding to Giovanni (Zuan) Doliin, who had succeeded Paolo Panita as
the Venetian ambassador to the Holy See, Clement had, as of the latter
part of 1598, "twice sent his nephew [Gian Francesco Aldobrandini] into
Hungary with a large number of infantry and cavalry at a cost of more
than 1,500,000 gold (scudi]. He has also helped the Transylvanian with
money, and has wanted to give the Poles a great sum of gold Co unite
them to the others.'*^

Paruta has informed us that at this time the revenues of the Holy See,
all told (leemrate. . .<nttttto/rao66fiigatee/ibere), amounted to about
1,600,000 scudi. Of this sum actually only 570,000 scudi were available
for expenditure, for the remaining 1,030,000 scudi were spent in ad-
vance or otherwise already committed."*'* It is small wonder, therefore,
that Clement should have been disturbed by what he learned of the
imperialists' efforts to negotiate a peace with the Porte. The interme-
diary was Qad Oiray, the khan oi the Crimean Tatais, one of the notaUe
figures in the histoiy of the years before and after 1600. The imperialists
suggested that they would exchange Gran (Esztergom) for Turkish*hdd
Brian (Eger). Sultan Mehmed HI rejected the proposal. The Porte never
gave up territory won by the sword.

In the meantime Sigismund Bathory's great hopes of a united Chris-
tian offensive against the Turks having come to nothing, the melancholic
prince gave up his sovereignty in May 1598, but resumed authority in
August of the same year. In March 1599, however, he abdicated again,
and was replaced as the ruler of Transylvania by his cousin. Cardinal
Andras Bathory. The latter was soon displaced by Michael "the Brave"
of Wallachia, who not only took over Transylvania late in the year 1599,
but succeeded in overrunning Moldavia in the spring of 1600. Michael
had captured the imagination and won the allegiance of the Vlachs (Ru-
manians) in the three principalities. He was carried along for a while by a
strong current of Rumanian nationalism, for there were many who hoped
that, when the Turitish yoke had been thrown off, the principalities
might be united under one regime as In the <rfd days of the Bysantine

» Gf. Setion, 111, 459.

-^^ Giovanni DoIHn, "Rclnzinnc di Roma (159R)," In AlMri, U RetoMkmi degA ombo-
sciatori veneti, X (ser. II, vol. IV, 1857). 453-54.
** Parma. "Relaiioiie dl Roma.*' UrUL, p. 406.

Venice, Awtria, and the Turks in the Seventeenth Century

empire, which of course the Turks had destroyed. After all, Michael's
predecessor in Moldavia, Jacobus Heraclides, had ruled in 1561-1563
under the titles BaaiXevs MoXda^ias and defensor libertatis patriae. Al-
though the Rumanian princely families had become attached to Catholi-
cism, the Protestants in the principalities were often in close touch with
the Greek patriarchate in Istanbul, and the lure of anti-Turkish Ortho-
doxy apparently helped Michael along his hazardous course. Minor in-
surrections against the Porte were breaking out in many areas through-
out the Balkans. Michael the Brave was becoming a legend in his own
day, and untold numbers of villagers were eager to see him march on to
Byzantium and rule there as the basileus."^^

Michael's ascendancy would prove short-lived, but it was distressing
to the imperialists, the Poles, and the Turks. Also distressing to the
imperialists was the news of the mutiny of the emperor's troops at Papa
in late July 1600. The soldiers were prepared to surrender the town to
the Turics. When Adolf von Schwarzenberg tried to bring them back to
obedience, he was killed by a musket shot (on 29 July). And his death
was not the only serious loss which the imperialists suffered in the
gloomy year 1600.

On 20 October of that gloomy year the Turks took the fortress town of
Nagykanizsa less than twenty miles from the frontier of the Austrian
duchy of Styria. The loss caused consternation at the imperial court and
at the Holy See. Clement VIII decided that he must send an armed force
into embattled Hungary for the third time, and he did so, once more
under his nephew Gian Francesco Aldobrandini, who died of illness on
the campaign, and was later buried in the church of S. Maria sopra Mi-
nerva in Rome.

The unpredictable Sigismund Bathory was restored to his former do-
minion by the Transylvanian diet in January 1601, and in the following
month with Ottoman aid he embarked upon an apparently successful
military expedition from Turkish-held Temesvar (Timi$oara).^ Fighting
now against the Hapsburgs to achieve some measure of independence in
Transylvania, Sigismund's success would not last long. His change of
sides was discouraging to Clement VIll and the Curia Romana, but on 5
April 1601 there suddenly appeared in Rome an embassy from Abbas I,
the shah of Persia.

The envoys were Hussein Ali Beg and the English adventurer Sir An-
thony Shirley; they had already been to Moscow, Prague, and various

Cf. the interesting article by Andrei Pippidi, "Resurrection de Byzance ou unite poli-
tique roumaine? L'Option de Michel Ic Brave," in Hommes et idees du Sud-Est europeen
tl I'dube de I'dge modeme, Bucharest, 1980, pp. 53-65. Michael the Brave received much
attention in the contemporary Zcitiin^en.

Temesvar (Timi§oara) was taken by the Turks in 1552 (Setton, IV, 584). They held the
city until it was recovered in 1716 by Eugene of Savoy.

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The Loni War, the Bohemian Succession, the Thirty Years' War 1 7

German courts. They brought the pope a letter from the shah, in which
the latter announced his intention of going to war against the Turks
(which he did a year later). Abbas had granted the Christians freedom of
trade and religion in his realm to the great pleasure of Clement, who
replied to the shah's embassy by a letter dated 2 May (1601), urging him
to take up arms against the Turks and assuring him of the continuance of
papal and imperial efforts against the Porte.'^

Michael of Wallachia had already been ousted from Moldavia by the
Poles, and defeated in Transylvania by the imperialists. Both the Poles
and the Turks moved into Wallachia; they avoided conflict with each
other, and Michael avoided them both. Reestablishing his accord with
the imperial court at Prague, Michael joined forces with the emperor's
general Giorgio Basta to drive Sigismund Bathory from Transylvania.
When Michael sought to play off the Tuiks against the imperialists, how-
ever, his "treachery** was discovered, and he was put to death by Basta
in mid- August 1601.

The Austro-Turkish war was indeed the "Long War," a costly business.
Failure accompanied success. The Christians occupied Stuhlweissen-
burg (Szekesfehervar) in October (1601), and lost it back to the Turks in
late August of the following year. While the principalities were being
reduced to a shambles, the scene was becoming a bit less crowded.
Michael of Wallachia was gone. The political career of Sigismund
B&thory (d. 1613) ended after another briefly successful campaign eariy
in 1602 against the imperialist general Giorgio Basta. By mid-year, how-
ever, Basta had become the dominant figure in Transylvania, where he
soon began a vigorous drive against the Lutherans, Unitarians, and other
"heretics." The Calvinists were supposed to be spared for a while. They
were too numerous to deal with so quickly. In any event the elimination
of Sigismund Bathory and Michael of Wallachia seemed for a litde while
to reduce the confusion on the eastern fronts.

A policy of religious toleration in the kingdom of Hungary and in the
principality of Transylvania might possibly have added most of the
former state and much of the latter to the Hapsburg dominions. The
Christians were anti-Turkish, but the Turks were tolerant of the dispa-
rate faiths in Hungary and Transylvania, provided non-Moslems paid the
kharaj or poll-tax. The Hapsburgs, especially Rudolf II and the Arch-
duke Ferdinand of Styrla, were intolerant. Papal-imperial policy was
designed to restore Catholicism to its religious dominance both in the
kingdom and in the principality. In mid-July 1603 Giorgio Basta stamped
out local religious and ethnic opposition to Austrian-Catholic rule (or

" Pastor, Gesch. d. Ptipstc. XI (1927), 221-22; Peter BartI, "Marciare verso CostantJno-
poli," Sfiecuium, XX, SO, and Der Westbalkan zwischen spanischer Monarchie und
oemanischem Reich (1974), p. 51.

Venice, Austria, and the Turks in the Seventeenth Century

tried to do so) at Kronstadt (Brasso, Bra§ov) in the foothills of the Tran-
sylvanian Alps, the chief center of the Lutheran Saxons in the harassed
principality. Such harshness was bound to cause trouble. With regard to
liberty of conscience, however, it must be admitted that the Protestants
were hardly more tolerant than the Catholics. The Curia Romana and the
Hapsburg court feared that granting religious freedom in areas in Hun-
gary and Transylvania (as in Germany), where the Protestants were in a
majority, would lead to the Protestants' taking over Catholic bishoprics,
monasteries, property, and jurisdiction (in violation of the religious
peace of Augsburg), as in fact they had often done.

The Emperor Rudolf 11 was somewhat deranged, and his archducal
brothers incompetent; the reason and restraint of the Austrian-Haps-
burg past were gone. Basta sought to uproot Protestantism in Transyl-
vania. Calvinist Magyars, Szeklers, Vlach-Rumanians, and even
Lutheran Saxons were subjected to reckless slaughter and unbridled
pillage, religious oppression, and the confiscation of property. Years of
warfare, added to Basta's ruthless regime, produced the almost inevita-
ble famine and plague in Transylvania. It is thus not strange that despite
the successes of Abbas, the shah of Persia, and the sudden death of
Sultan Mehmed 111 (on 22 December 160v3),''*' the imperialists made no
progress against the Turks. A spirit of nationalism, a desire for religious
freedom, and antagonism to the Hapsburgs — hardly new sentiments in
Hungary and Transylvania — pervaded the kingdom and the principality.
Rudolf IPs policy set the course for a century, and eastern Hungary and
Transylvania would not be free of the Turks until the treaty of Karlowitz
in 1699.

From the military maelstrom in Hungary and Transylvania two nobles
emerged in the year 1604, both Calvinists who had been loyal to the
Hapsburgs, Stephen Booskay and his chief supporter Gabriel (G&bor)
Bethlen. Bocskay was a relative of Sigismund Bathory, whom he had
served, and like him (although Sigismund was always somewhat ambiva-
lent toward the Hapsburgs) Bocskay had become gravely disillusioned
by the harsh fatuity of imperial policy in the kingdom and in the princi-
pality. Before long Bocskay and Bethlen were at war with the Hapsburgs.
After enjoying a minor victory in the Held in mid-October (1604), Bocs-
kay's forces were twice defeated by Giorgio Basta the following month.
The Turks came immediately to Bocskay's assistance, and most of the
Haiduk mountaineers rallied to his cause. In Germany the Lutheran
princes had no intention of helping the Emperor Rudolf to obliterate
Protestantism in Hungary and Transylvania. In fact one form or another
of Protestantism made up the dominant faiths in Hungary and Transyl-

CaL State Papers . . . , Venice, X (1900, repr. 1970), nos. 173, 178, pp. 125, 127.

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The Long War, the Bohemian Succession, the Thirty Yean' War

vania, for Catholicism had suffered a marked decline throughout south-
eastern Europe during the later sixteenth century.''^

The Turkish sultan Ahmed I recognized Bocskay not only as prince of
Transylvania but also as king of Hungary. Bocskay declined the latter
title, but was enthroned with all due ceremony as prince of Transylvania
In the fortress town of Medgyes (Medias), to the east of Alba lulia, on 14
September 1605. Many a person present on that occasion must have
given thought to the violent death of Lodovico Gritti at Medgyes on a
September day some seventy years before (in 1534). The Venetian doge
Andrea's son, Gritti had been in his day one of the most powerful figures
at the Porte, and was said to have nurtured hopes of winning some such
position as Bocskay had now achieved.

As for the Venetians, they remained at peace with the Porte, and
continued to appoint their giovani delta <ingtm, as they had been doing
for long generations. Thus on 31 October 1609 the Senate granted the

petition of the young Battista Navon for the Turkish bursary. Battista's
father Pasquale and his brother Tommaso had served the Signoria faith-
fully as dragomans. The Turkish language ran in the Navon family. Being
a dragoman was a "carico laborioso e travaglioso;" he must be able to
read, write, and speak Turkish easily and accurately. The holder of the
bursary lived and was fed in the house of the bailie in Istanbul. There
were several such students at the bailaggio. Battista*s remuneration was
to be fifty ducats a year "et quelle regalie che sono solite darsi a gli altri
giovani della lingua."*®

Such students were almost always Venetian citizens by birth (citta-
dini originari). The Signoria's need of reliable and loyal interpreters is
obvious. The bailie had no other way to communicate with the sultan or
the grand vizir. The Gollegio had no other way of reading Turkish texts
when they were delivered to Venice. When the student had achieved the
required linguistic proficiency, he would be appointed to the secretarial
staff in Venice, and might eventually be sent as a translator to the Bos-
porus. When the Republic was at war with the Porte, however, obviously
such bursaries usually had to be suspended.**^

'^^ On Hungarian society, politics, and religion at the beginning of the seventeenth cen-
tury, see in general KSIman Benda, "Absolutismus und stSndischer Widerstand in Ungarn
am Anfang des 17. .I.ihrhunderts," Sudost Forschnuficn, XXXllI (1974), 85-124.

^ Archivio di Stato di Venezia (ASV), Senato Mar. Reg. 69 (1609-1610). fol. 15* 137*1.
doc. dated 31 October 1609.

^' Few .such appoiiitnicnts could be made during the Tureo-Vcnctian war for possession
of the island of Crete (1645-1669), but in 1668 one Giacomo Tarsia, giovene di lingua,
came to Larissa from Istanbul to serve the Venetian ambassador Alvise da Molin when the
latter was trying; to ne^tiatc some kind of peace with the Turks at Larissa, where Sultan
Mehmed IV had gone hunting (Diario della Speditione dell'ill. et ecc. signor Alvise da
MfAin . . . aUa Porta, MS. Marc. h. Vli, 1608 [7514], p. 47). When peace was made (in

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Venice, Auatrta, and the Turks in the Seventeenth Century

The Christian revolt aj(»ainst the llapsburgs in 1604 and the elevation
of Stephen Bocskay to princely sovereignty in Transylvania were a boon
to the Turks, who looked upon him as their vassal. Bocskay drove the
imperialists out of upper Hungary while Gabriel Bethlen, who was him-
self later to become prince of Transylvania (1613-1629), was gaining
control of the principality in Bocskay's name. The Poles were restraining
their ambitions in Transylvania and Moldavia because of the threatening
attitude of the Crimean Tatars and the increasing effectiveness of the
Turkish soldiery. The sultan's forces had been doing well in Hungary, in
alliance with Stephen Bocskay, and this despite the prolonged revolt of
the CeialTs in Asia Minor and the onset of another war with Persia to
which we have already referred. The war had begun in 1602-1603, and
would eventually lead to the Turics' losing their conquests in the Cauca-
sus. Meanwhile, however, although the Turks were said to be interested
in making peace in the spring of 1 605,^^ during the summer they went on
to recover Visegrad and Gran (Esztergom), which the Christians had
wrested from them ten years before.

The Christian losses brought fear and sadness to the Curia Romana,
but Clement VIII was spared the news, for he had died on 5 March, 1605.
He was succeeded for twenty-six days by Leo XI de* Medici, and thereaf-
ter by Gamillo Borghese, who took die name Paul V at his election on 16
May. Paul V*s difficulties with Venice are well known.^^ At times it
seemed almost as if the Long War would never draw to a close, but in
imperialist circles the fear was growing that when it did, it might also be
the end of Hapsburg hegemony in Hungary. Subject to mental disorders,
the Emperor Rudolf 11 was adding instability to incompetence. On 25
April 1606 the Archdukes Matthias, Maximilian, Ferdinand, Maximilian
Ernst, and later the Archduke Albrecht, '^brothers and paternal
cousins,** affirming Rudolf *8 inability to rule (ex quadam animi india-

1669) the Seniitc had to look a^ain to "la nccessaria provisione de' giovini di lingua" In
Istanbul (ASV, Delib. Cosuntinopli, Reg. 32. fol. 109' [ZOOF], doc. dated 27 December

1670) .

About this time Paul Rycaut, who distinguished himsdf n consul of the Levant Com-
pany at Smyrna, recommended the setting-up of "a seminary of young Englishmen of
sprightly and ingenious parts" to learn Turkish and certain other oriental languages (Sonia

I'. Anderson. An Eufilish Consul in Turkey: Paul Rycaut at Smyrna, 1667-1678, Oxford,
1989, pp. 108-9), but no English school of giovani di lingua was ever established.
" CaL State Papers .... Venfce. X (1900, repr. 1970), no. 350, p. 226, doc. dated 14

March 1605.

Ludwig von Pastor, Geschichte der Fdpste, XII (Freiburg im Breisgau, 1927), 82-93
and tt.i Oaetano Ond, 11 Dogie Ntcold Contarini: Ricerche sut patrMato venestono
inizi del Scicentn, Venice, Rf)me. 1958. pp. 93ff.; William J. Boiiwsma, Wnfcc and the
Defense of Republican Liberty: Renaissance Values in the Age of the Counter Re/orma-
tion, Beriteley and Los Angeles, 1968, pp. 339fr. In the Biblloteea Naskmale Marolana, MS.
It. VII. 1689 (7757). there is a heavy quarto volume of 370 fols., which contains a miscel-
lany of documents ranging from the years 1602-3 to 1617 relating to the background and
oonsequenoes of the interdict which Paul V laid upon Venice (on 17 April 1606), with the
most important texts coming from the years 1605-7.

The Long War, the Bohemian Succession, the Thirty Years' War

positione et infirmitate, quae sua periculosa intervalla habet), en-
trusted the fortunes of their house to Matthias, who was to exercise the
"power and authority" of the Empire.'*^

Thereafter on 23 June, after lengthy negotiations, Matthias accepted
the treaty of Vienna with Stephen Bocskay and the latter's Hungarian
adherents, granting a limited freedom of religion in the kingdom of Hun-
gary "without prejudice, however, to the Roman Catholic religion,"
which meant that the Catholic clergy and churches were to remain un-
disturbed. A palatine was to be chosen, "according to the ancient cus-
tom," at the next meeting of the Hungarian diet, and along with Hungar-
ian councilors the palatine was to recognize the Archduke Matthias, in
accordance with the plenipotentia granted him by the emperor, as the
supreme authority in the kingdom of Hungary. In the absence of
Matthias the palatine was to represent him "in negotiis regni." His impe-
rial and royal Majesty was indeed to possess (through Matthias) Hungary
and its annexes, i.e., Slavonia, Croatia, and Dalmatia, but all major and
minor offices in the realm were to be conferred upon Hungarians en-
tirely without religious discrimination. The rights and properties of
various Hungarian families were to be restored.

Stephen Bocskay was recognized as prince of Transylvania, being
given iure haereditario the castle {arx) of Tokaj and the counties of
Ugocsa, Beregh, and Szatmar, which were to revert to the Hungarian
crown, however, if he died without male heirs. Stephen Bocskay de-
clared that he had not accepted the crown offered to him by the Turkish
grand vizir [Lala Mehmed Pasha) "in derogation of the king and kingdom
of Hungary and of the ancient crown." And in accordance with their past
tradition the Transylvanians were to have the right to elect their own
princes/^ Rudolf contirmed the treaty on 6 August (1606), although he

**.f. Dumont, Corps universfl iliplomutique, V-2, no. XLiv, p. 68, "actum Viennae 25
die Aprilis, anno salutis humanae 1606."

Dumont, Corps universel diplomatique, V-2, no. xuv, pp. 68-72: "acta et oonclusa
sunt haec Viennae Austriae 23 die mensis lunii, anno 1606;" and see in general Jos. von
Hammer-I'iir^stall, Gesch. des nsnuiuischcii Reiches, IV (1829. rcpr. 196.1), 265-393,
trans. J. J. Hellert. VII (1837), 323-76. and Vill (1837), 1-108, who deals in large detail
with the years 1596-1606 from the Turkish standpoint; J.W. Zinkeisen, Oeach. d. osman-
ischen Reiches, III (1855), 604-17; N. .lorga, Gesch. d. osmanischen Reiches, III (1910),
319-43, with emphasis on the Turks and the Rumanians; Pastor, Gesch. d. Piipste, XI
(1927), 215-29, and Hist. Popes, XXIII, 289-310; CM. Kortepeter, Ottoman Imperi-
(dism during the Reforituitinii (1972), pp. 148-210; P. BartI, Der \Vestbalk(in zwischen
spanischer Monurchie und ostnanischem Reich (1974), who is concerned solely with the
years just before and after 1600; J.V. Polisensky, The Thirty Years' War, trans, from the
Czech by Robert Evans, Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1971, pp. 66-74. Although without
direct references to the sources, Polisensky's book is very useful. As one of the early
editors of the Documenta bohemica Bcllum TrUiennale iUustrantia (1971 ff.), PoliSenskf
was as well acquainted with the archival sources as with the secondary literature. It is not
surprising that, as a Czech, Polisensky should put a perhaps undue emphasis upon Bohe-
mia (Zlin as well as Prague) after the crucial years 1618-1620.

Venice, Autria, and the TurkM M tht Sevenuenth Century

protested secrete that he had acted under duress. His secret repudiation
of the peace was meaningless, for the settlement at Vienna took immedi-
ate effect, providinji^ the back^ound for another treaty which finally
ended the Austro-Turkish war.

After a few weeks of negotiation at "Zsitvatorok," the mouth of Zsitva
creek by the Danube, represenucives of the Empire and Che Porte
reached agreement on 1 1 November 1606, in/eato 8. Martini, to end the
Long War. The Emperor Rudolf confirmed the peace of Zsitvatorok on 9
December. According to the first article of the treaty, the sultan and the
emperor were to behave toward each other as father and son {unus in
patrern, alter vero in Jiliinn se suscipiimt), and were so to deal with the
ambassadors which the one sent to the other. In all texts and on all
occasions they were to refer to each other as emperor, not as king, which
was the first time the Porte appears to have recognized the emperor as
the equal of the padishah. Hie peace of Zsitvatorok, moreover, was the
first treaty made by the Porte outside Istanbul.

The Crimean Tatars were Induded In the treaty, and as long as the
peace lasted they were not to cause loss or damage to any Christian
lands. Peace was to obtain between the two imperatores everywhere, on
land and at sea, "especially in Hungary," and if the king of Spain should
wish to be included in the treaty, he was to be allowed to do so. There
were to be no more "raids" {excursiones), pirates and plunderers were
to be Imprisoned, and dealt with by local commanders; "and stolen
goods returned." Neither of the high contracting parties was to attack or
seise fortresses belonging to the other; "moreover, that which has been
granted to the most illustrious lord (Stephen] Bocskay is to remain his
according to the peace made at Vienna." I'risoners of war were to be
exchanged "on the basis of equality." Minor affairs were to be handled
locally, "but if other matters of great moment should come up, which
cannot be decided by local authorities, then the attention of each em-
peror may be required."

Fortresses might be rebuilt on their former sites (in suis antiquis
locis), but the treaty forbade the building of any new castra et castella.
The emperor was sending an envoy to Istanbul with gifts for the sultan.
The grand vizir Murad Pasha was to send an envoy to the Archduke
Matthias with gifts, "and when our envoys come to Constantinople for
the ratification of the peace, the emperor of the Turks should also send
an envoy to our city of Prague [Rudolf's residence] with greater gifts than
has been his custom." The imperial envoy would take to the Porte a gift
of 200,000 florins, as had been promised, which gift was never to be
repeated (semcl pro semper).

The peace was to last for twenty years, beginning on 1 January (1607).
Embassies were to be exchanged after three years with further gifts
without obligation, and they were to be called ^fts, l.e., not any form of

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The Long War, the Bohemian Succession, the Thirty Yearg' War

tribute. The peace was to endure for the said twenty years, binding the
heirs of both emperor and Sttltan to Its observance. Imperial envoys were
to be free to make whatever requests of the sultan that they might wish.
A dozen or so villages, which are specihed in the treaty, were to be free
of the "Turkish yoke." Hungarian nobles living in villages under Otto-
man control were to pay the Turks neither tribute nor tithes, but in ail
things, "whether as to their property or their persons," were to be free.
Those who paid nothing to Uieir legal sovereign were to pay nothing to
the Turks.** The Treaty of Zsitvatorok is a milestone in the history of
Ottoman relations not only with Austria but with the whole of Europe.

The success of the Kmperor Rudolf 11 and Duke Maximilian I of Ba-
varia in December 1607 in imposing Catholicism upon largely Protestant
Donauworth, a "free city" in Swabia, some twenty miles or more north-
west of Augsburg, led to a laige increase in the smouldering religious
unrest in Germany. The municipal council in Donauwdrth had refused to
allow freedom of worship to the Catholic minority in die town. Maximil-
ian seized Donauworth, reasserted Catholicism, and continued to hold
the town to the angry resentment of the Protestant princes.'*^ At the end
of April 1608 the Calvinist Elector Friedrich IV of the Palatinate and his
adherents withdrew in a huff from the Regensburger Reichstag, where a
vain effort had been made to restore and make adjustments in the old
religious peace of Augsburg of 1555. Immediately thereafter, in the
week of 12-16 May (1608) at Auhausen bei Ndrdlingen a number of
Protestant princes — the Elector Friedrich, Duke Johann Priedrioh of
Wiirttemberg, the Margrave .loachim Ernst of Brandenburg-Ansbach,
the Margrave Georg Friedrich of Baden-Durlach, together with Philipp
Ludwig, count palatine of Neuburg am Rhein, and Christian, the mar-
grave of Kulmbach — formed a union against the Catholic powers. It was
an ominous beginning, but there was more to come.**

In the spring of 1608 Matthias, the eldest of Rudolf's three surviving

Dumont, Corps universel diplomutique, V-2, no. XLViil, pp. 78-80, "datum in castris
infra Danubium et Pluvium Situa [Situa Torock) posltis, in festo S. Martini. A.I). Nf DCVI."
and cf. von Hammer-PurjHall, Gesch. d. osmaniachen Reiches, V (1829, repr. 1963),
393-96, trans. J.-J. Hellert, VIII (1837). 108-111, and Setton, The Papacy and the Le-
vant, IV (1984). 1097-98. with refs.
*^ Cf. Dumont, V-2, no. Lxxxiv, pp. 126-35.

* The confllets at Donaawfirth led to a series of events whldi soon produced the Bvan-

gclical Union of the Protestants and, par rcdction. the Catholic l>eagiic of the princely
adherents to the Church of Rome. The Capuchin father S. Lorenzo da Brindisi, having been
assailed with venomous insults by the Luthcnins of Donauworth (in the sprlnft of 1606),
launched against them the campaign, which soon brought about the inter\'ention of Rudolf
II and Maximilian of Bavaria, resulting in the Catholic dominance in Donauworth. on
which see Arturo da Carniignano, "La Part dc S. Lturent de Brindes dans le ban de Don-
auworth (1607)," Revue d'histoire eccleaiMtique, LVIIl-2 (1963), 460-86, and c(. Geof-
frey Parker et ai, The Thirty Years' War, London and Boston, 1984, pp. 22-24.

Venice, AtMria, and the Turk» in the Seventeenth Century

brothers, was prepared to take the field with Protestant help to give the
fullest effect to the Hapsburg archdukes' declaration (of 25 April 1606),
granting him the exercise of imperial sovereignty. Rudolf was now forced
by a series of pacts of June 1608 to yield to Matthias full authority in the
kingdom of Hungary, the archduchy of Austria, and the margraviate of
Moravia. If Rudolf died without male heirs, Matthias was to succeed him
as king of Bohemia. Furthermore, Rudolf was to propose on Matthias's
behalf at the next meeting of the Reichstag that funds be provided "pour
payer les gens de guerre qu'il fait entretenir sur les frontieres du Turo en
Hongrie." All the rights, liberties, and privileges of the Bohemian Estates
were to be preserved inviolably/'

The Protestants in Austria asserted their right to the free exercise of
the evangelical faith (on 30 August 1608),'^" and Rudolf conceded the
free exercitium religionis . . . sub utraque specie to their coreligionists
in Bohemia (in 1609).'^' By an edict dated at Prague on 11 July (1609)
Rudolf extended freedom of worship to the Silesians and Lusatlans.^

To halt his brother Matthias's rise in power, the most Catholic Em-
peror Rudolf was prepared to make almost any concession to the Protes-
tants to lure them away from Matthias. Rudolf was now giving more and
more time to alchemy, to which he had devoted his chief attention for
years." He was failing in health; his sanity was slipping away. He gave no
heed to Pope Paul V's persistent pleas to accept reconciliation with his
rebellious brother Matthias, and help secure the latter*s election as king
of the Romans to make sure that succession to the Empire would thus
remain within the house of Hapsburg. Matthias had managed to get him-
self elected king of Hungary, and was crowned on 19 November (1608),
to the ever-increasing exasperation of Rudolf, who had come to hate his
brother.

Indeed, to hold his own against Matthias, on 9 July 1609 Rudolf signed
the well-known "Letter of Majesty" {Majest&tabri^), and thereafter ac-
cepted a "Compromise** (Vergleich) between Catholics and Protestants,
extending the right to build churches and full freedom of worship (as we
have just noted) to a wide range of the inhabitants of Bohemia. To the
distress of the Curia Romana, Rudolf was soon obliged to address an-

iii

Dumont, Corps universel diplomatique, V-2, nos. LViii, uci, LXii, uciv, pp. 91-95.
*" Dmiiom, V-2, no. ixv, pp. 95-97.

" Ihid., V-2. no. lxvii. pp. 98-99, nnd cf. nos. lxxiii, lxxvii, pp. 111-13. 1 16-18.
Ibid., V-2, no. Lxxvi, pp. 1 15-16: ". . . ut inter omnes . . . Unn rab una quam sub
ucraqve speoie oomnranicances, his et futuris temporibus, pax et amioltla pro amplifi*

cando regno Isto |Bohemiae| conservctur, utraque pars relij^ionem suam. unde salutem
aeternam consequi sese posse spercnt, libere et absque nullo Impedimento exerceant.

" On Rudolf's interest in alchemy and the other "occult arts," see R.J.W. Evans, Rudolf
11 and His WorUL A Study in InteUectued History, Oxford, 197 J, pp. 196ff.

The Long War, the Bohemian Succession, the Thirty Years' War

other "Letter of Majesty" to the Silesians. For a while there seemed
almost to be no bounds to the success of the Bohemian Brethren and
their Protestant allies. Nationalism was also playing its part, tending to
separate Hungarians, Bohemians, Transylvanians, Silesians, and others
from the Austrian-Catholic house of Ilapsburg.

In March 1609 Duke Johann Wilhelm of JUlich, Gleves, Berg, and Ra-
vensburg finally died. Half-mad and childless, he had been a serious
problem. The duchies were claimed by Philipp Ludwig, count palatine of
Neuberg am Rhein, and Johann Sigismund, the elector of Brandenburg;
they were also claimed by Christian, the elector of Saxony; and all three
claimants were Protestants. Neuburg and Brandenburg regarded the
duchies as theirs because they were related by marriage to the deceased
Johann Wilhelm; Saxony based his demand for the duchies upon an
imperial promise. And at Prague on 7 July 1610 Rudolf II, with a review
of the recent history of the duchies, signed a letter of investiture granting
Christian of Saxony the duchies of Jiilich, Cleves, and Berg as fiefs of the
Empire.'' Rudolf*s grant did not take effect; Saxony did not get the
duchies.

The Jiilich-Cleves contention twice brought Europe to the brink of war
but, most surprisingly, it was settled on 12 November 1614 by the "pro-
visional" treaty of Xanten, dividing the disputed lands into two parts
without prejudice to the claims of either Brandenburg or Neuburg {sana
prijudice de Vunion dHceux). The provisional treaty was to last for two
centuries. Brandenburg was assigned the duchy of Gleves, the county of
La Marck, Ravenstein, and the county of Ravensburg, while Neuburg
acquired Jiilich and Berg.'^^

In the meantime the Empire as well as the house of Hapsburg seemed
to be falling apart. On 3 July 1610, however, upon the intervention of the
Archduke Ferdinand of Styria, the Elector Ernst of Cologne, and Duke
Heinrich of Brunswick, **Articles of Reconciliation** between Rudolf and
Matthias were finally accepted at Vienna. The articles were designed to
preserve Rudolf's dignity as emperor, king of Bohemia, margrave of
Moravia, "et le premier de la maison d'Austriche," as well as to recog-
nize Matthias's royal right to the crown of Hungary. Provision was made
for the defense of Hungary, should there be need of "la guerre contre le

^ On the emperor's advisors (and his problems), cf. Evans, Rudolf II ( 1 973), pp. 63-74.

" Dtimont, V'-2, no. xci, pp. 144-47, and on the rival claims to Jiilich, Cleves, and Berg,
sec. ibid., nos. lxxxi-lxxxiv, pp. 121-35. By a treaty of 11 February 1610. Henry IV of
France joined the Protestants Fricdrich IV of the Palatinate and Johann Sij|ismund of
Brandenburg to keep the disputed duchies and the county of La Marck "aux plus proches
heritiers" (ibid., no. lxxxv, pp. 135-37, and cf. nos. lxxxvi-lxxxvii. ccui, cgcxxx).

** For the text of the treaty of Xanten, "fait et condu a Santen le 12 Novembre 1614,"
see Dumont, V-2, no. cxui, pp. 259-61, cf. no. cxuii, and note Geoffrey Parker et aL, The
Thirty Years' War, London and Boston, 1984, pp. 26-31, 35-37.

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Venice, Avutria, mtd tht Turkt in the Sevenutnth Century

Turc' Like other attempts to heal the breach between the brothers,
the Articles of July 1610 soon proved to be futile.

As the religious cauldron continued to boil in central Europe, out*
sideiB added further ingredients of hostility to the coming flare-up be-
tween Catholics and Protestants. King Henry IV of France, a onetime
Huguenot, gave his support to die formation of the Protestant or Evan-
gelical Union, while the opposing Catholic League turned for sustenance
to Spain, Bavaria, and the Holy See. Henry IV had been preparing for
war against the Hapsburgs when he was assassinated by the half-mad
schoolmaster Francois Ravaillac in mid-May 1610. His death, together
with that of the Elector Friedrich IV of the Palatinate in September and
the Bavarians' apparent readiness for conflict, diverted the Evangelical
Union from any serious thought of warfare, at least for the time being.

Prom the Catholic standpoint that was just as well, for there was no
reconciling Rudolf with his brother Matthias; in the spring of 1611
Matthias marched upon Prague, removed Rudolf from the throne, and
was himself crowned king of Bohemia.^'' Matthias also took over Silesia.
Although he had not been elected king of the Romans when Rudolf died
(on 20 January 1612), Matthias succeeded his brother as emperor, being
chosen by the Electors on 13 June after a brief but worrisome interreg-
num. In his electoral capitulation of 18 June Matthias acknowiedged his
responsibilities as advocate and protector of the Holy See and the
"Christliche Kirch." He also declared his intention to maintain peace in
both religious and secular affairs in accord with the decrees of the
Reichstag of Augsburg in 1555.^^

During the seven years of Matthias's reign (1612—1619) his chief min-
ister was Melohior IQesI (KhlesI), bishop of Vienna and Wiener Neustadt
KIesl*s elevadon to the cardinalate (on 2 December 1615) remained in
pectore until 11 April 1616, when Paul V published it in the consistory.
The son of a Protestant baker in Vienna, Klesl became a Catholic in his
youth; although he seems to have been a sincere churchman in his later
years, he was also a politician. To the great ire of both Maximilian I, duke
of Bavaria and (from 1623) an imperial elector, and Ferdinand, archduke
of Styria and (from 1619) the Holy Roman Emperor, Klesl pursued a
policy of religious moderation. To the annoyance of Paul V and the Curia
Romana, Klesl had gone along with Matthias's concessions to the Protes-
tants in Hungary and Transylvania in the treaty of Vienna in June 1606.

Dumont, Corps universel diplomatique, V'-2, no. xc, pp. 143-44.

Dumont, Corpe univenel diplomatique, V-2, nos. xcvii, cii-an, pp. 160, 166-68.
Matthias promiied to praserve all the rights, liberties, and privities tninted to the Bohe-
mians in the past.
** Damont, V*2, no. cxxn, pp. 198-203, esp. p. 199a.

The Long War, the Bohemian Succession, the Thirty Years' War

In 1608 the Elector Friedrich IV (d. 1610) of the Palatinate helped es-
tablish, as we have seen, the Evangelical Union, and in the course of the
year 1609 Maximilian of Bavaria helped found the Catholic League,
along with the three ecclesiastical electors of Mainz, Trier, and Cologne.
At WUrzburg in 1610 the Articles of the Catholic League were approved
for nine years. Maximilian was recognized as leader {zum Obersten)^
and the bishops of Wiirzburg, Passau, and Augsburg were added to the
league.***

Matthias proved to be less energetic as emperor than he had been as
his brother's opponent, having clearly decided to enjoy the empire
which God had given him. He left almost all decisions to Melchior Klesl.
Like his brother Rudolf, Matthias had no heir; the imperial succession
was the major problem of Catholicism in central Europe. Paul V made
repeated appeals to Klesl to help bring about the election of a king of the
Romans, but time passed, and nothing was done. In any event the Turks
were quiet. At the beginning of July 1612 Sultan Ahmed I granted the
same extensive privileges to Dutch merchants as the French and English
already possessed, "aller et venir dans toutes les villes de mon empire et
. . . trafiquer librement et sans etre inquiettez."*^ Ahmed also accepted
a renewal of the treaty of Zsitvatorok for another twenty years; all the old
**puncta et articuli" were retained, and some new articles were added.
Matthias ratified the treaty at Prague on 1 December, 1615.*^

If the Turks were quiet, the Protestants were not. For some years they
had been alarmed by the Catholic restoration in Europe. In Germany the
Catholic recovery was strongest in the south, and the Protestants began
to fare very badly in such places as Mainz, Trier, and Cologne, Regens-
burg, Augsburg, Bamberg, Wiirzburg, Eichstatt, and Passau. Under Duke
Maximilian I, Bavaria was a Catholic stronghold; Protestantism was a
lost cause in the Tyrol. Cardinal Melchior Klesl was trying to pursue a
policy of compromise with the Protestants to avoid war. The great prob-
lem, fraught with peril, was the imperial succession. Klesl wanted to
postpone a meeting of the electoral college until he could assure the
Protestants of some measure of religious freedom, to the indignation of
the Emperor Matthias's brother, the Archduke Maximilian, and his
cousin, the Archduke Ferdinand of Styria.

The Hapsburg archdukes had decided upon Ferdinand of Styria as the
successor of Matthias, for the latter was sixty years of age (in 1617), in
poor health, and childless. Matthias's brother Maximilian was fifty-nine

Dumont, Corps universel diplomatique, V-2, no. lxxix, pp. 118-19.

Dumont, V-2. no. cxxiv, pp. 205-14, esp. p. 207.
" Dumont, V-2, no. gxlvii, pp. 264-66, and note no. clxxv. On the religious and, espe-
cially, the economic problems which the Bohemians and Moravians faced during the first
two decades of the seventeenth century, note Polisensky, The Thirty Years' War, pp.
75-86 and ff.

Venice, AtMria, and the Turks in the Seventeenth Century

and childless, and his other surviving brother Albrecht was fifty-eight
and also childless. The archdukes, fearing for the future of their house,
insisted upon the immediate election of Ferdinand as king of the Ro-
mans. Ferdinand had two sons. Some twenty years younger than his
cousins, Ferdinand was an ardent Catholic, having stamped out Protes-
tantism in Styria, Garinthia, and Gamiola. Now at least the picturesque
villages in these areas were no longer rent by religious dissent and dis*
turbance, and peace reigned amid the rolling green hills, winding rivers,
and pine-clad mountain sides.

Ferdinand's eventual election as emperor seemed assured, for in the
spring of 1617, at the apparent behest of Matthias, King Philip III of
Spain renewed and confirmed for himself and his heirs his mother Anna's
renunciation (on 29 April 1571) of her rights of succession to the king-
doms of Hungary and Bohemia. Anna (d. 1580) was the daughter of the
Emperor Maximilian II (d. 1576). She had been the fourth (and last) wife
of Philip II of Spain. Philip III yielded all such rights of succession to
Ferdinand of Styria and his male heirs, and male heirs only, for Ferdi-
nand's female descendants would have to yield, casu ita eveniente, to
the male heirs of the Spanish king. Ferdinand accepted the condition,
and the final documents were ratified by Matthias in the royal castle at
Prague.*^

In return for his compliance Philip III was promised Alsace, which
would also be a source of trouble. In 1617 Ferdinand settled his differ-
ences with the Venetians with regard to the piratical Uskoks,^ turning

his full attention to Bohemia, where the Estates despite a Protestant
majority elected or rather accepted him as king (on 17 June, 1617).*^ As
king of Bohemia Ferdinand had a vote in the imperial electoral college.
In fact he had what might be the deciding vote, for while the archiepisco-
pal electors of Mainz, Trier, and Cologne were obviously Catholics, the
electors of Saxony, Brandenburg, and the Palatinate were Protestants.
Ferdinand thus seemed almost assured of election as emperor for he
could, if necessary, vote for himself. Nevertheless, it must be borne in
mind that the elector of Trier might have to yield to the wishes of the

" Dumont, V-2, nos. cucv-cuiviii, pp. 298-302, docs, dated 6 and 15 June, 1617: . .
dicta Rc^is Catholici {Philippi linca masGulina praeferatuf foemlneae lineae patertiae
stirpis memorati Archi-Ducis Ferdinandi."

** Dumont, V-2, nos. cuctx-CLXx, pp. 302-5, and on the so-caHed "Uskok War," note

Parket ct at. The Thirty Years' UVir (1984), pp. 40-42, 24S. note 5. On the Uskoks them-
selves, cf. Setton, II, 297, and esp. IV, 608, 843-44, et alibi. The contest between Ferdi-
nand and Venice was also caused by their rival claims to the fortress of Gradisca d'lsomo
in Gorizia, which Ferdinand looked upon as a hereditary possession, on which note
lleinrich Kretschmayr, Geschichte von Venedig, 3 vols., 1905-34, repr. Aalen, 1964, III,
281-83, and esp. Gozzi, /( Dog9 Nicold Ckmtarini (1958), pp. 149ff.

Anton Gindely, Geschichte dcs Dreissif^juhrigen Krieges, 4 vols., Prague, 1869-
1880, I, 165-73. With some hesitation Ferdinand accepted Rudolf's Letter of Majesty.

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The Long War, the B<Aemian Succession, the Thirty Years' War

French government. In 1618 Ferdinand was elected king of Hungary.
Although he had acknowledged the Protestants' right to exercise their
freedom of conscience (on the basis of the religious peace of Augsburg of
1555 and the Letter of Majesty), the Bohemian Brethren, the Lutherans,
and the Calvinists soon discovered they had good reason not to trust
him. In July 1618, after the outbreak in Prague (to which we are now
coming), Ferdinand arrested Cardinal Melohior Klesl, the would-be
peacemaker, and confined him to a castle in the Tyrol. Although later
released, Klesl's political career was ended, and there were few articu-
late advocates of peace in a position to be heard.

Despite the Evangelical majority in Bohemia, in 1617-1618 .lohann
Lohel, the archbishop of Prague, with Hapsburg support, embarked
upon a series of attacks upon the Protestants, all in grave violation of
Rudolf's Letter of Majesty. The Protestants began by summoning their
co-religionist members of the Bohemian diet to come together again at
Prague, where they met on 21 May (1618) to make a formal remon-
strance to the royal councilors. On the next day Count Heinrich Matthias
von Thurn, Wenzel von Ruppa, lllrich Kinsky, Golonna von Fels, and
other radicals held a secret meeting at which they decided to take action
against the councilors whom they held responsible for the anti-Protes-
tant policy of the Hapsburgs, which Melchior Klesl had been unable to
avert.

It was on the following day, 23 May, that von Thum and his fellows
invaded the "castle village" (in the I^sserTown, the Mala Strana) on the
towering height of the Hradcany. They entered the Old Royal Palace
(Stary Kralovsky Palac) next to the cathedral church of S. Vitus. From
Vladislav Hall they passed on into a small room, the then chancellery,
where they engaged in a hostile exchange with four [of the ten] royal
councilors present in the chamber, and ended up by throwing two of
them, Jaroslav von Martinitz and Wilhelm von Slawata (along with the
secretary Philipp Fabricius), out of a castle window into the moat then
some eighty feet below. Surprisingly enough, no one of the three was
seriously injured. Such was the "defenestration of Prague," der Prciger
Fenstersturz.^^ The Thirty Years' War had begun.

•*E. Chnrvcrint. Histnire dc lu Guerre de TreiUe Atis, 2 vols., Paris, 1878. I, 89-99;
Glndely, Geschichte des Dreissigjtihrigen Krieges, I, 269-99. On the counts von Thurn,
see Gindely, I, 88ff.

On the Thirty Years' War, especially as it hore upon Bohemia, see the Docmnenta
bohemica Bellum Tricennale illustruntia, eds. Josef Folisen.sky, .losef Koci, Gabriela
6echovd, Josef Janiitek, Miroslav Toegel, et ai, 7 vols., Prague, 1971-81. A survey of
modern works on the Bohemian war (1618-1621) is given, ibid., I, 54ff. Geoffrey Parker cr
at. The Thirty Years' War, London and Boston, 1984, provides a good introduction to the
major events, problems, and bibliography of the long, destructive contlicts which tore
dermany to pieces. Among the countless general histories (and monographs) on the war in
question see, on the events leading up to and following the Defenestration, Polisensky, The

Venice, AuatrUt, and the Turks <n the Seventeenth Century

The Protestants in Silesia, Moravia, and Austria took their stand with
Heinrich Matthias von Thurn. The Dutch nii^ht have joined them, but
were dissuaded by the neutrality of the French and the English. One
could also be sure of Venetian neutrality, although the interests of the
Republic seemed always to be at variance with chose of the Hapsburgs at
both VieniM and Madrid. After the death of the Emperor Matthias (on 20
March 1619) the Bohemian Estates felt obliged to reconsider their fu-
ture. Although they had accepted Ferdinand of Sty ria as king of Bohemia
(in 1617), they now looked forward to the election of a new king, as the
Estates were being convened in a Protestant assembly. The Estates were
a sort of parliament, made up of the landowning nobles, the knighthood,
and the burghers. One hundred articles were now passed (on 31 July
1619) as binding upon the next king. There had been strong support,
especially among the higher nobility, for die elevadon of the Sector
Johann Georg of Saxony to the Bohemian throne, but he had persistently
declined the risk and risen above the temptation. Hence there was litde
doubt as to whom the throne would be offered, and also litde doubt that
he would accept the conditions.

The sovereign to be elected must employ no Jesuits in his councils or
on his legations. Indeed, the Jesuits and their pupils {discipuli) were to
be "proscribed forever," and all their properties expropriated for public
use. Neither the king nor the queen could introduce any "new order of
monks into the kingdom." The king must olMcrve every article and every
clause in Rudolf IPs "Letter of Majesty.'* The Evangelicals were to con<
tinue to hold all the churches they then possessed "in all the cities,
towns, and country districts." The Moravians and Lusatians who had no
Letter of Majesty were, nevertheless, to enjoy the same rights of religious
and civil freedom, for the "exercise of religion must be free to everyone"
{exercUium religionis unicuique liberum sit).

In Catholic communities members of the local town council (aenatua)
were required to abjure the decrees of the Councils of Constance and
Trent to the effect that heretical faiths should not be allowed safety.
Catholics must not be permitted dominance in ecclesiastical affairs. In

Thirty Years' War, pp. 98ff., and Geor^Jes Pages, The Thirty Years' War, New York. 1970,
pp. 45-54 and ff. Herbert Langer's work Horlus Bellicus — Der Dreissigjdhrige Krieg,
Leipzig. 1978. trans. C.S.V. Salt, The Thirty Years' War, Poole, Dorset, 1980, is richly
illu.stratcd. Incidentally, Pages' book, although rather a small one, is rich in factual data
held together and placed In their historical context by an ovenll ohronolo^ioal narrative.

Having agreed to a renewal of the treaty of Zsftvatorok in 1615 (aee alNive) and having
made peace with Pcrsin in late August 1618. the Turks contlnned at peace with their
neighbors, for they had trouble enough within their own government, on which see in
general Relnhard Rudolf Heinisch, "Habsburg, die Pforte und der Bftfnnlsche Aufstand
(1618-1620)." Sudnst Fnrschuuflen, XXXIII (1974). 125-65. and XXXIV (1975), 79-
124. Incidentally, the moat below the castle on the Hradcany (or what is left of it) is now
•bout fifty feet deep, thne and debris having fUled In the moat to a oontfdenible exteiK.

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The Long War, the Bohemian Succession, the Thirty Years' War

those places In which the town council consisted solely of Catholics It

must be altered to allow for a membership of one half Protestants. On the
other hand, where Evangelicals were a majority, they alone were to serve
on the council (an obvious abridgment of the civil rights of Catholics!).
The elected king of Bohemia must observe these articles. Otherwise no
one was to owe him obedience.

The next king of Bohemia could not go to war without the consent of
the Estates. Only Evangelicals — Bohemian Brethren, Utraqulsts, Lu-
therans— ^were to serve in the offices and ministries of the Bohemian
Chancery. Foreigners must be shown consideration and kindliness. The
rights of respectable Catholics were to be protected by the present com-
pact, but this did not include those who were trying to contravene the
Letter of Majesty. Matters of great importance must be referred to the
Estates. Bohemian subjects (subditi) should be trained in the military
arts, but not the peasants (co/ont), to whom arms were not allowed. In
case of necessity one area of Bohemia must famish assistance to another
within four weeks.

The Bohemians were to provide an armament of horse and foot to the
Silesians, Moravians, and Lusatians, who had joined them as Protestant
allies. Those who stood in opposition to the Protestant confederation
must be punished, and those who had been proscribed were to remain in
banishment {extorres maneant). Their properties were to be confis-
cated and sold.^^ Such were the major articles intended to form the basis
of the Bohemian monarchy, from which Ferdinand of Styria was deposed
(on 22 August 1619), and to which the Elector Friedrich V of the Palatin-
ate was elected (on 26 August). Friedrich was the scion of the elder
branch of the Wittelsbach family (Maximilian 1 of Bavaria headed the
younger branch). Friedrich had married Elizabeth Stuart, the only
daughter of James I of England, from whom Bohemia would get no help,
for James soon decided to keep out of the fray.

The Bohemian rebels as well as the Hungarians and Transylvanians
were bound sooner or later (and Arom time to time) to turn to the Turks,
the enemies of the Hapsburgs, for help in one form or another. In fact the
Thirty Years' War might have seemed to give the Turks a splendid oppor-
tunity to move further westward into Europe. Actually, however, the
Turks had been exhausted by their war with Persia and Abbas the Great
(1602-1618) and by the Long War with Austria (1592-1606). Sultan
Murad IV (d. 1640) would be remarkably successful in further warfare
with the Persians and, as we shall see in some detail, the Turks would
eventually wrest almost aO the island of Crete from the Venetians in

*'* Damont, V-2, no. olxxxv, p. 326, doo. dated 31 July 1619, • Latin sunnnary, and, <Md,

no. cxciv, pp. 338-46, the full German text.
^ On the background, ci. Dumont, V-2, nos. cuuuux, cxaii-Gxav, pp. 33 Iff.

Venice, Auetria, and tiu Turke in the Seventeenth Century

another "long war" (1645-1669). Furthermore, until the grand vizirates
of Mehmcd Kopriilii (1656-1661) and his son Ahmed (d. 1676) there
was no end of turbulence in Istanbul. Although Turkish irruptions on the
Christian eastern front were not infrequent, and there was another Aus-
tro-Turkish war in 1663—1664 (as well as Ottoman strife with the Poles
and Russians thereafter), there was a surprising measure of peace and
quiet on the Christian eastern ^nt (it has l>een called "stagnation")
lasting from the peace of Zsitvatorok (in 1606) until the siege of Vienna
(in 1683).*^^

Although the Dutch and the Venetians were rivals for the Levantine
trade, fear of the Hapsburgs brought them together. The Dutch had ren-
dered Venice assistance during the second decade of the century, as the
Serenissima sought to suppress Uskok piracy in the Adriatic. The Us-
koks, whose chief stronghold was Segna (Senj) in Hapsburg Croatia,
were subjects of the archduchy of Austria. In 1619, as the Twelve Years*
Truce between Spain and Holland was drawing to a worrisome close, the
Venetians and the Dutch came together in a defensive alliance. If either
of the two high contracting parties was attacked by Hapsburg forces, the
one would aid the other to the extent of 50,000 florins a month. If they
were both attacked, the treaty would fall into abeyance, and each state
would conduct its own defense.

The Veneto-Dutch treaty was to last for fifteen years (1619-1634).
Indeed, when Spain and Holland returned to warfare upon die expiration
of the Twelve Years* Truce (in 1621), Venice lived up to her obligations,
and was alleged to have disbursed more than one million ducats on be-
half of her Dutch allies from April 1622 to March 1626. The resumption
of peace between France and Spain, however, in the treaty of Monzon
(on 5 March, 1626),^*^ the war of the Mantuan succession, and the terri-
ble plague of 1630, which laid the Venetians low, all helped to remove
the Serenissima from the scenes of conflict. It was Just as well, for pres-
ently (in 1645) a quarter-century of warfare with the Turks lay before

** On Austrian, Transytvanian, Bohemian, and Hungarian relations with (and embassies

to) the Turks at the beginninj* of the Thirty Years' War, see Reinhard Rudolf Heinisch,
"Habsburg, die I'forte und der Bohmische Aufstand (1618-1620)," Siidost-Forschungen,
XXXIII (1974), 125-65, and XXXIV (1975), 79-124, who covers somewhat more time
and territory than his title suggests. Heinisch has also made good use of materials to be
found in the Haus-, llof- und Staatsarchiv in Vienna.

In like fashion and with emphasis tm Gabriel Bethlen (Bethlen Gabor), Hclfried Valen*
tinitsch has explored the entanglements of the Styrians and Hungarians with the Ottoman
Empire during the half-century or more of Austro-Turkish peace which lasted from the
treaty of Zsitvatorok to the war of 1663-1664 and the battle of S. Gotthard (Szentgott-
hard) — "Die Steierniarit, Ungam und die Osmanen (1606-1662)." Zeitachri^t dea Histor-
iscfccn VeretnesfOrStelermark, LXV (1974), 93-128.

Dumont. V-2 (1728), no. cx:LXZi,pp. 487ff., "fait a Monzon le cinquieme Mars 1626,"
and of. Heinrich Kretschmayr, Getwfcfofcte von Venedig, 3 vols., 1905-34, repr. Aalen,
1964, III. 294-95.

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The Long War, the Bohemian Succession, the Thirty Years' War

the Venetians for possession of die island of Crete. Wlien the fifteen-year
alliance with Holland ended in 1634, the Dutch daimed that Venice was
some 1,200,000 ducats in arrears in her payments, which the Serenis-
sima denied on the grounds that the Dutch war with Spain was fully as
offensive as it was defensive.^' That was the end of cordial relations
between Holland and Venice, and in any event commercial rivalry rarely
makes for friendship.

The Bohemians had cau^t the attention of all Europe and the Levant

Heinrich von Thum, the leader of the revolt, had already invaded Austria
with widespread Protestant support, reaching the very walls of Vienna.
He soon had to fall back into Bohemia, however, for his ally Ernst von
Mansfeld, the hireling general of Friedrich of the Palatinate (with some
financial help from Savoy), was defeated on 10 June 1619 near the mod-
em town of Homi Vltavioe to the west of Budweis (6esk4 Budijovioe). In
the late summer (of 1619) Gabriel Bethlen, the Gahrinist prince of Tran-
sylvania, moved into Hungary, occupied Pressbuig (Bratislava) as well
as a number of lesser places, and was soon advancing upon Vienna,
which for some time he subjected to a futile siege. With the world around
him falling apart F^erdinand of Styria, rex alter Bohemiae, once he saw
that Vienna was safe, made haste to Frankfurt am Main, where on 28
August 1619 he was chosen Holy Roman Emperor by the electoral
coUege.^'

As a personality Ferdinand was dowdy and unimpressive, but he
proved to be almost imperturbable. Deeply religious, he was also ener-
getic and amiable. Friedrich V of the Palatinate was no match for him.

^' Alfred van der Enen, "L'Alliance defensive hollando-venitienne de 1619 et
rEspagne,'* In die KHacdkmea Matorlca <n honorem Leonia van der Beaen, 2 vob., Bnis-

sels and Paris. 1947, II, 819-29. has (despite his title) traced the rdadons of Venice and
Holland in connection with the alliance of 1619 from the latter date until 1643. Cf.
Kretschmayr. Venedig, III. 290ff.. 290-.100.

On the economic advance of the United Provinces (in the age of "mercantilism") in the
sixteenth century and their paramount importance in the seventeenth and earlier ei^h-
teendi centuries, see the articles by ImmanucI Wallerstein, Pierre Jeannin, and Charles
Qirri^ in Maurice Aymard, ed., Dutch capittdiam and world capttaliBm, Cambridge
Univ. Press, 1982, pp. 93-196, and note the Intereating little book by Peter Butlie, Venice
(tml Amsicrd(tm: A study of seventeenth-century elites, London, 1974, who draws con-
trasts and comparisons between almost Catholic Venice and almost Calvinist Amsterdam,
with especial comldenitloii of die uriMin "^itet" In each eaae, who tended iiadaally to
mo\ e from being merchants (entrepreneurs) to beoomlng rentiers (land-holding
aristocrats).

" Ferdinand ll's electoral capitulation {WaMkaptttUarton), deAnlng the terms under

which he was elected emperor of the Holy Roman Empire, is given in Oumont, V-2, no.
cxcv. pp. 349-54, doc. dated 28 August 1619. On the role of Gabriel Bethlen (Bcthlcn
Gabor) at the beginning of the Thirty Years' War, aee Maja Depncr, Das Fiirstentum
Siehenhiirfien tm Kampf gegen Uabsburf*: Vntersuchun^en xiher die Politik S<e-
benbtirgens wiihrend dee Dreiesigjdhrigen Krieges, Stuttgart, 1938, pp. 36ff.

Venice, Austria, and the Turks in the Seventeenth Century

And the Evangelical Union was no match for the revived Catholic
League. The Union was sadly lacking in funds, while Paul V now bejan to
pour money into Ferdinand's coffers.

Paul also gave Hnancial support to the League and to Bavaria whose
ruler, Duke Maximilian I, agreed by the treaty of Munich in early Oc-
tober (1619) to put his own resources and those of the League, of which
he was the head, into the field against Friedrich of the Palatinate.'^ Maxi-
milian was promised possession of whatever territories the forces of the
League might wrest from the Palatinate as well as the electorate itself, of
which Friedrich was to be deprived. The only support, such as it was,
that Friedrich managed to get was to be found in the alliance which he
made at Pressburg (Bratislava) with Gabriel Bethlen on 15-20 January
1620. The treaty was made between Friedrich as king of Bohemia, mar-
grave of Moravia, duke of Silesia, and margrave of Upper and Lower
Lusatia, and Bethlen as re» vet princeps ffun^Hoe . . .princeftaTran-
^vaniae. Their confederacy was to last "eternally," aetemutnjbedu8t
perpetuaqiie ac inviolabilis pcue.^* A treaty designed for eternity was
not likely to last long, and a treaty with Bethlen was not likely to be of
much bencHt to anyone but Bethlen.^'' Galvinists both, Friedrich and the
Transylvanian could not enlist the aid of the Lutherans, who hated Gal-
vinists, and constantly equated them with Moslems.

Holland, Denmark, Sweden, Venice, and the Evangelical Union all rec-
ognized Friedrich of the Palatinate as king of Bohemia, but no significant
assistance was forthcoming Arom any one of them. Bethlen was as un-
trustworthy as he was able; also he had his own problems in Transyl-
vania. The day after his agreement with Friedrich, Bethlen accepted a
tnicc (on 16 January 1620) with Ferdinand II, which was to last until 29
September. This truce was renewed in February.^* Friedrich had no ca-
pacity for leadership. Handsome and good-natured, he was entirely
under the influence of his ambitious wife and his advisor Christian of
Anhalt.

As king of Bohemia, however, Friedrich had two electoral votes, which
did not endear him to the Lutheran Elector Johann Georg of Saxony. If

" Dumont, V'-2, no. cxcvi. pp. 354-36, doc. dated at Munich on 8 October 1619.

" Dumont, V-2, no. cxcvii, pp. 356-58, "actum Fosonii |i.e., Hung. Pozsony, Germ.
Pressburgj in comitiis publicis decimo quinto Januarii, anno Christi millesimo sexcente-
simo vigesimo." Cf. Depner, Das Furstentum SieberAurgen im Kamp gegfin Hab^mrg
(1938), pp. 49-54.

Although caught between the imperialists and die Turks, Gabriel Bethlen, who died
on 15 November 1629 at the age of forty-nine, proved to be a auocessful and effective
prince ofTransyhrania. Fighting for his own advancement and that of his people, Bethlen
generally and perhaps necessarily tended toward the Turks. An excellent sketch of his
career (and a sympathetic appraisal of his character) may be found in D. Angyal, "Gabriel
Bedilen," Revue historique, CLVIII (May-nJune 1928), 19-80. and tee also R.R. Heinisoh,
"Habsburg. die Pforte und der Bohmische A u fstaod," SOdoat-fbracllMtlietl, XXXIII, eq».
pp. 152-65, and XXXIV, 79ff. (cited above).
^ Dmnont, V*2, no*, ciovin, cc pp. 358-59.

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Friedrich could hold the Bohemian throne, he would become too power-
ful. Not surprisingly, therefore, when Johann Georg was promised Lusa-
tia as well as continued possession of church property expropriated con-
trary to the religious peace of Augsburg (of 1555), he joined the ranks of
the imperialists. Also the election of the Galvinist Friedrich to the Bohe-
mian throne had been especially galling to the Lutheran elector of Sax-
ony. Thus there was reason for Johann Georg's letting the Protestants
down, just as he would find reasons for letting the emperor down in 1 63 1
and the Swedes in 1635. And, of course, the princes, Protestant as well as
Catholic, did not take kindly to the republican sentiments expressed by
the revolutionaries, especially the Galvinists, at recent assemblies of the
Estates in Prague,

Despite French hostility to the Hapsburgs (which would increase with
the passing years), the government of the young Louis XIII sided with
the imperialists, and sought support for Ferdinand II against Friedrich of
the Palatinate by sending ambassadors, wolansehenliche Gesandten,
into Germany. With no faith in Friedrich, in fear of possible French
intervention, and lacking the necessary funds and forces to carry on
against the Catholic League, the Evangelical Union gave way. At Ulm on
3 July 1 620 Maximilian I, duke of Bavaria and general of the League, and
Joachim Ernst, margrave of Brandenburg-Ansbach and lieutenant-gen-
eral of the Union, along with their allies, made a treaty which was de-
signed to remove the misunderstanding (Missverstand) which had
arisen between the two religious coalitions. The text of the agreement
acknowledges the importance of the French intervention.'^ The Evan-
gelical Union had abandoned Friedrich of the Palatinate.

Having marshaled their forces, the enemies of Friedrich soon de-
scended upon him. Ambrosio Spinola, the Genoese-Spanish commander
in the Netherlands, moved into the Palatinate, and the elector of Saxony
into Lusatia. Maximilian of Bavaria and the imperialist army took the
expected offensive against Bohemia. Now had come the day of judgment,
for which the western world had been waiting. At the White Mountain
(Bila Hora), some four miles west of Prague, the Protestant forces under
the Galvinist general Christian of Anhalt were defeated by the army of
the imperialists and the Catholic League under Johan Tserclaes, count of
Tilly. The battle was fought on 8 November 1620.'®

Oiimont, V-2, no. ccv, p. 369, "geschehen Ulm den 3. .lulii neuen Calend. anno 1 620,"
and cf., ibid., no. ccxvii, p. 391, doc. dated 12 April 1621; also C.V. Wedgwood, The Thirty
Years' War, London, 1947, pp. 111-12, and Dieter Albreeht, Die ausreSrtige Politik
M(tximili(tns von Bayern, 1618-1635, Gottingen, 1962, pp. 45-47 (Schriftenreihe der
llistorischen Kommission bei der Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, VI).

" Hans Delbriick, OeschU*hte der Kriegskunst im Rahmen der poUtischen Oeschichte,
]V (Berlin, 1920), 223-32. On the composition and the Hnancing of the opposing forces at
the White Mountain, cf. Polisensky, The Thirty Kear.s' War, pp. 124-32, who believes that
the commercial rivalry between England and Holland was the m^for cause of the Bohemian

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Venice, Awtria, and the Turks in the Seventeenth Century

Christian of Anhalt had been the right hand of Friedrich IV of the
Palatinate (d. 1610), and he had helped build the Evangelical Union. A
strong Galvinist, Anhalt had been the mentor of Friedrich V, who now
became the "winter king." Both he and Anhalt were placed under the
ban of empire (on 22 January 1621)^^ and, what was worse, Friedrich
would soon lose the Palatinate to Maximilian of Bavaria. In the mean-
time, five days after the White Mountain, the Estates of Bohemia made
their full obeisance to the Emperor Ferdinand II (on 13 November),
acknowledging their error in opposing their true royal and imperial sov-
ereign. They promised to recognize him and no other as king of Bohemia,
to remain steadfast in the loyalty they now declared, and to give up all
alliances and associations contrar>' to his interests.®^

Gabriel Bethlen accepted a treaty with Ferdinand II (on 26 January
1622), by which he renounced the claim he had made to the tide and
dignity of king of Hungary, and promised to send the emperor the 8acro>
sanct crown of the Magyar realm. He also agreed to withdraw from all the
fortresses he then held on the frontier. Everyone might continue to prac-
tice the religion he followed at the time of the emperor's accession. The
Jesuits could return to all the places from which they had been evicted,
but they were not henceforth to acquire or to possess landed property in
Bethlen's domain. Ferdinand made Bethlen a prince of the Empire, "et
lui laisseroit jouir sa vie durant en la Hongrie de huict comtez avec la
ville de Gassovie" [Kaschau, Kosice].^'

Estates' bcinjj unable "to create a great 'anti-Habsburg coalition.' " which seems rather
doubtful. Bila Hora is about four miles west of the Powder Tower in the center of the Old
Town (Star^ M§8to) of Prague; it Is not cast southeast of the city, as stated in the Columbia

Lippincott Gtizettecr (1962), p. 2087. nJla Ilora is at the end of the tram line on V6Io-
horska ulice, where one now Hnds the Vclka ilospoda na Bile Hore, an inn. The battle of
the White Mountain is depicted in a large painting on the north wall of the dining room of
the inn. The White "Mountain" is not a mountain, not even a hill. It is a flat plain somewhat
higher, to be sure, than the ground level of the Old Town.

^ Dumont, V-2, nos. ocx-ocati, pp. 371-78, and of. Wedgwood, The Thirty Years' War
(1947), pp. 123-35. who dates the imperial ban on 29 .lanuary.

Dumont, V-2, no. ccviii, pp. 370-71, "actum in der kdniglichen Hauptstadt Prag den
13. Tag Novembris, anno 1620."

Dumont, V-2, no. ccxxvii, pp. 407-8, text of the peace of Nikolshurg, dated 26 Jan-
uary 1622, which was followed (after another outbreak of hostilities between Ferdinand
and Bethlen in 1623) by the treaty of Vienna of 8 May 1624 (ibid., no. ecu, pp. 444-46),
and after Bethlen again had recourse to arms, another treaty was made in 1626, on which
see below, and cf. Dcpner, Das Fiirstentum Sicbenbiirgcn ( 1938) pp. 90-91, 102, 106ff.
Although on the whole the Turks were not a serious problem to the llapsburgs for a long
time after the peace of Zsitvatorok, the Ottoman government did assist Bethlen with a fair
number of horse and foot in 1623 (cf. I'olisensky, The Thirty Yeurs' Wiir, pp. 155-57), but
little came of it.

There are surveys of Ottoman history from the treaty of Zsitvatorok ( 1 606) to the acces*
sion of Murad IV (1623) in von Hammer-Purgstall, Gesch. d. osman. Reiches, IV (1829,
repr. 1963), 397-608. trans. Hellert, VIM (1837). 112-376; Zinkeisen, Ge,sc/i. d. o.sman.
Reiches, III (1855), 673-762; Jorga. Oesch. des oamun. Reiches, 111(1910), 339-57 and ff.

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The Utng War, the Bohemian Succession, the Thirty Yeara' War

Protestantism had received a serious blow in the battle of the White

Mountain. There was understandable rejoicin/^ in Rome, where the ailing
Pope Paul V led an exultant procession from the church of S. Maria sopra
Minerva to the German church of the Anima near Piazza Navona. As the
months and years passed, Bohemia was ravaged and enslaved by the
victorious Hapsburgs, who put an end to Protestantism in the land of the
Hussites and Brethren, Lutherans and Galvinists. The pitiless execution
of all apprehended opponents of the Hapsbui^, the widespread confis-
cation of property, the corruption of coinage, and the suppression of the
old parliamentary and judicial institutions brought about the complete
ruination of Bohemia. Paul V died on 28 January 1621, and on 9 Febru-
ary Gregory XV Ludovisi was elected his successor. Like Paul before
him, Gregory poured great sums into the imperialist coffers and those of
Bavaria and the Catholic league. Ferdinand II was in rtrm control of
Bohemia, and by the close of 1621 the forces of Maximilian I of Bavaria
had overrun the Upper Palatinate in the region of the river Main, border-
ing upon Bohemia. Now the war went on in the Lower or Rhenish
Palatinate.

Friedrich V's chief supporters were the fiery, young Christian of
Braunschweig-Wolfenbiittel, the Margrave Georg Friedrich of Baden-
Durlach, and Ernst von Mansfeld. Christian, administrator of the diocese
of Halberstadt, was known as "der Halberstadter." He sacked the north-
em city of Paderbom, and ravaged the countryside over a wide area,
amassing loot enough to finance his military endeavors, while Mansfeld
plundered the dioceses of Speyer and Strasbourg to the south. On
22 May (1622), however, the count of Tilly and the Spanish general
Gonzalez de Cordoba overwhelmed the forces of the margrave of Baden
at Bad Wimpfen on the Neckar, some seven miles northwest of Heil-
bronn. Baden dropped out of the struggle. Thereafter, on 20 June (1622)
Tilly and Cordoba defeated Christian at Hochst on the right bank of the
Main, and on 19 September they occupied Heidelberg, the capital of the
Palatinate. Six weelis later (on 2 November) they seised Mannheim, an
important inland port on the right bank of the Rhine.

After the capture of Heidelberg, Maximilian I presented the famous
Palatine Library to Pope Gregory XV, and in 1622-1623 the Greek
scholar Leone Allacci prepared the library for shipment to Rome. Allacci
not only gathered together the Bibliotheca Palatina from the Heiliggeist-
kirche in Heidelberg, but he also raided the Elector's private library in

Papal intereMswere wide-ranj»ing, and Pastor, Gesch. d. Pcipste, XII (1927), -498-58.1, and
Hist. I'opea, XXVI, 255-376, has given us a general account of papal relations with the
Hapsburgs during the reign of Paul V (1605-162 1 ), including the last years of the Long
War with the Tnritt, die iVoMstanc revolt in Bohemia, and the oudMeak of the Thirty

Years' War.

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Venice, Auatrta, and the Turks in the Seventeenth Century

the castle as well as those of the university and the college of the Sapien-
tia. Allacci transported some 3,500 manuscripts and 5,000 printed
books from Heidelberg to Rome by way of Munich in 196 chests aboard
fifty wagons guarded by Bavarian musketeers. The books and manu-
scripts reached the Vatican under Allacci's guidance two or three weeks
after Gregory XVs death (on 8 July 1623). The papal acquisition of the
Palatine Library remains, in historical retrospect, one of the most impor-
tant results of Tilly's campaign in 1622.'^ If the library had not been
removed to Rome (in 1623), it might well have been plundered and
scattered when the French ravaged Heidelberg seventy years later.

During this period various imperialists emerged from obscurity, and
became more than wealthy. Thus by the year 1623 Albrecht Wenzel
Eusebius von Wallenstein (Waldstein) had become a prince of the Holy
Roman Empire. Now forty years of age he had served the Hapsburgs with
maiked distinction on the battlefield. Daring and intelligent, well edu-
cated and ambitious, he yearned for eminence, even miyesty, knowing
that in his day (as today) wealth was the stairway to power. After the
battle of the White Mountain he acquired vast estates for paltry sums.
Among the rebellious Protestants who were put to death (in 1623) was
Vaclav (Wenceslas) Budovec of Budov, whose large estate at Mnichovo
Hradiste was seized, and fell into the hands of Wallenstein. A monument
to V&olav Budovec now stands at the west end of the mansion or so-
called castle of Mnichovo HradiitS.

In 1627 Wallenstein sold or gave the rich estate to his nephew Maxi-
milian von Wallenstein. Mnichovo Hradiste became a fief in Wallen-
stein's duchy of Friedland (Frydlant). It is a short drive north of Prague,
and although few tourists go to see it, Mnichovo Hradiste is well worth a
visit, even if it is not so impressive as Wallenstein's palace in the Mala
Strana in Prague. After Wallenstein*s fall (in 1634) Mnichovo HradiitS
remained in the family for three centuries. Some years ago a body, al-
leged to be that of Wallenstein, was brought to Mnichovo Hradiste, and
buried in the chapel of S. Anne, which lies Just south of the mansion. A

Cr. Gfaiddy, (Seech, d. Dreieetgiahrigen Kriegea, IV (1880), 353-79; Pastor, Oeaeh. d.

Papste, XIlF-l (1928). 180-88. and Hist. Popes, XXVII, 237-47; Wedgwood. The Thirty
Years' War, pp. 149-57. On the Palatine Library, now in the Vatican, note the manuscript
oatalotiMS 1^ Henry Stevenson and his archaeologist son Henry Stevenson, Jr. (Rome,

1885ff.), and see above all the splendid work on the Bibliotheca Palatina: Katalog zur
Ausstellung vom 8. Juli bis 2. November 1986, Heiliggeistkirche, Heidelberg, eds. Elmar
Mittler et ai, 2 vols., Heidelberg, 1986, 11, 458ff. The Bibliotheca Palatina also contained
the library of Ulrich Fugger, the Augsburg banker, who had lived in Heidelberg for some
twenty years (ibid., II, vl68ff.). The ousted Friedrich V of the Palatinate had been much
concerned for his libran,', as shown by a letter which he addressed to the Heidelbergers
from his exile in Holland on 9/19 November 1621, warning them to see to its safety iiirid^
II. 460).

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tombstone in the chapel declares it to be the site of the great soldier's

burial.®^

Now that Johan Tserclaes, the count of Tilly, who served Maximilian I
of Bavaria and the Catholic League, had conquered the Lower Palatin-
ate, Ferdinand, proceeding cautiously, finally invested Maximilian with
the Palatine electorate. Gregory XV had done his best to take the elec-
toral dignity and vote away from the Galvinist Priedrich V. But the oppo-
sition, including England and Spain, Saxony and Brandenburg, was
great; Maximilian was, therefore, granted the electorate only for his life-
time, reserving the rights (whatever they might prove to be) of Fried-
rich's heirs.*'* Johann Georg I, the elector of Saxony, received Lusatia.®*
Thus the seeds were planted for another twenty-five years of destructive
warfare.

Gf. Mojmir lioryna, Lubos Lancinger, Vojtech Laska, Mnichovo Uradiste, Prague,
1984.

" Dumont, V-2, nos. ccxxxvi-ccxxxvil, pp. 418-20, docs, dated at Regensburg on 25-
26 February 1623; cf., ibid., nos. ccxcvii-ccc, pp. 538ff.; and see Gindely, Gesch. d. Dreis-
si^dhrigen Kriegee, IV (1880), 438-49, and Pastor, O&tch. d. Pdpate, XIIM (1928),
189-202.

Dumont, V-2, no. ogxlvii, pp. 438-40, doc. dated 13/23 June 1623.

Continuance of the War^ Gustavus
AdolphuSy Cardinal Richelieu, and
the Hapsburgs, the Increasing
Importance of France

(9^0

hen Tilly inflicted a crushing defeat upon Christian, the "mad

Halberstadter," on 6 August (1623), and destroyed his forces at
Stadtlohn on the Berkel River to the west of Miinster, the Aus-
trian-Bavarian triumph was complete. Friedrich of the Palatinate was
forced to drop out of the contest for a while, and so did Ernst von Mans-
feld, who sought refuge and employment in England. But now the Haps-
burg-Valois struggle of the preceding century seemed likely to be re-
newed, for Armand du Plessis, cardinal de Richelieu (since 1622), was
taking over the reins of government in France as Louis XIIFs prime
minister. Richelieu found the Hapsburgs' territorial encirclement of
Bourbon France as dangerous and distressing as had the Valois. Also,
like them, Richelieu was becoming interested in Italy.

The Spanish were not popular in England, especially after James I
failed to marry his son Charles [1] to the Infanta Maria.' Thereupon

' Gf. Dumont, Corps univerael diplomatique, V-2, no. ocxlviii, pp. 440-42, projected
marria;i<e contract between Charies, prince of Wales, and Maria, infanta of Spain, dated at

Westminster on 20 .luly 1623.

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Continuance of the War

Henriette-Marie, daughter of Henry IV and sister of Louis XIII, suddenly
looiied attractive at Westminster.' As the wlieel of fortune spun around,
it seemed for a brief spell as though it might unwind the victories of the

Hapsburgs. On 6 August 1623, the day that Tilly did away with the
Halberstndter's army at Stadtlohn, Maffeo Barberini was elected pope as
Urban Vlll. He had been papal legate in France. He disliked and feared
the Hapsburgs, who had the iioly See caught in the Milanese-Neapolitan
vise. Almost by leaps and l)ounds, in 1624-1625, the enemies of the
Hapsbufgs drew together in a series of separate treaties — Prance, the
Protestant Netherlands, England, and Brandenburg, even the rivals Den-
mark and Sweden, as well as Venice and Savoy.*

The French, Venetians, Savoyards, Swiss Protestants, and Urban VIII
himself wanted to clear the Hapsburgs out of the Valtellina,'* and in
1624-1 625 they did so, but lost the valley back to the Spanish the follow-
ing year when the French were obliged to make peace with Philip IV of
Spain.^ The would-be allies were in fact still not ready for concerted
action against the Hapsburgs. Richelieu had moved too quickly. He
could not solve the Huguenot problem until he could take La Rochelle,
which did not happen until 1628, when he found himself in a silly war
with the English under George Villiers, the first duke of Buckingham (d.
1628), who tried in vain to help the Huguenots. Richelieu thus had to
become reconciled with Spain. He had to postpone, but of course he did
not abandon, his anti-Hapsburg plans.

From Vienna the European landscape had, for a brief while, begun to
look murky, but on 5 June 1625 the Genoese-Spanish general Ambrosio
SpSnola had wrested from the Dutch the important fortress of Breda in
North Brabant. Every visitor to the Prado in Madrid has admired
Velazquez's painting of the surrender of Breda. With the war clouds
gathering in the west, Ferdinand 11 sought to maintain peace on his
eastern frontier by renewing the treaty of Zsitvatorok with Sultan Murad
IV (on 26 March 1626).^ After another conflict with Gabriel Bethlen,
peace was restored in December (1626). The Transyivanian remained a
prince of the Empire, and was to hold for his lifetime the seven counties

^ Diimont. V 2. nos. oovii, p. 468, and Gouv, pp. 476-78, does, dated 20 November
1624 and 8 May 1625.
' Gf. Dnmont, V-2. nos. ocun-ocuv, oclvi, ccLvnHOOjm, ocucvn, octxix. and noce no.

CCLXXiii, pp. 458ff.

* Dumont, V-2, nos. gclviii-ocux, pp. 469-70, and cf. no. ccuc, pp. 469-70.

' Domont, V-2, no. oclxxi, pp. 487-97, texts dated at Mona6n on 5 March 1626, wliii

documentary <iddcndn extending to 28 .lanuary 1628.

Dumont, V-2, no. ocuuv, pp. 475-76, and cf. no. cxxxxix.

Venice, Atutria, and the Turks in the Seventeenth Century

of the Upper Theiss, which he had been Ranted "par la benignite de sa

Majeste."^

At all times in all places it would seem that the rich and powerful seek
to take advantage of their position. Bethlen was no exception. On 3
March 1627 the Venetian Senate voted by a large majority "in gratifica-
done del Signor Prencipe di Transilvania" to allow him to export certain
goods without paying a toll of fifty ducats.' To a Venetian citizen fifty
ducats was no small sum; to the Signoria it was nothing. Why not please
Bethlen? He might some day be useful. On 19 November of the same
year, however, the Senate declined the request of Bethlen's agents to
forego an export toll of 400 ducats despite the obvious desire of many
members "tenir buona intelligenza col Prencipe di Transilvania."^ The
Signoria was well aware of the political risks of establishing unwise
precedents. Would Bethlen want to avoid a toll of a thousand ducats next
time? Who else would expect similar concessions to be granted to them?

One by one Ferdinand II was trying to find solutions for his numerous
problems. He made the Bohemian monarchy hereditary in the Hapsburg
family by the well-known decrees of 1627, expelling all non-Catholics
from the kingdom and establishing the higher Catholic clergy as the
dominant Estate in the realm, which now became a mere appendage to

^ Dumont, V-2. no. ccLXXV. pp. 498-99, and cf., ihid.. no.s. ccLXXVi-ccLxxvii. In March
1626 Gabriel Bethlen had proposed to the French government an alliance, which he prom-
ised he would never break, whatever misfortune might overtake him. The alliance was to
be "against our common enemy" (obviously Ferdinand II), and peace would be made only
"unamini consensu et consilio. " Bethlen claimed, however, that five years of warfare had
almost exhausted his treasury. To be of use to Louis XIII and Cardinal Richelieu he would
require a monthly subsidy of at least 40,000 imperial dollars as long as a state of war
existed (. . . qucidrdf^inta dtimtaxut thalerorum imperiidium millia menstruacim du-
rante hello in sxibsidium manerari et dari poactmus), for his proximity to the Austrian
Hapsburgs and the king of Poland exposed him to especial danger. Bethlen concluded his
request to the king and cardinal with the assurance that if they were also exposed to
danger, they could rely upon him, quod et nos suis Serenitatibus in casii simili reciproce
praestituros promittimus (Public Record Office (PRO], Chancery Lane, London, State
Papers |Si'l 97, XI, fol. 249). Richelieu was not yet ready, however, for any direct interven-
tlon into the Thirty Years' War.

In early May 1626 Sultan Murad IV had word that a Hapsburg embassy was likely to
come from Spain or Naples to ask for a formal statement of friendship from the Porte.
Murad informed the beys and kadis of Greece, however, that the self-seeking Spanish
sought only "their own fraudulent ends," and that the beys and kadis were not to allow
them passage through Greece (ibid.. State Papers 97, XII, fols. 21, 23, 25, "written in
Constantinople in the middle of the moon of Saban [Sha'ban] anno 1035, that is 8 May
1626" lstc|). Although Murad was willing to adhere to the treaty of Zsitvatorok with the
Hapsburgs of Vienna, he had apparently no intention of accepting the "friendship" of their
cousins in Madrid.

" Arch, di Stato di Venezia (ASV), Senato Mar, Reg. 85, fol. V [26%

^IMd., fols. 297''-299 i323*-325l. After Gabriel Bethlen's death (in 1629) his brother
Stephen aspired to the principalitv of Transylvania, but had to give way before Geoi^e
Rakoczy (cf. FRO, SP 97, XV, fol. 64).

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ContintMnce of the War

Austria. The Bohemian diet was stripped of all authority to make laws,
the Bohemian nobility was crushed, the peasants reduced to a lowly
state of serfdom, and seizures of property carried out on a vast scale.*®
German was declared an official language along with Czech, and the
latter language remained subdued until the Czech literary revival of the
eariy nineteenth century.

Seeking to take fish from the troubled waters of northern Germany in
1625-1626, Christian IV of Denmark, the brother-in-law of James I of
England, almost drowned in the torrent of his own ambition. His en-
deavors to secure control of the secularized bishoprics of Bremen, Osna-
briick, Verden, Minden, Halberstadt, and Magdeburg as well as to exert
his sway over the river Elbe's exit into the North Sea and that of the Oder
into the Baltic were all frustrated by failures on the battlefield. Equipped
with English money, Ernst von Mansfeld had returned to the continent,
but he was now defeated by Wallenstein at the bridge of Dessau (on 25
April 1626). Four moachs later Christian IV was himself crushed by Tilly
near the village of Lutter am Barenberge in Brunswick (on 27 August).
Christian's own duchies of Schleswig and Holstein were overrun by Tilly
and Wallenstein. Presently Mansfeld died in retreat to Dalmatia. Once
more the forces of the imperialists and those of the Catholic League had
been victorious everywhere despite the intervention of France and En-
gland against the Hapsburgs. The future of Protestantism in the German
northland, Luther's own Hdmat, was obviously imperiled.^* Europe was
drifting into near chaos, however, with the corruption of coinage in
Spain, Bohemia, and throughout the Empire, the disruption of trade and
commerce, the widespread confiscations of the urban and landed proper-
ties of the Protestants (and of other rebellious subjects), the reestablish-
ment of Catholicism wherever the Hapsburg arm could reach, driving
out Calvinists and (despite earlier compacts) the Lutherans as well, and
the rapacity of the unpaid Spanish troops in Flanders, the Rhineland,
and the Milanese.*^

Nevertheless, the Austrian Hapsburgs were doing well, very well. They
had little or nothing to fear from the Turks, their most dreaded enemies,
for the treaty of Zsitvatorok (of 1 1 November 1606) had been renewed
on 1 July 1615, on 1 May 1616, on 27 February 1618, and on 26 May
1625. Now it was renewed again for twenty-five years on 13 September

Dunioiu. \' 2, no. ccLxxviii, pp. 500-1, and esp. no. ocuuuui, pp. 507-15, dated 10
May, 1627, and cf. no. gcx:ix.

On the political and military confusion caused by Christian IV of Denmark's enoy into
the European fray, cf. Geoffrey Parker cf ai, The Thirty Kears' War (1984), pp. 72-81, and
Polisensky, The Thirty Years' War, pp. 169-75.
" Cf., Parker, pp. 72-109.

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Venice, Austria, and the Turka in the SeventeenU% Century

1 627.^^ The following year (on 20 July 1628) Hans Ludwig von Kuefstein
left Vienna as Ferdinand ll's envoy to the Porte. His entourage was
loaded with gifts for the Sultan Murad IV and the more important partici-
pants in the affairs of the Ottoman court. Kuefstein's purpose was to
clear up various discrepancies between the Latin and the Turkish texts
of this last treaty of 1627. He was to proceed with care, and must not
upset the Turks unduly, for what could not be obtained immediately
might sometime in the future be won by force of arms. One has learned a
fair amount about conditions in Turkey and life at the sultan's court from
Kuefstein's diar>' and correspondence. He arrived back in Vienna on 8
December (1628), and had a long audience with the emperor the follow-
ing day.**

At Vienna on 25 March 1629, Ferdinand II published the text (dated 6
March) of the long-awaited Edict of Restitution, restoring to Catholics all

'■'Gabriel Noradounghian, liccueil d'actes intcrnutUmuux de Vcinpirc ottoman, 11
(Paris, 1897). nos. 205, 218, 219, 224. 246. pp. 39, 41-42, 43, 46. The treaty of Zsitva-
torok, like other international conventions, was renewed as the sultanate passed from one
ruler to another; thus there was another ratitication of the treaty on 19 March 1642 (ibid.,
no. 251, p. 48). of which a summary of the text is given ibid., 1-2, no. viii, pp. 120-21. The
Latin text of the renewal of Zsitvatorok dated I May 1616 may also be found, ibid., 1-2, no.
VII. pp. 113-20.

Karl Tcply, Die kaiserliche Orossbotscha/t an Sultan Murad IV. im Jahre 1628: Des
Freiherm Hans LudvHg von Kuefateina Fahrt stir Hohen Pforte, Vienna, no date of

publication given. Both the Austro Turkish peace and that which Ferdinand !! had made
with Gabriel Bcthlen in December 1626 remained uncertain, according to a memorial
which Sir Thomas Roe is said to have addressed to Frederick Henry, prince of Orange, on
27 December 1628 (O.S.). i.e.. 6.lanuar>' 1629: ". . . All the ministers of the Grand Signer
(Murad I VJ know and confess their dishonor and disadvantage by this peace, to which they
were constrayned to yield by the Asian war (i.e., with Persia|, wherein, having now some
ease, they wilbe ready to review their accounts with the Emperor and. having reconciled
Gai)or (Gabriel), he Is able by his arts or by neccssitye to engage the Turkes at his pleasure.
. . . It is desired by Gabor that the Kyng of Sweveland [Gustavus Adolphus) may appeare
in Silesia, to whom he will obey and, making the territories of Austria the seate of the war,
he offereth to spoyle all the countryc round about and to bume whatsoever Is found
without the walled townes as far as na\ aria, when he shalbe secured of his rctrayct by the
King, and to serve him with his horse in all other occasions" {Letters Relating to the
Mission of Sir Thomas Roe to Oustavus Adolphus, 1629-30, ed. S.R. Gardiner. Camden
Society. 1875. p. 4). Gabriel Bcthlen died on 15 November 1629. On Roe's activities in
Istanbul, sec in general The Negotiations of Sir Thomas Roe (1581V-16441, in his Em-
hussy to the Ottoman Porte, from the year 1621 to 1628 inclusive . . . , vol. I jno more
published|, London, 1740.

In 1630-1631 the Turks were still deeply involved in an invasion of Persia, and Sultan
Murad IV was engrossed in his efforts "to prohibite the takinge of tobacco, havinge com*
manded yt upon paine of death .... and so greate is his hatred that in person he doth
waike up and down (dale and night disguised) in search thereof, and hath commanded
present infliction upon the (guiltyj parties" (Public Record Office |PRO|, Chancery Lane,
ivondon. State Papers (SP) 97, XV, fols. 33, 64-65', 74, on the sultan's pursuit of the
tobacco smokers, Wyche to Dorchester). Sir Peter Wyche (he usually spelled his name
Wych) was the English ambassador to the Porte from 1627 to 1641, succeeding Sir
Thomas Roe; Sir Dudley Garleton. Viscount Dorchester, wasCharies i*S secretary of State
from December 1628 until his death in February 1632.

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CanttHMonce o/ the War

the ecdesiflstical properties and rights usurped by the Protestants since
the peace of Passau (of 1552). This involved, of course, the archbishop-
rics of Bremen and Magdeburg as well as the bishoprics of Minden, Ver-

den, Halberstadt, and nine others. As one might have assumed, however,
the current claims of the elector of Saxony had eventually to be recog-
nized. Had it been possible to put the edict entirely into effect, which it
was not, more than a hundred important abbatial and monastic proper-
ties, hospitals, and other foundations might have been recovered by the
Catholics. The more recent Protestant nobility would have been impov-
erished, losing the social status that accompanies wealth. It was sinful
and illegal to buy, sell, or usurp church lands; no matter how one had
acquired ecclesiastical properties since Passau, he must give them up.
The edict recognized, moreover, only Catholics and adherents of the
Confession of Augsburg (of 1530), "ceux de I'ancienne religion Catho-
lique et ceux de la Confession d'Ausbourg non changee," for all other
doctrines and sects were excluded and prohibited^ "and must not be
suffered or endured,** which meant the exclusion of the Galvinists."

The rivalry of the Hapsburgs and the Wittelsbaohs of Bavaria for gover-
nance of disputed dioceses had delayed issuance of the Emperor Ferdi-
nand's edict of restitution. Also Maximilian feared the growing power of
Wallenstein. Efforts to bring about some kind of reconciliation between
Friedrich V, the erstwhile elector palatine, and Ferdinand II had proved
futile,^* while the emperor's son and namesake Ferdinand [III], now king
of Hungary and Bohemia, was invested with the electoral dignity which
accompanied the crown of the latter kingdom.'' The Austrian Hapsburgs
were riding high in Germany and eastern Europe. Furthermore, the bond
with their Spanish cousins was strengthened when a marriage contract
between the younger Ferdinand and the Infanta Maria, sister of Philip IV
of Spain, was prepared in Vienna in August 1627 and ratified at Madrid
in September 1 628.'^ This was the bride that James 1 had failed to secure
for his son and successor Charles.

The imperial claims of Ferdinand II and the massive forces of Wallen-
stein were getting out of hand, almost as distressing to Catholics as to
Proteatants. Late in the year 1628 and earty in 1629 the four Catholic

" Dumont, V-2, no. ooax, pp. 564-69, "donn^ en nostra vlile 4e Vienne le 6 Jour du

mois de Mars I'an 1629;" cf. Pastor. Gcsch. d. Papste, XIII-l (1928). 349-65. and Hist.
Popes, XXVIIi, 169-92, and csp. Robert Uireley, Religion and Politics in the Age oj the
Counterreformation, Univ. North Carolina Press. 1981, pp. 74-79, 81-94, 122ft, on the
bewilderinji complications which the Edict involved.

''Dumont, V-2, no. ccLXXXiv, pp. .SI 9-22, doc. dated at Golmar, "die freye Reichs-
stadt," on 1 8 .luly 1 627. On the hopes of the English for the restoration of the Palatinate to
Friedrich V, Charles I s hrothcr in-law, as late as March 1629/1630, cf. Public Record
Office IPRO). State Papers |SP) 97. XV. fol. 17.

" Dumont, V-2, no. ccxciv, p. 537. doc. dated at i*nitue on 26 Jantuify 1628.

" Dumont, V-2, no. ggcv, pp. 554-58.

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Venice, ^tiacrto, and the Turks in th€ fleventeetufc Century

eleoCora — Georj^ Friedrich von Greiffenklau of Mainz, Philipp Ghristoph
von Sotem of Trier, Ferdinand von Wittelsbach of Cologne, and Co-
logne's brother Maximilian 1 of Bavaria — chose deputies to wait upon
the Emperor Ferdinand to plead for peace for the "afllicted empire, that
dear and precious peace for which all good patriots are longing." His
Majesty had reduced all the empire to his devotion. There was no longer
an enemy to be feared. The electors hoped that Ferdinand would now
lighten the burden of soldiery upon the empire by dismissing and re-
moving the gens de guerre, making a firm peace, and effecting the
"reintegration de la foi gcrmanique entre les etats de I'Empire/'

To achieve this important objective "une diette imperiale" was de-
clared to be absolutely necessary.'^ The electors should attend the diet
in person to air their differences and resolve them. Protestants of the
Augsburg Confession should be protected and left to their faith. The
eleotofs complained of the emperor's generalissimo Albrecht von Wal-
lenstein, the duke of Priedland, who harassed thefar troops and those of
the Catholic League, depriving them of their quarters. The four Catholic
electors wanted the Circles of Franconia and Swabia for their own
forces. The empire was, incidentally, divided into ten "circles" (as it had
been since the end of the fifteenth century), and they often went their
own way, adding to the hopeless confusion of what was called the gover-
nance of the empire.

The deputies of Christian IV of Denmark also submitted proposals
upon which peace could be reestablished, pleading for restoration of the
status quo ante bellum. The imperial demands were harsh, however, for
Ferdinand wanted Christian to give up the duchies of Schlcswig and
Holstein as well as to make other important concessions, to which the
Danish deputies could not agree.

The Protestants had been poorly led. Defeated, they were being trod
under foot. The imperialist generals Wallenstein and Tilly were, how-
ever, disturbed by die waiiike preparations of Gustavus Adolphus, the
Protestant king of Sweden. Wanting to solve the Danish problem to help
clear the atmosphere, Wallenstein advocated peace with Christian IV,
who was happy to accept the treaty of Lubeck in May 1629. The imperi-

" This "impcrini diet," ns we shall note shortly, was to be an electoral diet or convention
(a Kurfurstentag), not a meetin^of the imperial parliament or Reichstag, on which note
Hennann Weber, "Bmperear, Bleeteara et Diite," Ketme dWatolre diplomatique,
LXXXIX (1975), 281-07. On the Electors (Kur/iirsten) and Princes {Rcichsfursten) of the
Empire in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, see Fritz Dickmann, Der WestJcUische
Frieden, Mttiwter. 1959, pp. 25ff.

*• Dumont, V-2, no. cccviii, pp. 561-64, the last text being dated at Lubeck on 15 March
1629; note also the Documenta bohemica, IV, nos. 728-29, 737-38, 741-46, 770, pp.
286ff. AldKwth Che emperor^s son Ferdinand f waa one of tiie "GadMriio deeton," and
had a vote in an imperial election, he was alao king of Bohemia, a "foreign" monardi, and
could not share in councils of the empire.

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Continuance of the War

alist-Danish peace provided for an abiding friendthip between Ferdi-
nand II and Christian. Tlieir heirs and suooessors were always to lieep
the peace, "zu ewigen Zeiten untereinander rechtschaffene ungeftrbte

Freundschafft zu Wasser und Land (zu] halten." The emperor would not
interfere in Danish affairs, nor would the king of Denmark in those of the
empire, i.e.. Christian gave up all claim to the secularized archbishoprics
and bishoprics in Germany. The emperor would seek no war indemnity
from Denmarlc despite the damage Christian had done. The duchies of
Schleswig and Holstein were to be restored to Christian (and they would
remain Danish until the Prussians moved in, in 1864-1866) save for such
feudal ri^ts as the emperor possessed in the said duchies and in what-
ever other lands, cities, and fortresses the emperor would now return to
Christian. The kings of Spain and Poland as well as Maximilian of Bavaria
and the other electors were all included in the treaty.^'

The house of Hapsburg and Catholicism seemed to have emerged
triumphant from the first dozen years of the Thirty Years' War. Bohemia
was no longer Protestant, and had been virtually removed from the politi-
cal map of Europe. Denmark had been subdued. A number of secularised
bishoprics had been returned to Catholicism. The entire Palatinate was
in Catholic hands. Protestants were expelled from the revered Lutheran
city of Augsburg, a free city of the empire, in August 1629. Ferdinand's
Restitutionsedikt was wreaking havoc.

Most of the Catholic princes, especially Maximilian of Bavaria, who
feared and hated Wallenstein, were rendered extremely uneasy by the
extent of the Hapsburg success. It seems not to have occurred to various
Catholic leaders that they might need Wallenstein*s prowess on the bat-
defield, even when on 25 September 1629 the Swedish chancellor Axel
Oxenstiema concluded a six years* peace with Sigismund HI Vasa of
Poland, presumably to free the forces of King Gustavus II Adolphus for
a descent into Germany.

The "diette imperiale" demanded by the Catholic electors was held at
Regensburg during the summer and fall of 1630. Although the Protestant
electors Johann Georg I of Saxony and Georg Wllhelm of Brandenburg
declined to put in an appearance at the diet (or Kurf&ratentag), the
Emperor Ferdinand did not fare well. The electors present rejected his
efforts to secure the designation of his son Ferdinand [III) as king of the
Romans (and therefore his successor); refused to support the imperi-
alist-Spanish candidate for the duchies of Mantua and Montferrat; and

** Dumont, V-2, no. oocxvili, pp. 584-86, doo. dated at LObeck on 22 May 1629, and see
Midiael Roberts, Gustavus Adolphua: A Hiatory I^SwedtH, 1611-1632, 2 VOis., Lmidoil
and New Yorii. 1953-58, II. 380-88.

" Dtimont, V-2, no. oocxxi, pp. 594-96, "fait au camp d'Altemmarck le qnlmMme 8ep-
tembre. stil vieil (i.e., the 25th|, mil six cens vin^t-neuf;" the treaty was ratified by Sl^lS-
nnind III at Warsaw on 8 October 1629, and cf., Und., no. cocxxiu, p. 598b.

Venice, Austria, and the Turks in the Seventeenth Century

granted exoneration to Friedrich V of the Palatinate provided he would
give up his avowed rights to the crown of Bohemia and surrender his
electoral dignity and vote (which he declined to do). It appeared as
though Maximilian I of Bavaria and his confederates of the Catholic
League had successfully asserted their control over Germany, leaving
Ferdinand II those rights attendant upon the imperial dignity and, of
course, the kingdoms of Hungary and Bohemia, the archduchy of Aus-
tria, and the hereditary lands of the Hapsburgs.^

Maximilian of Bavaria feared the rising greatness of Wallenstein who,
by his success on the battlefield and with the initial support of two rich
wives, had created the duchy of Friedland (Frydlant, in 1625), pur-
chased that of Sagan (in 1628), and conquered that of Mecklenburg (in
1628).^'* A military entrepreneur, Wallenstein raised his own forces and
paid them well, relieving the imperial treasury, but imposing a terrible
burden upon the lands in which they were quartered. His own huge
estates, however, he managed with some measure of forbearance, reap-
ing in capitalist fashion rich rewards of an economic nature. Wallenstein

" The "diette imperialc" was held during the unsuccessful Spanish siege of Casale

Monferrato, an important episode in the war of the Mantuan succession (1627-1631),
which the French won with the establishment of Charles of Gonzaga-Nevers on the ducal
thrones of Mantua and Montferrat (even with the imperialist seizure and sack of Mantua in
16.10). Despite an occ.isional success, 1630 was a bad year for Ferdinand II (cf. Docu-
menta hohemicd Belliim Tricennule illustrantiu, IV [1974], esp. docs. nos. 1030ff., pp.
393ff.).

Charles of Nevers, along with the interesting .Fachia ben Mehmet [Yahya ibn Mehmed)
and even Wallenstein, was one of several persons who entertained various far-fetched
schemes for a crusade against the Turks and the restoration of the Byzantine throne.
Jachia was active from about 1610 to his death in 1649/50 (Dorothy M. V'aughan, Europe
and the Turk, Liverpool. 1954, pp. 217-36), an important but forgotten figure.

The French domination of Mantua-Montferrat disrupted the Milan-Naples axis o! the
Hapsburgs, to which fact we shall make reference later. On the Kurfiirstenug of Regens-
burg, see Dieter Albrecht, Die auswSrtige Politik Maximilians von Bayem (1962), pp.
263ff., who explores the background of events, including the consequences of Maximil-
ian's hostility to Wallenstein; note also Roberts, Gustavus Adolphus, II (1958), 437-39,
and esp. Robert Bireley, Religion and Politics in the Age of the Counterreformation
(1981), pp. 113-30.

^* Before the imperialist-Danish peace (of May 1629) Sir Thomas Roe, the English am-
bassador in Istanbul, in a report on the alleged plans of the Austrians, had picked up the
rumor that Wallenstein was also to be given the kingdom of Denmark, "but upon condition
that the royall crowne shall be kept from him, and that he shall only hold it with the title of
a duke," as a iief of the Empire (Public Record Ofticc. Chancery Lane, l^ondon. State
Papers 97, XIV, fol. 41, doc. dated January 1627 (1628?)). A number of the "desseigns of
the Austrians," which Roe thus reported, do seem unlikely. Sir Thomas Roe resided in
Istanbul, as the ambassador of .lames I (d. 1625) and Charles I, from late December 1621
to early June 1 628; like his predecessors and successors he also served as representative of
the Levant Company at the Porte (see Michael J. Brown, Itinerant Ambassador: The Life
of Sir Thomds Roc, Lexington, Kentucky, 1970, pp. 118-65).

On Wallenstein (Waldstein, Valdstejn), note the observations of Folisensky, The Thirty
Years' War, pp. 71. 74-75. 116-18. 172ff., 177-84, 193-206, 211-14, and see the de-
tailed work of Golo Mann, Wallenstein, Frankfurt am Main, 1971, with extensive refer-
ences to the sources. Mann's biography of Wallenstein has been translated by Charles
Kessler, London and New York, 1976, without refs. to sources.

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Comtintiance o/ the War

apparendy planned the unification of the Gennan empire under the

Hapsburga (at the obvious expense of the princes), and looked fomrard
to domination over Sweden, Denmark, Brandenburg, and Saxony as well
as over Poland and Bavaria, after which his dream is alleged to have been
a great movement against the Turks, the Hapsburgs' most formidable
enemy. But, as the years passed, Wallenstein built air castles in various
places, depending upon where he believed his self-interest lay. It was
dear to the German princes, however, that their self-interest did not
coincide with his, and so Ferdinand II was finally obliged to dismiss him
in mid-August 16J0.

Having made peace with the Poles (and the Muscovites), Gustavus
Adolphus accepted a commercial treaty with the city of Danzig (Gdansk)
on 28 February 1 6v30," and thereafter moved into Pomerania, where on
20 July (1630) he made a treaty of alliance with Bogislaus, the duke of
Stettin (Szczecin), "avec tres-grande compassion," declaring that Bogis-
laus had for three years suffered "les tres-griefves et inouies oppres-
sions.** In 1628 WaUenstein had laid siege — unsuccessfully — to the im-
portant city of Stralsund, strategically placed in Pomerania on an oudet
to the Baltic Sea. Gustavus Adolphus*s treaty with Bogislaus was for
their mutual defense, "non point pour Toffence." It was directed, ac-
cording to the text, against neither the sacred Majesty of the emperor
nor the empire, but was intended, solely for the preservation of religious
freedom and secular peace. Stralsund iigures prominently in the treaty.
With certain inovisos Gustavus Adolphus was designated as Bogislaus's
heir if the latter died ''without male descendants.**** Stripped of its ver-
biage, the treaty meant that the Swedes had taken over Pomerania, to
the distress of Qeoig Wilhelm of Brandenburg.

In France, meanwhile, Louis XIII's chief minister. Cardinal Armand de
Richelieu, having taken care of the French Huguenot problem by the
occupation of La Rochelie (in 1628) and by the peace of Alais (in 1629),
was prepared to venture abroad to do sn^ damage as he could to the
Hapsburgs in Austria as well as in Spain. In March 1630 he made a
defensive alliance with Maximilian I of Bavaria and the Catholic League,
which seemed appropriate for a cardinal of the Roman church. Ri-
chelieu, however, had his eyes firmly fixed upon the stalwart Lutheran
Gustavus Adolphus, who in the summer of 1630 published a manifesto
setting forth the reasons which obliged him to take up arms and enter
Germany.

Actually, according to Gustavus, there was no need to dilate on his

Dumont, V-2. no. OGCXXiii, pp. 598-99, "actum Tiegenhoff |Nowy Dw6r Odanski] die
decimo octavo Februarll Stiii veteris (i.e.. the 28th| anni 1630."

Dumont. V-2. no. coQtxvn, pp. 606-8, "au vieil Stetin le dlxiesmejoar de JnlUet. vieil
•til, fan mU six oem trente.'*

Venice, Austria, and the Turks in the Seventeenth Century

reasons, for they were known to all the peoples and states of Christen-
dom, "sgavoir est le dessein perpetuel des Espagnols et Maison d'Aus-
triche a la monarchic univcrsclle." At any rate, still according to Gusta-
vus, the Hapsburgs of Spain and Austria were aiming at the conquest of
the states of western Christendom, and especially the principalities and
free cities of Germany. Although Gustavus's reasons for embarking upon
his "just war" were thus said to be well known, he set them forth at great
length.^^

In response to an embassy which Richelieu sent to Gustavus Adolphus
in June 1630, the latter wrote both lx)uis XlII and Richelieu from Stral-
sund (on 17 September), requesting in the usual roundabout fashion of
the day funds with which to raise troops for the common good.^* Maxi-
milian and the Catholic League had apparently abandoned the Haps-
burgs. Pope Urban VIII Barberini was no friend of the house of Austria,
and now Richelieu was prepared to finance Gustavus's "just war"
against Ferdinand II.

By the well-known treaty of Barwalde of 23 January 1631 between
Louis XIII and Gustavus Adolphus, the most serene sovereigns of France
and Sweden undertook the defense of their common friends and the
security of the Baltic Sea and the Atlantic Ocean. They would restore
conditions in Europe to the state in which they had been "before the
German war." To this end the king of Sweden undertook to put 30,000
foot and 6,000 horse into the field in Germany "at his own expense." To
help meet the said expense the king of France would make an annual
contribution of "400,000 imperial dollars" (quadringenta millia tale-
rorum imperialiutn), one half to be paid on 15 May, the other half on
1 5 November, at Paris or Amsterdam, as the Swedish ministers should
think best.

Soldiers and sailors might be conscripted in either French or Swedish
territory. Ships and military equipment could be exported from the do-
mains of either power free of charge. If God granted the king of Sweden
success in areas of the empire and in other places, "in which the exercise
of the Roman Catholic religion shall be found," he was not to disturb the
faith. Gustavus was to maintain friendship "or at least neutrality" with
the duke of Bavaria and the Catholic League if they dealt with him in like
fashion. The Franco-Swedish treaty was to last for five years. Since Gus-
tavus had already encountered many expenses in the current war, he was

" Dumont, V-2, no. cccxxviii, pp. 608-1 1. On 12 August 1630 Gustavus also formed an
alliance with the Protestant landgrave of Hessen-Kassel (ibid., no. cccxxix). On the

changes and complications which time and the hazards of warfare brought about in Gusta-
vus' policies in Germany, note Michael Roberts, "The Political Objectives of Gustav Adolf
in Germany, 1630-2," in Essays in Swedish History, London, 1967, pp. 82-110, with an
extensive bibliography in the notes.

Dumont, V-2, no. cccxxxill, p. 615, doc. dated 17 September 1630.

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Contintumee of the War

forthwith to receive 400,000 imperial dollars upon the signing of the
present treaty, which sum was not to be counted against the five years'
subsidy which lay ahead. ^

The war had begun in earnest. At the beginning of April 1631 Johann
Georg of Saxony, Georg Wilhelm of Brandenburg, and their Protestant

"J. Dumont, Corps universel diplomatique, VI- 1 (Amsterdam and The Hague, 1728),
no. I, pp. 1-2, "actum in Stativis Bernvaldi in nova Marchia Brandeburgensi (I.e., Barwalde
in Neumark in Brandenburg), decima tenia Januarii 1631 stylo veteri (i.e., 23 January
stylo novo]." In article 3 of Dumont's text of the treaty 400,000 {quadringenta miUia) Is
incorrectly given as 40.000 (qiiadraginta millia) by a slip of the penman or the printer,
but the figure appears correctly in art. 11. On the negotiations which led to the treaty of
BSrwalde, see Laurltz Weibull, "Oustave-Adolphe et Richelieu," Revue hiatorique,
CLXXIV (.July-August 1934), esp. pp. 218-25; cf. Dieter Albrecht, Die auswdrtige Politik
Maximilians von Bayern (1962), pp. 304-5, and Roberts, Gustavus Adolphus, 11 (1958),
466-69.

The military world was remade in the late sixteenth century and the seventeenth. A large
bibliography has grown up on the subject in the last two or three generations, of which no
account can be taken here, but mention may be made of Michael Roberts* lectures on
"Gustav Adolf and the Art of War" (1955) and "The Military Revolution, 1560-1660"
(1956), in Essays in Swedish History, London, 1967, pp. 56-81, 195-225, on which note
also Maury D. Feld, "Middle-Glass Society and the Rise of Military Professionalism: The
Dutch Army 1589-1609," in Armed Forces and Society, 1-4 (1975), 419-42; Geoffrey
Parker, "The 'Military Revolution,' 1560-1660 — a Myth?" in The Journal of Modem
History, XLVIII (1976), 195-214; and Parker et ol., The Thirty Years' War (1984), pp.
190fr., 205-8.

The first and most important innovations in drill, tactics, and siegecraft were made by
the Dutch under Maurice of Nassau (d. 1625), and new tactical offensives on the battlefield

were devised by Gustavus Adolphus, king of Sweden (d. 1632), who drew his ideas from
the contemporary Spanish as well as the Dutch models. In tactics Gustavus exerted a
considerable Influence upon his military successors, including the later Austrian generals
(among them Raimondo Montecuccoll) who were to fight successfully against the Turks.
Although by the later seventeenth century, the era of Sebastien de Vauban, the modes of
warfare had changed considerably, the Dutch-Swedish Impact upon military operations
remained strong. See in general Werner Hahlweg, Die Heeresreform der Oranier und die
Antike, Berlin, 1941, who has described the creation of the "modern army" (between
1589 and about 1 630) which, oddly enough, was the consequence of the study of the work
on tactics (the Tactica) of the Greek Aelian (from the second century A.D.) as well as on
that attributed to the Byzantine emperor Leo VI (d. 911). Beginning in the Netherlands
with Maurice of Nassau and his cousins, the "Heeresreform" was quickly taken up in
Germany, Prance, England, and Italy, and thereafter in Switzerland and Spain — and espe-
cially by the Swedish commanders in Germany during the Thirty Years' War.

Hahlweg has also edited the so-called Kriegshuch of Count John VII of Nassau-Siegen (d.
1623), who sought to link theory and practice in the fine art of warfare (Die Heeresreform
der Oranier: Das Kriegshuch des Orafen Johann von Nassau-Siegen, Wiesbaden, 1973,
with various other texts). Hahlweg's introduction to this work sketches in ample detail the
reform of the military in the Netherlands, especially as instituted by Maurice of Nassau and
other members of the house of Orange In the later sixteenth and earlier seventeenth
centuries. John of Nassau deals in his Kriegshuch with the necessity of drills and practice
in the use of pikes, muskets, heavy artillery, and other types of firearms and explosives,
mining (In siegecraft) and countermining (In the defense of a fortress), military watch-
words and routine commands, tactical formations in marching as well as the "counter-
march" in battle, problems of encampment, the current truisms and maxims of warfare and
strategy, peace and politics, etc., with historical examples illustrating the success or fail-
ure of one method or another. Count John also established the first German military
academy (at Siegen in Westphalia).

Venice, Auatria, and the Turks in the Seventeenth Century

allies signed an agreement at Leipzig in defense of "unser geliebtes Va-
tcrlandt Teutschcr Nation," whieh had been severely tried "by God's
righteous wrath for our manifold sins." They lamented the notorious
violations of the ReichsconstitutUmen, the disregard of princely dignity
and privileges, and the utter derogation of German liberty. The Emperor
Ferdinand II must take note of their warning. They did not say that as
Protestants they would join Gustavus Adolphus, but the implication that
they might was easily read between the lines. Saxony and Brandenburg
were joined by two dozen or more lesser princes of some importance and
by delegates from StraslK>urg, Nuremberg, Lubeck, Frankfurt-am-Main,
Miihlhausen, Nordhausen, and "the evangelical cities in Swabia."""' The
idea was that if Ferdinand would revoke the edict of restitution, and
reach a satisfactory compromise with the Protestants, they would, as
Germans, presumably join him in defense of the "Vaterlandt" against
Gustavus Adolphus, a Lutheran but a foreigner.

On 13 April (1631), however, Gustavus II stormed the city of Frank-
furt an der Oder, which was a good beginning. The imperialist army
under Tilly was disintegrating for lack of ftnancial support, but he and his
lieutenant Gottfried zu Pappenheim looked to the capture of the Protes-
tant stronghold of Magdeburg on the Elbe. Pappenheim had had the city
under siege for some time. Gustavus sent Dietrich von Falkenbcrg to
conduct its defense, while he appealed to his fellow Protestants, the
electors of Saxony and Brandenburg, to join him and save the threatened
city. They did nothing; Gustavus could not tell which side they were on;
and neither could they. The two Protestant electors wanted to defend
Germany and also to remain neutral. Their policy was at odds with itself.

The neutrality of Brandenburg, who had but slender resources, was
broken when Gustavus occupied Spandau, just to the west of Berlin, and
made the elector his reluctant ally. Gustavus, unfortunately for Magde-
burg, hung back, uncertain of Johann Georg of Saxony, who might or
might not take the field against him. Saxony was unreliable even when he
was sober. Tilly and Pappenheim redoubled their efforts to take Magde-
burg, hoping to acquire booty enough to provide them with desperately
needed supplies and wages for their unruly troops.

At long last on the morning of 20 May (1631), after three full days of
ceaseless cannonading, the imperialist forces under Pappenheim
stormed and captured the city of Magdeburg, which was subjected to
merciless sack and slaughter. Before they could gather much booty,
however, fires broke out in several places. Falkenbeig, who was killed in
Pappenheim*s final onslaught, may conceivably have planned the fires in
advance. The imperialists saved their troops with difficulty, having

Dumont, VI-1, no. iv, pp. 6-9, doc. dated 2 April 1631.

Continuance of the War

gained little by way of provisions and haid cash. Some twenty thousand
Maideburten perished in the mass destruction of their city. It horrified

a Europe accustomed to butchery and conflagration, and was long ie«
membered as the major disaster of the Thirty Years' War.""

After Magdeburg, Georg Wilhelm of Brandenburg was obliged to ratify
his agreement with Gustavus Adolphus, virtually surrendering the for-
tress towns of Spandau (a few miles west of Berlin) and Kfistrin (on the
Oder) to the embattled Swedes, according to the treaty dated 22 June
1631.^ Gustavus was making progress. On 30 May a treaty had been
signed at Fontainebleau between Louis XIII and Maximilian I of Bavaria,
who were "desirans . . . confirmer une bonne amitie et une mutuelle
deffense," It was a mutual-defense pact, and was to last for eight years.
Louis or rather Richelieu undertook to furnish Maximilian with nine
thousand foot and two thousand horse "avec canons et provisions con-
venables et necessaires pour la defense de TElecteur de Baviere et de ses
provinces hir^ditaires et acquises en cas que Ton y entrast hostile-
ment.** Maximilian might choose either the aforesaid troops or money
**in proportion."

On the other hand Maximilian must make available to the French three
thousand foot and one thousand horse "for the defense of the most
Christian king and his hereditary and acquired lands." Louis XIll, like
his new ally, might also demand money in lieu of troops. The French
would supply neither men nor money to anyone who proposed to "trou-
ble or molest the said elector or his lands.** The French promised to
recognise, defend, and maintain Maximilian and the Bavarian Wittels-
bachs in the electoral dignity. The Franco -Bavarian treaty was to be kept
secret, but the said treaty was not to be understood in any way to contra-
vene the Bavarian promises and commitments to the Emperor Ferdinand
II and the Empire. And in evidence of good faith the most Christian king
signed the treaty with his own hand."**

The French thus bound themselves to maintain Maximilian in the elec-
toral dignity which Gustavus Adolphus proposed to give back to Fried-
rich V of the Palatinate. They also agreed to defend Maximilian from
attack, but the latter's general Tilly was not only generalissimo of the

B. Charveriat. HisL de la Guerre de Trente Ana, II (1878). 81-89; Anton Gindely.
Htatory of the Thirty Yearn' War, trans. Andrew Ten Brook, 2 vob., New York. 1884, II,
58-67; Wedgwood. The Thirty Years' War. pp. 286-91; Parker et ui, The Thirty Years'
War (1984), p. 125; Roberts, Gustavus Adolphus, 11 (1958). 469-74. 480-83. 490ff.,
496ff.. who pliioes the fall of Mafdelniiit on 10 May, oM styla (iMdL, II. 495-96); and aee
esp. Werner Laliiie. MoiiUburgB ZentOnmi inderMeUgenOBtUdten PubllMtMik, Magde-
burg, 1931.

'* Wediwood, The Thirty Yean' War, pp. 291-92; Roberts, OuMamut Adolphum, II

(1958), 490-9.1, 509-13.

Dumont, VI- 1, no. vm, p. 14.

Venice, Austrfa, atMf (he Twrka in the Seventeentii Century

imperialists but also of the Catholic League, at the head of which was
Maximilian, who was helping to finance the imperialist defense of Ca-
tholicism and the German Empire. Since Tilly had to obtain plunder
somewhere to provide his troops with food and funds, he found himself
in a hopeless plight. As the imperialist general, he was at war with Gusta-
VU8; as the Bavarian commander, he was the atty of Gustavus's confeder-
ates Louis XIII and Richelieu. The French would make avaUable neither
men nor money, according to the secret treaty of 30 May (1631), to
anyone who sought to "trouble or molest the said elector or his lands."
They were very largely financing Gustavus's campaign. What would they
do if and when the Swedes entered Bavarian territory with hostile
intent?

Rendered desperate by the need to find provisions for his troops, Tilly
finally moved into the domain of the Elector Johann Geoig of Saxony, to
whom Maximilian was also bound as an ally by the Protestant resolution
of Leipiig (of 2 April 1631). Tilly's action immediately drove Johann
Georg into the arms of Gustavus Adolphus, with whom he signed a pact
of mutual defense on 1 September at Torgau on the Elbe, a city sacred to
the Lutherans, about thirty miles northeast of Leipzig. Gustavus also
confirmed the pact at his camp in the village of Werben, about thirteen
miles southeast of Wittenberge. Werben had been Gustavus's command
post since Tilly and Pappenheim had destroyed Magdeburg, where the
Swedes had hoped to establish their forces.

Gustavus made a solenrn pledge to defend the elector of Saxony, his
lands, and his subjects against all enemies, and especially against the
general "Graff von Tilly," who is mentioned in the text.'''* Johann Georg
agreed to unite his forces with tliose of Gustavus as soon as his Swedish
Majesty had crossed the Elbe to the south, and to give him "full direc-
tion** of the coming campaign "so lange die Gefahr von dem Feinde
wehren wird,** i.e., "as long as danger from the enemy shall continue.'*^

Meanwhile Tilly was hard at woilc in Saxony, seizing Halle an der
Saale, some twenty miles or more northwest of Leipzig, as well as Eisle-
ben to the west of Halle, and Merseburg to the south. Each conquest
strengthened his hand against Leipzig, which he occupied in mid-Sep-
tember (1631). The Swedish and Saxon armies now came together at the
town of [Bad] Dfiben on the river Mulde, a dozen miles east of Bitterfeld.
Diiben is something over twenty miles north of Leipzig. The opposing
forces were getting closer, and the reckless Pappenheim ventured out on
his own from the area of Leipzig to determine the whereabouts of Gusta-
vus Adolphus and Joiiann Georg of Saxony. Finding them, he sent an

^ Dumont, VI- 1, nos. xii-xiii, pp. 18-19, docs, dated 1 September 1631.
" Dumont, VI-1, no. xii, p. 18b.

Copyrighted material

Continuance qf the War 55

urgent appeal to Tilly to join him, which the latter did with grave

misgivings.

The famous battle took place at Breitenfeld, a few miles northwest of
Leipzig, on Wednesday, 17 September (1631). As the two armies con-
fronted each other on the field, they exchanged cannon fire for several
hours before either side began to make an attack. Less than mid-way
through the later violence of the contest Johann Georg fled from the
field. The Saxon infantry melted away quickly. The cannoneers took to
their heels, leaving the heavy artillery behind. Most of the cavalry fol-
lowed the elector, stopping along the way to steal what they could from
the Swedish baggage train behind the lines.

Abandoned by their Saxon allies, Gustavus Adolphus and the Swedish
army had to face the imperialist host by themselves. For some time it
looked as though the emperor's banner of the double-headed eagle had
indeed been unfuiied for victory, which was quite unexpected, for the
combined Saxon-Swedish soldiery had outnumbered the imperialist
forces. Now Tilly and Pappenheim should have had the advantage, but a
new era had dawned in warfare.

Gustavus's small, loosely deployed squads of cavalry interspersed with
groups of infantry — with little rows of musketeers put among them at
intervals — met the far less maneuverable masses of Tilly's horse and
foot, and finally defeated them in prolonged and bloody encounters. The
aged Tilly, now in his early seventies, was severely wounded; helped off
the battlefield, he escaped capture. A mighty warrior, a matchless stra-
tegist, Gustavus had achieved the victory at Breitenfeld by his own dar-
ing as well as by his strange capacity for leadership.^^ He became the idol
of Protestant Europe, as Breitenfeld came to mean the salvation of Pro-
testantism in Germany. As in the case of Lepanto, contemporaries proba-
bly exaggerated the military importance of Breitenfeld but, again as with
Lepanto, it long remained an inspiration to those whose forebears had
won the victory.

After the crushing defeat at Breitenfeld, Tilly wound his way south-
westward some three hundred miles to Nordlingen to regroup what was
left of his forces and to recruit such additional soldiery as he could find.
Pappenheim moved westward into the Weser valley to await the next
turn of events. If Gustavus Adolphus defeated the imperialists, as he had

Cf. Hans Delbriick, Gesc/iic/ife der Krie/iskunst im Rtihmen der politisclien Ge-
achichte, IV. 232-40, who puts the strength of the Saxon-Swedlsh army at about 39,000
men. and that of the imperialists at about .16.000. These figures include some 13,000
Saxon-Swedish and 1 1,000 imperialist cavalry. Needless to add, perhaps, estimates of the
sites of the two armies var>' (cf. Parker et «/., The Thirty Years' War, p. 126; Roberts,
Oustavua Adolphus, 11 11958], 250-53, 534-38). Roberts dates the battle on 7 Sep-
tember, old style.

Venice, Austria, and the Turks in the Seventeenth Century

hoped (and as he had now done), it had been his intention to march upon
Vienna. But he distrusted Johann Georg of Saxony, who might well have
made peace with Ferdinand II behind his back. Leaving the Saxon elec-
tor to proceed against Ferdinand's domains to the extent he dared to do
so, Gustavus made his way down the "priestly catwalk," the Pfaffen-
gasse, into the German center of Catholic wealth and authority.

From the beginning of October to the end of December (1631) Gusta-
vus Adolphus seized, one after the other, a half-dozen important Gadio-
lie cities — Erfurt, Wiirzburg, Hanau, Aschaffenburg, Frankfurt am Main,
and Mainz. Frankfurt was the site of imperial elections; the archiepisco-
pal see of Mainz was itself an electorate. At Hochst on 19 November
(]6vll) at the time of Gustavus's entry into Hessen, between the occupa-
tion of Hanau and that of Aschaffenburg, the landgrave Georg of Hessen-
Darmstadt surrendered to him the important fortress town of Rflssels-
heim. Three days later at Frankfurt am Main, Gustavus promised to
restore Riisselsheim, which is only a few miles east of Mainz, to the
landgrave "as soon as the present state of war has been brought to
an end."^^

Within hours of Gustavus's capture of Mainz the archiepiscopal elec-
tor of Trier, Philipp Christoph von Sotern, put himself, his subjects, and
his cities of Trier, Speyer, "et autres" under the protection of Louis XIII
of France. The diverse movements of warfare, which Philipp Christoph
said had come upon the Roman Empire, "principalement es environs de
nos archeveche et eveche de Treves et Spire," had led him to seek the
king's assurance of safety. His neighbors at Mainz and WOrzburg had
been ruined. The emperor's troops had withdrawn from the fray. The
king of Spain could not guarantee the safety of his own subjects "contre
tant dc puissantes forces jointes ensemble." Christoph, therefore, sent
word to all his subjects that they must recognize the most serene king of
France as their "seigneur assistant," and receive his soldiers in all Chris-
toph's garrisons.^

In mid-November (1631) Wallenstein, who had been of late the virtual
ruler of his native Bohemia, abandoned Prague in an enigmatic move. He
could easily have held the city against Johann Georg's general Hans
Georg von Arnim, who occupied the Bohemian capital a week or so later.
The winter of 1631-1632 was the great period of Gustavus Adolphus's
life; there was ample rejoicing among his followers at Mainz and Frank-
furt am Main, where he was spending most of his time. It was at Mainz on
29 January (1 632) that he signed with his own hand a treaty of neutrality
with Maximilian I of Bavaria and the Catholic League, although they had
taken the emperor's side, "and deserved only hostility." At the interces-

-^^ Dumont. VI-1, nos. xvii-xviii, pp. 21-23, docs, dated 19 and 22 November, 1631.
Dumont, VI-1, no. xx, pp. 24-25.

Ckmtinuance o/the War

sion of the king of France, however, Gustavus would accord them a
neutral status

provided the duke of Bavaria and the princes and states of the Catholic League
of Germany establish a Hrm and assured neutrality which they will observe re-
ligiously and inviolably, and give adequate assurance thereof to the king of Swe-
den .... his realms, lands and subjects, both hereditary and acquired in Ger-
many, as well as to his allies, the electors, princes, counts, nobles, towns, states,
communities, and Orders, and especially the elector of Saxony.

The duke of Bavaria and his Catholic associates must abstain from all
acts of hostility to his Swedish Majesty and the Protestant princes and
states, and they must restore to the Protestants, "de quelque condition
qu'ils soient," everything which had been taken from them since the
year 1618, "the year in which this war began." That meant the restitu-
tion of all castles, fortresses, towns, territories, and provinces in Lower
Saxony, which must be returned to their rightful owners "in the same
state as they were before the war." The duke and his Catholic confeder-
ates must withdraw their forces from all the possessions of the Evangeli*
cal princes.

The duke and his Catholic confederates must also reduce their armed
forces to ten or twelve thousand men, who were to be dispersed and
distributed throughout their towns and territories. Such forces as well as
those to be dismissed by the Catholic dulce and his confederates were
not to be put at the disposal or in the service of the emperor "neither
openly nor clandestinely," nor could the house of Austria or other ene-
mies of his Swedish Majesty recruit troops in Bavaria and the other lands
of the Catholic league. As for the king of Sweden and his allies, they
promised to observe the neutrality of the duke of Bavaria and his con-
federates of the Catholic League, if the latter acceded to the terms given
above and to certain other lesser requirements.""

It almost seemed as though Germany lay at the feet of the Swedish

king. As a consequence of his success a military alliance was ratified at
VMenna on 14 February 1632 between Philip IV of Spain and Ferdinand
II, ruler of the Holy Roman Empire, "through the superior strength of
which for eight hundred years and more the affairs of Christendom have
clearly flourished both by withstanding the fury of barbarous peoples
and by promoting amity among the Christian princes." The alliance was
directed, as stated in the text of the treaty, against Gustavus Adolphus,
rex Sueciae. To combat his unrighteous aggressions Ferdinand was to

*• Domont, VI- 1, no. xxiv, pp. 29-30, "en foi de quoi nous avons signe ces presences de
no8 mains et sceiii de nos armes, donn4 k IMaience le 29 Janvier, stile nouveau, 1632."

Vettice, itiwtiio, and tine Turks in the Seventeetuh Century

provide at least 30,000 foot and 8,000 horse, and Philip was to make
ready 21,000 foot and 5,000 liorse, "witli all things necessary for an
effective expedition."

The alliance was to last for six years. Those who joined Ferdinand and
Philip against the Swedes were to make appropriate contributions in
men or money. Wages for officers and soldiers were to be computed in
gold coinage and the equivalents in the imperialist, Spanish, German,
Italian, and Belgian currencies of the time. If the war should end before
the lapse of six years, the alliance was still to continue for the specified
period "pro majori pacts stabilimento." If the war lasted longer than six
years, however, the alliance was to be extended "ad aliud tempus."*®

Appalled by Swedish success and dismayed by Gustavus Adolphus's
terms for neutrality, on 1 April (1632) Maximilian of Bavaria joined his
general Johan Tserclaes, count of Tilly, at Ingolstadt. As we have seen,
Tilly was the oomniander*in-ohief of both the imperialist troops and
those of the Catholic League. Maximilian feared for Bavaria. Richelieu
might still regard him as neutral and Bavaria as beyond the range of
Swedish attack, but hereafter Gustavus could only look upon Maximil-
ian's domain as enemy territory. As the new campaign season was begin-
ning in Germany, almost every prince, Catholic or Protestant, looked for
allies. Georg Wilhelm of Brandenburg made a three years' pact with the
United Provinces at The Hague (on 2 April 1632).'**

Philipp Ghristoph von SOtem, die elector of Trier, bound himself more
closely to Louis XIII, who undertook to put a garrison of a thousand foot
and a hundred horse into Christoph's casde of Eberstein (Ehrenbreit-
stein), "qui est le plus considerable de nostre archeveche de Treves."
According to the agreement of 9 April (1632), the French were to hold
and guard the castle until the conclusion of peace in Germany, after
which they were supposed to return it to Ghristoph or his successor in
the same state as it was when they took possession of it. Since Ghristoph
felt hard-pressed for funds because of the "recent ravages" in his elec-
torate, he wanted to pay only a third of the cost of maintaining the
French garrison in the castle of Eberstein until such time as his subjects
could meet the considerable expenses involved.

As soon as the French had taken over the castle, they were to drive out
of the archdiocese of Trier "not only the troops of his Swedish Majesty
but an others who will be found therein.** \^en Eberstein was safely
under French protection, Ghristoph proposed also to put "our casde of
Philippsburg into the hands of his Most Christian Majesty under the same
conditions and in the same manner," i.e., as in the case of Eberstein,

*" Dumont, VI- 1. no. xxv, pp. 30-31. "datum Viennae die 14 Febr. 1632."

Dumont, VI-1, no. xxviii, pp. 33-35, "actum Hagae-Ck>m. secundo die Aprilis, anno
1632."

Continuance o/ the War

Philippsburg would receive a French garrison of a thousand foot and a
hundred horse. Louis XIII or rather his minister Richelieu must also see
to it "that the king of Sweden and his adherents shall evacuate all the
bishopric of Speyer and all [other] places of our state." On 30 April
(1632) Louis XIII ratified the agreement with Ghristoph at the royal
castle of S. Germain-en-Laye northwest of Paris.^^

At Mainz on 22 April the Swedish chancellor Axel Oxenstiema had
imposed stringent terms of neutrality upon Ghristoph, which the latter
accepted.'*'' Since Oxenstierna came close to being Gustavus Adolphus's
alter ego, the agreement with his Grace of Trier would presumably stand,
but it still awaited the king's confirmation. Although Richelieu was help-
ing to subsidize Gustavus's various armed forces in Germany, the king
had gone his own way, disregarding the desires and cautions of the
French. Annoyed with the Swedes' independence, Richelieu wished, nev-
ertheless, to keep them in the field against the Hapsburgs. Gustavus
needed the cardinal's funds to advance the Protestants' cause in Ger-
many and, as he hoped, to acquire Pomerania for Sweden.

Gustavus Adolphus might be willing to regard Philipp Ghristoph of
Trier as neutral, but certainly not the elector of Bavaria, who had joined
the Catholic armies under Tilly. The Elector Maximilian's plight became
desperate when, on 15 April (1632), Gustavus once more defeated Tilly
near the town of Rain, six miles southeast of Donauwdrth. The battle
took place by the river Lech, which flows into the Danube about three
miles north of Rain. The imperialists were aghast. Was there no stopping
the king of Sweden? Was he indomitable? Were Catholic Germany and
the house of Austria to be trod under foot? Although Maximilian with-
drew the shattered Catholic forces from the fields by the Lech, Tilly had
been fatally wounded in the battle, and toward the end of April he died
within the stout walls of the imperialist city of Ingolstadt, a Jesuit center.

As the Hapsburgs faced the disaster for which Wallenstein had been
waiting, the latter finally yielded to their entreaties to rejoin their ranks
and defend the Catholic cause. Uncertainty still cloaks the precise terms

*^ Dumont, VI- 1, no. xxix, pp. 35-36, "le tout fait et passe dans nostre Chasteau d'Eber-
stein le 9 Aviil 1632," and cf., ibid., no. xxx. Owing to the intervention of the French,
Gustavus Adolphus also accepted a treaty of neutrality with Maximilian of Bavaria's
brother Ferdinand von Wittelsbach, the archiepiscopal elector of Cologne. However, "au
cas que le Gomte de Papenheim [who was then in the Weser valley] oa autres chefs de la
Ligue Catholique viennent a loger leurs troupes dans les evechez ou pais dudit Sieur
Electeur, le Roi de Suede et ses allies pourront aussi venir avec leurs troupes aux mesmes
lleux sans que cela empesche que le present trait6 demeure en sa vigueur" {ibid., VI-1, no.
XXXVII, p. 43, doc. dated 27 October, 1632). On the difficulties faced by Ghristoph von
Sdtern as elector of Trier, cf. Fritz Dickmann, Der Weetfaiische Frieden (1959), pp. 26,
286-87, 290, 292-93, et alibi.

^ Dumont, VI-1, no. xxxi, pp. 36-38, "(datum) Moguntiae die 12 mensis Aprilis stylo
veteri, . . . anno millesimo sexoentesimo trigesimo seoundo."

Copyrighted material

Venice, Auatria, and cfce Turka In the Seventeemh Century

under which Wattensteiii pkced his own large army and seemingly limit-
less resources at the service of the house of Austria and its allies. The
terms were, however, such as to put him in almost absolute control of
Hapsburg policy and troops, at least for as long as the king of Sweden
ravaged the once-prosperous hills and dales of Catholic Germany.

To the extreme annoyance of Gustavus Adolphus, and to his peril, the
Saxon forces under the Protestant general Hans Georg von Amtan now
pulled out of Bohemia, and on 25 May (1632) Wallenstein returned to
Prague after an absence of something more than six months. It looked as
though there might be collusion between von Arnim and Wallenstein.
When the Saxon troops were withdrawn from Bohemia, seeking cover in
war-ridden Silesia, Gustavus dared not continue on toward Vienna, for
he could get caught between Wallenstein's army in Bohemia and the
imperialists in Austria. He was also worried lest Johann Georg might
midte peace with Ferdinand II, for the Saxon elector was as timorous as
the Swedes* other doubtful ally, Geoig Wilhehn of Brandenburg.

Wallenstein's duchies were storehouses of vast quantities of foodstuffs
and military supplies. Recruits were flocking to his paymasters in large
numbers, even as they had previously responded to Gustavus's victories,
when Swedish success in the held had opened up great opportunities to
pillage Catholic lands. If Gustavus were to suffer a serious defeat — a
contingency for which he seemed to make no provision, because experi-
ence had shown him that God was on his side—could he marshal his
scattered forces in Germany or get safely back to Sweden to recover his
losses? Would not Wallenstein advance upon his rear from Bohemia?

From February to November 1632 the king of Sweden moved from the
area of Mainz, Hanau, and Frankfurt am Main eastward to Schweinfurt
and Nuremberg, thence southwestward to Nordlingen. On 7 April he had
been at Donauworth, after which (as we have seen) he defeated Tilly by
the river Lech, and then went on to Augsburg (on 24 April). Thereafter
toward the end of April he made his way north and east to well-fortified
Ingolstadt, which he did not try to take. Turning southward, he reached
Munich by the middle of May, destroying the crops and plundering the
towns and villages as he traversed the countryside. It was at Munich on
20 May that he ratirted the pact of neutrality which Philipp Christoph,
the ecclesiastical elector of Trier, had managed to secure from the
Swedish chancellor Oxenstiema as a result of French intervention.^

Gustavus Adolphus stayed in and around Munich for three weeks or
so, and then took the long road north to Nurembeig, which he reached on
20 June. He remained for some time in the general area of Nuremberg,
where famine and disease diminished his forces. In late October Gusta-

Domont. Vi-1, no. zm. p. 38«. "Idatum) MouMhll, die 20 Mall anno 1632.

Copyrighted material

Continuance o/ the War

vus ventured farther north to Amstadt in Thurin^, where Bemhard von

Sachsen- Weimar and hia troops awaited him, arriving about 2 No-
vember. Thereafter he continued north and east through Naumburg and
Merseburg to Leipzig and Ltiitzen, back to the region of his great victory

at Breitenfeld.

Meanwhile Wallenstein had marched westward from Prague the
hundred and fifty or so miles to Bohemian Eger (Gheb) at the foot of a
spur of the Fichtelgebirge. Swerving southeastward, he skirted Nurem-
berg* and went on the ten miles to Schwabach, where he came together
with Maximilian of Bavaria (on 11 July 1632). Maximilian soon left him
in dudgeon and disagreement, however, and fell back into Bavaria,
which the Swedes had plundered in fearful fashion. Their destruction
was a grievous sight to Maximilian, who had ruled and loved Bavaria for
thirty-five years. His family, the younger branch of the Wittelsbachs, had
held sway in Bavaria since 1 180 (and, indeed, when the Bavarian line of
the family died out in December 1777, the duchy passed to the elder, the
Palatine, branch of the family which held the reins of government until
1918). After Maximilian's departure from Schwabach, Wallenstein sum-
moned Pappenheim from the Weser valley (in the area of Gottingen),
and then proceeded northward into the heart of old Saxony to Weissen-
fels, Merseburg, Leipzig, and Liitzen.

Gustavus Adolphus and Wallenstein had approached each other
slowly and by circuitous routes. They were seeking each other
cautiously. Somewhere along their straggly lines of march they would
collide. That somewhere proved to be the little town of LQtxen. On 16-*
17 November (1632) in a desperately fought battle, which took place in
the fields to the southeast of Liitzen, Gustavus again defeated the imperi-
alists, but for the last time, for he was killed in the encounter, as was
Wallenstein's right hand, the stormy Pappenheim. Gustavus and Pap-
penheim were both in their thirty-eighth year. Wallenstein, alive but
ailing, retreated from the gory scene the few miles north to Halle. The
failure at LOtsen had diminished his reputation, and diaoouraged the
imperialists, who were also perplexed. While Pappenheim's death was a
serious loss, how would the Swedes manage without their bellicose king?
What if any cliange would there be in Richelieu's policy?^^

^ On the battle of LOtzen, note K. Deuticke, Die Schtacht hei Liitzen (1632), Giessen,
1917; Delbrfiok, Gesch. d. Kric^skunst, IV. 240-43; Wedgwood, The Thirty Years' War
(1938), pp. 324-28; Josef Seidler, Unterauchungen iiber die Schlacht bei Liitzen, 1632,
Menmilngieii, 1954, esp. pp. 31-95; Roberts, Ouattnms Adolphua, II (1958), 253-SS,
763-7.1; Polisensky, The Thirty Years' War, pp. 210-11; Pnrker et al. The Thirty Yean'
War (1984), pp. 130-32. On Gustavus Adolphus's fatal victory at Liiuen, note the repoft
of Vinoemo OimmmiI. the VenetlMi ambaisador In Bnihuid, to dia dote Pranoetoo Briao
and the Senate in the Ool flllal« Fopcrs . . . , Vctlioe, XXili, no. 68, pp. 41-42, doc. dated
10 December 1632.

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Venice, Austria, and the Turks In the Seventeenth Century

The death of the warrior king of Sweden did not bring peace to Europe.
The chancellor Axel Oxcnstierna and his countrymen believed that the
Swedes must hold on to Pomerania, which made it necessary for the
elector Georj* Wilhelm of Brandenburg to receive territorial compensa-
tion elsewhere in the Northland. This meant continued strife, as did
Cardinal de Richelieu's determination to maintain France's position on
the Rhine. The Hapsburg^ in Spain as well as in Austria also harbored
ambitions that could only be fulfilled by warfare. Wide areas of Germany
lay in ruins. Bohemia was a wasteland. Homeless peasants and townsmen
were beset by famine and plague.

Although the elector Johann Georg of Saxony and his field marshal
Hans Georg von Arnim wanted to see peace restored to the Empire,
Oxenstierna managed to negotiate a treaty of alliance between the
crown of Sweden and the Protestant states of the four Circles of the
"electoral Rhine/* Franoonia, Swabia, and the Upper Rhine {die Evan-
geliache Stdnde des ChurffXrstUchen Rheiniachenf Frdnckischen,
Schwdbischen, und Ober-Rheinischen Creysses). The treaty was de-
clared in effect at Heilbronn on 23 April 1633; its purpose was to defend
and maintain Protestantism in "the Holy Empire of the German Nation,"
which meant continuance of the war against the Austrian Hapsburgs.
Financial provision was made (in unrealistic fashion) for the mainte-
nance of a large army of horse and foot. Control over the League of
Heilbronn devolved upon the chancellor Oxenstierna, who would now
carry on in place of the late Gustavus Adolphus.^

Two days later, on 25 April, Oxenstierna enlisted the support of the
free knights of the four Circles.'*^ His success at Heilbronn, however, was
mitigated by the presence of Richelieu's envoy Manasses de Pas, mar-
quis de Feuquieres, who induced the Protestants to put themselves
under the aegis of France as well as under that of Sweden. Furthermore,
Feuquieres arranged that the French militaiy subsidy should be given in
the name of the newly formed League rather than in that of Sweden. In
any event Johann Georg of Saxony, the advocate of peace, was removed
from any prospect of becoming the leader of Protestant Germany. The
death of Gustavus Adolphus had enhanced the ambitions of both the
Austrian and the Spanish Hapsburgs, who were anxious to clear the

^Dumont, VI-1, no. xun, pp. 51-52, "gcschehen in Heylbrunn den dreyzebenden Mon-
•tstag Aprilis im Jahr . . . sechzehen hundcrt dreissig und drey," old style.

*^ Ibid.. VI-1. no. xuv, pp. 52-54, "geschchen in llcylbronn den fiinffzehenden Aprilis
. . . ," old style. Oxenstierna also made a treaty with Philipp Ludwig of Pfalz-Zimmern,
brother of the late Friedrich V of the Palatinate, and regent for the young Karl Ludwig,
Priedrich's son and heir (Wedgwood, The Thirty Years' War, p. 339). On the imperii
Circles in the rtrst half of the seventeenth century, see Ferdinand Magen, "Die
Reichakrelse in der Epoche des Dreissigjiihrigen Krieges: Ein Uberblick," Zeitachr\ft fibr
Atelortodbc Forvdiung. IX-4 (1982), 409-60, widi an extensive blUiography.

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Prenoh out of the Rhineland and to frustrate their airibition to acquire

the southern part of the Spanish Netherlands.

The failing health and the erratic policies of the imperialist general
Albrecht von Wallenstein, the duke of Friedland, were then evoking no
less suspicion in Vienna, Madrid, and Brussels than they were causing
confusion in Paris and in the electorates of Saxony and Bavaria. Wallen-
stein had become much feared and widely hated. He seemed no longer to
be loyal to the emperor. By a secret rescript, dated 24 January 1634,
Ferdinand II removed Wallenstein from his command of the imperial
forces, which led to the famous (or infamous) conspiracy against the
generalissimo. Wallenstein was stabbed to death in his bedchamber at
Eger (Gheb) by the English soldier Walter Devereux on the night of 25
February (1634). The plot against him, however, had been at least a
month in the making. The chief conspirators were the Italian-born gen-
eral Ottavio Piccolomini and the Italo-Austrian Matthias Gallas (Ga-
lasao), together with Johann von Aldringen. They were aided by a docen
other officers of lesser stamp, including Walter Butler, Pabio and Oiulio
Diodati, Rodolfo Golloredo, and Baltasar Marradas. The removal of Wal-
lenstein from the scene helped for a while to clarify the issues and hos-
tilities which were to prolong the war for another fourteen years. More
than a century and a half after Wallenstein's death, as his memory lived
on in Germany, the dramatist Schiller depicted his fall as the sacriHce of
a hero to the inevitability of fate. Something of an enigma to his contem-
poraries, Wallenstein remains no less so to us today

After the death of Wallenstein the imperialists occupied the two tan-
portant Danubian cities of Regensbui^ and DonanwOrdi, but their suc-
cess was to be merely the prelude to a far more notable triumph. On 6
September (16vl4) the Austrian and Spanish armies under the joint com-
mand of the young Hapsburg cousins — Ferdinand [III], king of Hungary,
and the Cardinal-Infante Ferdinand, brother of Philip IV — defeated the
German and Swedish forces under Bernhard of Sachsen- Weimar and the

On the death of Watlenstein, see (among numerous odier worics) A.B J. Honaender,
"Some Enl^lsh Documents on the End of Wallenstein," Bulletin of the John Rylands
Library, XL (1958), 358-90, esp. pp. 381 ff., on details of the murder, and pp. 387ff., on
Wallenstein's character; CaL State Papers .... Venice, XXIII, nos. 276, 281, pp. 206,
209, letters of Vincenzo (or Vicenzo) Gussoni, Venetian amhassador in England, to the
doge Francesco Erizzo and the Senate; cf. Wedgwood, The Thirty Years' War, pp. 46-60,
with refs; Thos. M. Barker, Army, Aristocracy, Monarchy: E^ays on War, Society, and
Govemmant in Austria, 1618-1780, New York, 1982. eap. pp. 79-93; Parker el al.. The
Thirty Yean' War (1984), pp. 137ff.; ?o\lMcmkf,TheThlrtyYtan*War, pp. 212-14; Golo
Mann, Wallenstein (1971), pp. 1092-1126. Mann writes after the fashion of a novelist.
When Wallenstein was removed from the scene, a large part of his duchy of Friedland was
turned over to Mattlilas Oaftas, on whom see the Allgemetne Deutsche Bio^raphie, VIII
(1878, repr. Berlin, 1968). .120-31. There is, needless perhaps to add, an enormous llten*
ture on Wallenstein (cf. Parker et aL, The Thirty Years' War, pp. 290, 294-95).

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Venice, AuatriOf and the Turk» <n the Seventeenth Century

marshal Gustavus Horn in the fields to the south of Nordhngen. Count
Matthias Gallas had accompanied the two Ferdinands; to no small extent
the victory was the consequence of his presence. The battle was a disas-
ter for Protestantism. As Wedgwood has put it, "All that had been lost at
Lutzen had been won again at Nordlingen." Horn was captured. Bern-
hard escaped to the town of Goppingen on the river Fils in northern
WOrttemberg.^

Axel Oxenstiema lost his dominance in Protestant Germany, for the
Swedish hegemony ceased with the battle of Nordlingen. Bemhard of
Sachsen-Weimar lost the duchy of Franconia, which Oxenstierna had
recently ceded to him; the imperialists quickly overran Wiirttemberg
and thereafter almost the whole of central and southern Germany. The
marquis de Feuquieres, Richelieu's envoy, stepped into Oxenstierna's
shoes. France assumed the political guidanoe and economiG support of
what was left of the League of Heilbronn. With the apparent elimination
of Sweden, the Thirty Years* War became a territorial, dynasdo struggle
between the Bourbons and the Hapsburgs.

At Paris in early November 1634 a treaty was arranged between Louis
XIII of France and the Protestant princes "pour I'etablissement d'une
bonne et sure paix dans I'Empire et mesme dans la Ghrestiente mainten-
ant et a I'avenir. . . It was to be a general peace "among the Christian
princes, and especially in Germany." His Majesty and the lord Oxen-
stiema, grand chancellor of the crown of Sweden, together with their
confederates, "n'aiaiu autre dessein que le bien commun de TE^pire:
declarentetconviennentpar ce present traite de s'emploier sincerement
et a tout leur pouvoir pour aider a pacifier les presens troubles de 1' Alle-
magne. . . ." His Majesty bound himself to furnish, in the event of strife,
"12,000 foot, whether Germans or of another nation." He also promised
the prompt payment of 500,000 livres for the support of the [Protestant]
allies* cavalry and other troops "in order to give them the means
of reorossing the Rhine in short order and taking action against
the enemy."

The electors of Saxony and Brandenburg as well as the other princes
and states of Upper and Lower Saxony had already given expression to
their ardent desire for the maintenance of their freedom "and the resti-
tution to the princes and states of the Empire of their immunities, privi-
leges, and Aranohises according to the constitutions of the Holy Empire.**
The twelve thousand foot, whom Louis XIII proposed to maintain
"beyond the Rhine," were to form a single corps. Their commander was
to be one of the allied princes, although his Miyesty would appoint the
lieutenant general.

On the Protestant disaster at N6rdlin;»en (27 August to 6 September 1634). see Del-
bruck. Gesch. d. Kriegskunst, IV, 243-48; Wedgwood, The Thirty Years' War, pp. 371-
80; Pariwr et tU^ The Thirty Yeara' War, pp. 140-41.

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Continuance of the War

The Catholic faith was to be protected in Germany, and the French
must be given possession of Benfeld and S^lestat (Schlettstadt). The two
towns were (and are) in Alsace, ten miles apart on the river III. The
French must also have control of the bridge at Strasbourg, which was
just to the north of Benfeld and Selestat, all three places beinj^ in the
valley of the lower Rhine. They were needed "pour y faire passer et
repasser les troupes que Sa Majeste jugera estre requises pour le bien
commun. . . .** His Mi^ty wanted assurance that the electors of Sax*
ony and Brandenburg as well as the other princes and states of Upper and
Lower Saxony would make no truce or peace with the Hapsburg en-
emy.^'' Despite the royal desire expressed in this last clause, Louis XIII
and Richelieu were unlikely to get the cooperation of the electors of
Saxony and Brandenburg, who wanted peace in the Empire.

Meanwhile at The Hague the lords of the States General of the Nether-
lands had authorized (on 30 May 1634) the dispatch of an embassy to the
French court to take up with his Mi^^^y the important question of Span-
ish aggression, "le maintien et subsistance de la cause commune centre
les progres de Tambition du Roy d*Espagne.'' The French were of course
prepared for the continuance of war against the Hapsburgs. On 30 Jan-
uary 1635 Louis XIII signed at Paris a treaty of alliance with the United
Provinces of the Netherlands against the Emperor Ferdinand II and his
cousin Philip IV of Spain and their adherents, Louis's purpose being "to
support and assist our allies in order to help maintain them against the
enterprises of their enemies.*' When the red-and-gold seal of the States
General was attached to the text of the treaty, the king's officers added
thereto the royal seal, *'le cachet de nos armes*** on 8 February (1635).

I>ouis XIII committed himself to send an army of 25,000 foot and
5,000 horse into the Netherlands, along with cannon and all the other
necessary accoutrements of war. The Netherlanders also agreed to put
25,000 foot and 5,000 horse into the field "avec le canon et attirail
n^cessaire k un tel corps." The Spanish would be driven from the towns
of the Dutch Lowlands. There was to be a division of territory between
the French and Dutch allies, the area of Luxembourg, the counties of
Namur and Hainaut, Artois and Flanders being assigned to the French.''

Three weeks later, on 28 February (1635), an armistice {W(^ffenatiU-

"* Dumont, VI-1 , no. uc, pp. 79-80, "fait i Paris le premier Jour de Novembre 1634,** and
cf., i7)i(/.. nos. Lvi-Lix. Despite the free employment of his name in the treaty, Oxenadema

was quite dissatisHed witii it.
'* Dmnont, VI- 1, no. uci, pp. 80-85. Gertaln secret articles added to tlie treaty were

ratiHcd at The Ha^ue on 1 1 April and thereafter at Compicftne on 2^ April (1635). Cf..
ibid., no. uciv, p. 88, an agreement between Louis XIII and Queen Christina of Sweden,
whereby Axel Oxcnsticma, "iechaneelicr de Suede promet et s'obllge au nom de la Rcinc
et Roiaume de Suede de ooiwerver le libre exercice de la rclij»ion catholique dans les
eglises soumises a son pouvoir, occupees dans I'Empire depuis I'an 1618 . ..." a provi-
sion whidi of oonrse ciirdlnal Rieheliett required.

Venice, Atutria, and Hte Turka in the Seventeenth Century

stand) was negotiated between the Emperor Ferdinand 11 and the elec-
tor Johann Georg of Saxony. The agreement was signed at Laun (Lx)uny)
on the river Ohre in northwestern Bohemia. This was followed by the
long, elaborate treaty of Prague on 30 May (1635) between Ferdinand II
and Johann Georg, whereby the imperialists recognized only the Luther-
ans, adherents to the Augsburg Gonfession (of 1530), as legally possess-
ing the right to the tree exercise of their faitli, i.e., a ReligUmsfriede now
existed between the Lutherans and Catholics in Germany. The ecclesias-
tical lands and properties, to which the emperor had no direct claim, and
which had been taken over before the religious peace of Passau (nego-
tiated between the Hapsburgs and Maurice of Saxony in 1552), were to
remain in perpetuity in possession of their current owners. Other such
ecclesiastical lands and properties were to remain for forty years (from
12 November 1627 stylo novo) in the hands of their current owners, and
thereafter, if no further legal adjustments were made, they were hence-
forth to be held in such fashion as they had been in 1627.

Johann Georg of Saxony received the whole of Lusatia (Germ. Lausitz,
Pol. Luzyca) as his permanent possession, and his second son, Duke
August, was given the archbishopric of Magdeburg for his lifetime {seine
Lebtage). Many political and religious details of the contemporary scene
were dealt with in the treaty of Prague. A general amnesty {Amnisti) was
declared, and those who wished could subscribe to the terms of Prague,
and l>e accepted as Christian allies, but the rebels of Bohemia were to be
excluded, as were the exiled Wittelsbach claimants to the Palatinate.
The emperor wished to maintain friendly relations and freedom of trade
{freie Commercia) with the rest of Europe, and he hoped for a wide
extension of peace. The religious animosity had lessened a good deal,
but there was not to be peace and freedom of trade. The French would
see to that.

After battering the pro-imperialist dukes Charles IV of Lorraine and

old Charles Emmanuel of Savoy (who had died in late July 1630), the
French finally made a treaty with the latter's successor Vittorio Amadeo
on 1 1 July 1635 against the Spanish, who had been "for these last years
encroaching upon the general freedom of Italy." The purpose of the
Franco-Savoyard pact was the conquest of the plague-wracked Spanish
duchy of Milan, "en execution de laquelle [ligue] lis s*obligent de faire
guerre ouverte contre le Roi d'Espagne." Louis XIII would furnish
12,000 foot and 1,500 horse as well as the 6,000 foot and 500 horse he

" Dumont, VI- 1, no. LXii. pp. 85-86. "datum Laun den 28. Feb. an. 1635."

" Dumont, VM , nos. lxv-lxviii, pp. 88-105, the imperial grant of Lusatia being made to
Johflim Oeorg, ihUL, no. ucviii. Gf. also no. ucx, pp. 108-9. On the recent literature relating
to the treaty of Prague, note Parker cf a/., The Thirty Years' War (1984), p. 295; see also
Fritz Diclunann, Der Wesljdlische Frieden (1959), pp. 70ff., and Robert Bireley, Religion
and PoHtlcB in the Age efthe Counterr^firrmation (1981), pp. 209-30.

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Continuance <^ the War

was then maintaining in tlie "Valtellina,** tlie valley of tiie upper Adda.
Tiie French dulte of Mantua, Charles of Gonzaga-Nevere, would also
enter the league, providing 3,000 foot and 300 horse, and so would Duke
Odoardo of Parma, who would add 4,000 foot and 500 horse to
their forces.^'* The French were planning carefully the warfare which
lay ahead.

On 27 October (1635) Louis XIII formed a pact with BemlMrd of
Saclisen-Weimar, who was by now oommander-in-ohief of the forces of
the anti-imperialist confederation of German princes and states. Bern-
hard was to raise and maintain an army of 18,000 men, for which the

French would provide an annual subsidy of 4,000,000 livres tournois, to
begin on the 15th of the following month. Payments would be made on a
quarterly basis. Bernhard was not to reach any sort of "accommodation"
with the emperor and the latter's allies, his primary commitment being
to his Most Christian Majesty of France. The text of this treaty, as given
by Dumont, pays little or no attention to the fact that Bernhard was
promised Alsace for his services to the French crown."

At long last, on 20 March 1636, a treaty of alliance was made between
Louis XIII and the little Queen Christina of Sweden. It was signed in
Wismar (on Wismar Bay) on the southwestern shore of the Baltic in
Mecklenburg. Having established "la paix et le repos dans nos etats" for
some years, Louis and Richelieu were ready to look to their principal
concern — the support of their allies against the enemy, lea Impiriaux et
Espagnola. They had always had, they said (or at least Louis said), a
particular affection for the states of Germany and for the crown of Swe-
den. They wanted now to reduce the Spanish to such terms as would
assure peace in Christendom. The main purpose of the Wismar alliance
was not only to maintain the defense of the two kingdoms, but also (it
was said) "to preserve the immunities [les franchises] and freedom [li-
bertie] of Germany."

The French would carry the war into the hereditary provinces of the
house of Austria "beyond the Rhine," while the Swedes would do so '*in
other hereditary provinces of the said house, namely the kingdom of
Bohemia and Silesia." The conditions and affairs of states would be
reestablished as they had been when the war first broke out in 1618.
Both the French and the Swedes would allow the "free exercise of reli-
gion" in the territories which they occupied. Bvery year Louis XIII

** Dumont, VI-1, no. utxi, pp. 109-10, "fait, slgn^ et soelK i Rivolles |Rlvoli1 en

presence de Madame la Duchcsse de Savoie [recent of the duchy), ce 1 1 jour du niois de
Juillet 1635." Lrouis XUI (and Richelieu) were gradually preparing the French for war with
Spain (of., UML, no. unx, pp. 105-8).

" Dumont, VI- 1 , no. lxxvii, pp. 1 lS-19, "fatt i 8. Oennain en Laye le vtogt-teptieMne
Octobre mil six cens trente-cinq. . .

Venice, AuBtrta, and the f%u1t$ in tiu Seventeenth Century

would pay the queen of Sweden, according to the Wismar text,

1,000,000 livres tournata In two installments as well as an addidonal
500,000 livres "pour le passe." Neither side would make a separate
peace or truce with "the emperor and his adherents." The treaty was to
last for ten years. It was ratiried by Louis XIII in the town of S. Germain
en Laye, thirteen miles northwest of Paris, on 15 April (1636).'*

Inclined in diese troublous times to run with the hare and hunt with
the hounds. Axel Oxenstiema avoided any formal Swedish ratification of
the treaty of Wiamar. The years 1635-1636 were very difficult for the
French. An invasion of the valley of the Somme by an army of Spaniards
and imperialists, coming down from the southern Netherlands, ended on
14-15 August 1636 with their seizure of the fortress town of Corbie, ten
miles east of Amiens on the road to Paris. In the French capital the
populace was terrified; without Louis XIITs consistent support Ri-
chelieu might have fallen from power. The French did not recover Corbie
until 9 November. The cardinal had endless problems, for at this time
Prance had neither the military nor the financial capacity to embarit
upon full-scale open warfare with the Hapsburgs and their German allies.

With an ineffective soldiery, an unreliable nobility, and a disorganized
fiscal administration, Ivouis XIII and Richelieu were soon trying to main-
tain armies of varying strengths in the Netherlands, Lorraine, Savoy, the
Valtellina, and the Rhincland. The chief allies of the Most Christian King
and die Catholic Cardinal were the Protestants Oxenstiema and Bern-
hard of Sachsen- Weimar. Hie king and cardinal were, to be sure, aufond
enemies of all die HapsburgSt but they feared Philip IV more than Ferdi-
nand II, for Madrid and the Spanish Netherlands were closer to the
French borders than was Vienna.

As the French were Moundering, Ferdinand II finally succeeded in
securing the election of his son F'erdinand [III] as king of the Romans on
22 December 1636, toward the end of the electoral assembly at Regens-
burg.'^ The usual restrictions were placed upon the imperial authority,
but the Hapsburgs had succeeded in keeping the imperium in their
family. As the French were doing badly, however, their Swedish allies
seemed suddenly to be experiencing a military renascence. Oxenstiema
had left Richelieu to worry about the Rhineiand, and had returned to
Stockholm to take over and tighten the reins of government. He saw to it
that the forces of his country were now supplied with men and muni-
tions, which began a new era of Swedish aggression.

Withdrawing his army from Pomerania, the Swedish field marshal Jo-

^ Dumont, VI- 1, no. Lxxx. p. 123, and cf. Friu Dickmann, Der Weat/dlische Frieden
(I9S9). pp. 9]ir., 152, 182-83.
" Dumont. VI ]. no. Lxxxvri, pp. 129-^7, and cf., UtUL, no. uucxvin, pp. 137-46, does.

dated 22-24 December 1636.

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ContiiiMince of the War

han Baner won a remarkable victory over the imperialists and Saxons
under Melchior von Hatzfeldt on 4 October (1636) at Wittstock, on the
river Dossc in Brandenburg. Wittstock did much to restore both the
conHdence and the reputation of the Swedes.'* Georg Wilhelm, the elec-
tor of Brandenburg, was left in a helpless quandary, and his fellow Protes-
tant imperialist Johann Georg, the elector of Saxony, was now in some
danger himself. The Emperor Ferdinand II died at Vienna on 15 February
1637, but the accession of his son and namesake Ferdinand III had but
litde impact upon the European scene. The Dutch were doinft well, for on
10 October 1637 Frederick Henry, prince of Orange (and son of William
the Silent), finally recovered Breda from the Spanish, who had held the
fortress town for some twelve years.

The year 1637 started out well for Baner, who took Erfurt and Torgau,
and menaced Leipzig, but the year was ending badly when Baner had to
retreat into Stettin (Szczecin) in Pomerania. The imperialists occupied a
good deal of the disputed province, and everything that Ban^r had won
at Wittstock seemed in danger of being lost The sorry plight in which
Sweden now found herself thus led Oxenstiema by the treaty of Ham-
burg on 5 March 1638 to "Pechange des ratifications du Trait^conclu a
Wismar le 20 Mars 1636 entre les ambassadeurs du Roi de France et de la
Reine de Suede, aiant este remis jusqu' a present pour plusieurs rai-
sons." During the next three years, namely from 15 May 1638 "to the
same day of the year 1641," the Swedes would receive (at Amsterdam)
an annual grant of one million livres toumois from the French, i.e., pay-
ments of 500,000 livres were to be made twice a year. No peace was to be
made with the Hapsburgs by either France or Sweden **except by mutual
consent." The administration of French affairs was to be managed at
Cologne, those of Sweden at Hamburg or Liibeck.'^''

Although the French might be hard put to maintain these payments, it
was clear that the war was going to be renewed with vigor. Attention was
now diverted from Baner to Bernhard of Sachsen- Weimar, who com-
manded the French forces (largely German mercenaries) in the field. On
3 March 1638 Bernhard defeated the imperialists at Rheinfelden, and
thereafter occupied the town (on 24 March). A month later he took

*" On the battle of Wittstock, note Hans Delbruck. Gesch. d. Krie^skunst, IV (1920),
248-51; Wedgwood, The Thirty Years' War (repr. 1947). pp. 414-15. On the career of
Hatzfeldt, see the Allgemciue Deutsche Hingraphie. XI (1880, repr. Berlin, 1969), .15-.16.

" Dumont, VI- 1, no. xcvii, pp. 161-62, "fait a Hambourgle 5 Mars 1638." In Dumont's
text the treaty of Wismar is misdated 1626 by a typographical error. The dates IS Mai and
15 Mars are also confused In Damont** text. On Charles I's futile efforts (carried on at
Hamburg immediately after the Swedish ratification of the treaty of Wismar) to regain
the Rhenish Palatinate for his nephew Karl Ludwi^ see E.A. Beller, "The Mission of Sir
Thomas Roe to the Ckmference at Hambufg, 1639-40," Bn0iak HiMortccU Revfew, XU
( 1 926). 6 1 -77, and cf. MJ. Biown, MneroM An^Miaaador: The Ltfe qf Sir Thomaa Roe
(1970), pp. 215-20.

Venice, Atistria, and the Turks in the Seventeenth Century

Freiburg (in southwestern Wiirttemberg), defeated the imperialists at
Wittenweiher (on 9 August), and after a terrible siege took possession of
Breisach on the right bank of the Rhine (on 17 December). Just across
the river from the French Neuf-Brisach (Neubreisach), where Vauban
would later build a well-known fortress, Breisach was the entryway into
Wiirttemberg.

Possession of Breisach strengthened Bemhard's hold upon Alsace, to
which he claimed full right of possession, for this had been assured (as he

saw it) by his contract with the French in the treaty of S. Germain (of 27
October 1635). He refused to give up Breisach and certain other places.
He had been ill, however, for some time, and in mid-July 1639 Richelieu
was relieved of a perhaps insoluble problem by Bernhard's death at the
age of thirty-five. Bemhard bequeathed Alsace to his eldest brother Wil-
helm,^ and if he could not accept it (and he could not), Alsace was to go
to Louis XllI, who was (he declared) anxious to maintain *ia liberty
germanique."

Bernhard of Sachsen-Weimar's army was in effect left to his chief
officer Johann Ludwig von Erlach, who had no alternative to accepting a
French contract of employment. Karl Ludwig, who claimed the Palatine
Electorate as the son of Friedrich V, aspired to the command of Bern-
hard's army but, foolishly making his way through France, was captured
at Moulins and thereafter imprisoned at Vincennes. The army had to be
paid. Where could Kaii Ludwig find the money? How could he have
resisted Richelieu? Erlach had had a long experience of warfare; he was
forty-four years of age when Bernhard died. On 9 October 1639 Erlach
and his fellow officers made a "treaty" with Louis Xlll, who agreed to
accept Bernhard's army "en un corps ainsi que [Monsieur le Due de
Weimar] a temoigne le desirer par son testament . . . ," i.e., the Wei-
marian forces were to remain intact under their then commanders, who
were to keep all Bernhard's artillery.

If the army suffered from any "mauvaise rencontre ou accident inevi-
table," the French king promised Erlach and his fellow officers the
complete rehabilitation of both cavalry and infantry, to which appar-
ently generous Hnancial commitments were now made, "suivant et
conformement aux capitulations que Ton avoit avec feu M. le Due de
Weymar." The agreements were signed (on 9 October) at Breisach, of
which town Erlach was appointed governor, having recognized French
suzerainty over Alsace as well as Breisach and Freibuig.*' In the view of

Bernhard of Sachsen-Weimar had three brothers — Wilhelm, Albrecht, and Ernst, all
dukes of Sachsen-Weimar (of the Wettin family). In September 1641 they divided their
heritage Into three parts (Dumont. VI- 1, no. cxxxvi, pp. 222-28, docs, dated at Gotha on
22 September 1641 and at Vienna on 19 August 1642).

*' Dumont, VI-1, no. CXII, pp. 185-87, texts dated 9 and 22 October 1639. On Erlach s
career, see the account in the AUgemeine Deutsche Biographic, VI (1877, repr. Berlin
1968). 216-20.

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Continuance o/tke War

tome historians Bernluurd was l>eooiniiig something of a German nation-
alist at the time of his death — his troops were of course almost all Ger-
man—and the treaty of 9 October has been called "the betrayal at

Breisach."

While the German nationalists (let us refer to them as such) may have
felt betrayed at Breisach, a far worse "betrayal" awaited Philip IV of
Spain and his prime minister Caspar de Gusmin, die count-duke of Oli-
vares. In 1640 both the Catalans and the Portuguese revolted against
Spain. The facts are well known. On 16 December (1640) Louis XIII
entered into an "everlasting treaty of alliance and brotherhood with the
. . . principality of Catalonia, the county of Cerdagne {Cerdmia], . . .
and the county of Roussillon, which are in the power of the Catalans.
. . ." The French would provide the rebels with army officers to com-
mand their troops, "horse and foot as well as their artillery." His Majesty
would also provide the Catalans with six thousand foot and two thousand
horse, "that is, three thousand infantry and a thousand cavalry for the
present and the remainder in the coming month of March. . . .** The
Catalans would also receive arms and munitions, and in return for loyalty
to France would be fully protected from oppression by the king of Spain.
At an assembly in Barcelona on 23 January 1641 the representatives of
Catalonia, Cerdagne, and Roussillon made obeisance to Louis XIII under
certain articles and conditions which he accepted at Peronne on 19
September.*' As far as Spain was concerned diis was more dian bad
enough, but of course it was not all.

Portugal had also risen in revolt, and Duke John of Bragansa was pro-
claimed king as John IV, receiving the support of the three estates of the
realm, "that is to say, the Church, the Nobility, and the People of the
kingdom of Portugal." The proclamation was first made in Lisbon on 1
December 1640, and was justified and ratified by a written declaration
on 28 January (1641).^^ As was to be expected, John IV soon received
recognition fiom Prance, and was promised assistance against Spain (on
1 June 1641).^ The treaty with Fnuice was followed Immediately l>y a
detailed commercial pact with the Dutch, establishing peace, friendship,
and mutual assistance between Portugal and the United Provinces, both
on land and at sea, ranging from the East Indies and Brazil to the Euro-
pean continent. The United Provinces had already made an alliance
and commercial pact with Sweden, which guaranteed them (they hoped)
lihertaa mxvigationia et commerciorum on both the Baltic and the

Dvmonc VI>1, noe. en^-cmn, pp. 196-200; cf., IbkL, no. aacm; and tee John H.

Elliott, The Revolt of the Catalans, Cambridge, 1963. and Tkt Oonml-Dukt 1^ OUvareB,
New Haven and London, 1986, esp. pp. 576ff.

** Dnniont, VI-1, no. cxxiv, pp. 202-7, and noiia BUlott, TV Oomu-Diikt qfOlHtart»
(1986). esp. pp. 597ff.

Dumont, VI- 1, no. cxxx, p. 214.

**iMdL, VM, no. Goxn, pp. 215-18. doo. dated at Hie Hagne on 12 Jane 1641.

Venice, Austria, and the Turks in the Seventeenth Century

North Seas.**^ Louis XIII and Richelieu also turned to Sweden to help
maintain the "privileges and liberties'' of the Holy Roman Empire as well
as "to acquire a ^ood general peace for Christendom,"^'^ which meant
that the P'rench were now well prepared to press forward more vigor-
ously with the war against the Hapsburgs.

The devastation and depopulation in the German states had been ap-
palling. Most of the princes longed for peace. After Bemhard of Saohsen-
Weimar's death Johan Baner had brought Swedish victory into northern
Germany. The French were a threat to the south. At the year-long
Reichstag of Regensburg (1640-1641) the Emperor Ferdinand III made
an apparently sincere and sensible attempt to achieve a pax Germanica
on the basis of a modified Peace of I'raj^ue. Finally he even gave way on
the Edict of Restitution despite papal objections. Those who had held
ecclesiastical property since 1627 were to retain it. Ferdinand's efforts
were frustrated, however, when on 1 December 1640 Georg Wilhelm,
the elector of Brandenburg, died (at the age of forty-three).^ His reign
had been a confusion. A Calvinist, he had ruled a Lutheran people; his
chief minister, Adam von Schwarzenberg, was a Catholic, and always
played a pro-imperialist game.

Easily frightened and usually irresolute, Georg Wilhelm was suc-
ceeded by his bold and calculating son Friedrich Wilhelm, who would
become known as the Great Elector. Friedrich Wilhelm was to create the
grandeur of the house of Hohenzollem. Profiting from his father's hard-
ships and disappointments, Friedrich Wilhelm had apparently come to
the conclusion that, to be successful, a statesman must learn to rise
above principle. Georg Wilhelm had been the emperor's ally as a conse-
quence of his subscribing to the Peace of Prague. His soldiery had lost
heavily in the field, and the Swedes had laid waste his lands, driving him
into Konigsberg in Prussia (in 16vl8). His son and successor Friedrich
Wilhelm needed peace and time and money to pay the debts incurred by
his father and to restore the battered electorate of Brandenburg (which
was now in pieces) to some semblance of its former state.

As early as February 1641 the Hapsburg commander Ottavio Piccolo-
mini saw the first signs of Friedrich Wilhelm's possible defection from
the imperialist cause, which would make it hard to strike an effective

"/bfrf.. VM, no. cxix, pp. 192-95, doc. dated at Stockholm on 11 September 1640
(n.s).

"Ibid.. VI- 1. no8. CXXV-CXXVI, pp. 207-9, docs, dated (with some confusion) in 1641.

" According to a letter addressed to Alvise Contarini, the Venetian bailie in Istanbul,
dated at The Hague on 7 .lanuary 1641. "La morte deU'Elettoredi Brandenburg per\'enuta
qui ultimamente raffredda le trattationi incaminate di matrimonio tra il tigliuolo del nnorto
Duca e la primo^enita del Clonte d'Oranges, sperando Brandenburg di poter ottenere la
Regina di Suezia e mettersi in capo per qucsta via una corona" (Biblioteca Nazionale
Marciana (Venicel, MS. It. VII, 1208 |8853|, fol. 138').

Continuance of the War

blow at the enemy, i.e., the Swedes. It was a difficult period for the
imperialists. The French had invaded Wiirttemberg, and plundered the
area. There was also fear of a Turkish invasion of Hungary. The Swe-
dish Held marshal Johan Baner died at Halberstadt on 10/20 May 1641
after an illness of seven weeks. He had been by and large militarily
successful, but even his fellow Swedes had found Baner unruly and unre-
liable. Nevertheless, at the time he seemed to be Sweden's only impor-
tant soldier.

Pricdrich Wilhelm had of course already made overtures to the
Swedes, who apparently became more receptive after Baner's death. In
fact on 24 July the Swedes agreed to abstain from hostilities with Bran-
denburg. When the anti-imperialist Duke Georg of Brunswick
[BraunschweigJ-Liineburg died (in 1641), however, his heirs made peace
with Ferdinand III. Thus if the latter had lost the active support of Bran-
denburg, the Swedes had lost that of Brunswick-Uineburg. Europe was
more than tired of war. Negotiations for peace were carried on by the
representatives of Vienna, Paris, and Stockholm, but no one wanted to
give up any territory or any advantage that he thought he had gained. No
one wanted to accept losses he had sustained, and yet, it would appear,
everyone wanted peace. Life had been hard; it would continue to be so.
Restlessness, riot, and revolt were spreading throughout Europe, not
only in Portugal and Catalonia, but also in England and Prance, Naples
and the Netherlands. The rebellious spirit seemed to be contagious al-
though differing political and economic difficulties inspired unruliness
in different places, increased by nationalistic hostilities which, however
submerged, had long been smouldering in Europe. Religious antagonism
also remained a potent force.

The erratic .lohan Baner's command of the crumbling Swedish forces
was taken over by the gout-ridden but rigorous Lennart Torstensson,

Dovumetita hohctuicn Helium Tricvutuilc illustruntiu. VI (Prague. 1979), no. 1 150,
pp. 391-92, dispatch dated at Monheim (near Donauwdrth) on IS February 1641. On the
Rcfiensburiier Reichstaj; of 1640-1641, note Fritz Dtckmann, Der Weatfalittche Frieden
(1959). pp. 100-3, 179-80, 374ff.

^" Dftcumvnta bohemica, VI, no. 1 136, p. 389, dispatch of the imperialist oHicer Walter
Leslie to Ott. Piccolotnini. Current events had made Ferdinand III "mclancholisoh." As to
the fear of a Turkish invasion, cf. the ttwiso from Istanbul, which the imperialist Held
marshal Rodolfo CoIIorcdo sent Ticcolomini from Prague on 22 May 1641 (ibid., no. 1 192,
pp. 401-2).

^' Ibid, VI, no. 119,1, p. 402, a dispatch dated 12 May 1641 (or 22 May. "new style").

" VJ. Wedgwood. The Thirty Yeurtt' UVir (1947). pp. 436-46; Parker et «/., The Thirtv
l'e(ir.s irrtr(1984), pp. 167-69.

" On the general desire for peace and the diplomatic wrangling at this time, note R.B.
Mowat, "The Mission of Sir Thomas Roe to Vienna, 164 1-2," English Histnricdl Review,
XXV (1910), 264—75. Roe had gone to Vienna, as he had previously been .sent to Hamburg,
to try to secure the return of the Rhenish Palatinate to Karl Ludwig, the son of Friedrich V
and Charles I's sister Elizabeth Stuart, the "queen of Bohemia."

Venice, AuatrtOt and the Turlu in the Seventeenth Century

who (in his twenty-eighth year) had had charge of Gustavus Adolphus's
artillery at Breitenfeld in 1631 and at Lech in the following year. Tor-
stensson brought money, munitions, and reinforcements to the Swedish
army in northern Germany. A strong, brutal disciplinarian he rebuilt the
army, recruiting peasants, feeding them, and providing them with oppor-
tunities for plunder. Beginning in the spring of 1642 Torstensson em-
barked upon a series of spectacular victories. He crashed a Saxon army
at Schweidnits in Lower Silesia, occupied the town, and pushed on into
Moravia, where in June he seized and sacked the city of Olmfitz (OlO'
mouc) in northcentral Moravia (Czechoslovakia).

At the beginning of November (1642) Torstensson overwhelmed the
imperialist forces under the Archduke Leopold Wilhelm in the second
battle of Breitenfeld, killing and capturing some thousands of the arch-
duke's troops. Torstensson then seized Leipzig, about five miles south of
the batdefield of Breitenfeld, mulcting the inhabitants of 400,000 impe-
rial dollars. The period 1642-1643 was disastrous for the Hapsburgs,
more so for the Spanish than for the Austrian branch of the family. The
area of Leipsig, however, was very badly hit. The city itself had been put
under siege some five times during the preceding decade (1631—1642),
and was now to be occupied by the Swedes from 1642 to 1650.

Although Cardinal de Richelieu died (on 4 December 1642), and Louis
Xlli soon followed him (on 14 May 1643), the cardinars young protege
Louis II de Bourl>on, duke of Bnghien (later known as the Great Gond^),
destroyed the Spanish army (the terdoa) under Francisco de Melo, gov*
ernor of the Netherlands, at Rocroi on 18-19 May 1643.^* The decisive
Franco-Spanish encounter at Rocroi (in the Ardennes in northern
France) was the first battle in which d'lMighien exhibited that extraordi-
nary capacity for warfare which was to remain with him for more than
thirty years, until his last campaigns in 1674-1675. Thereafter illness
and fatigue forced him into a retirement relieved by devotion to religion
and dedication to literature. Rocroi was thus the begiiming of the Ghreat
CiOiid^'s career. It was also the end of the military superiority of Spain in
Europe.

The second battle of Breitenfeld was also a serious blow to Austria, for
the Spanish had rendered the Ilapsburg emperors much assistance
through the years, providing an impediment to French and Dutch expan-
sion in Europe and elsewhere. The able Cardinal-Infante Ferdinand, who
had been a threat to f^nce as well as to Holland, had died on 9 No-
vember 1641, and the Spanish prime minister Olivares fell from power in
January 1643. If the Hapsbuigs had their troubles, so did the French.

^* Cf. in general Karsten Ruppert, Die kaiaerliche PoUtik au^dem West^Hliachen Frie-
denskongresa (1643-K48), MfliNter. 1979, pp. 15. 42ff.

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Continuance of the War

Four days after Louis XIII's death his widow Anne of Austria, the sister
of Phihp IV and sister-in-law of Ferdinand III, was declared the regent of
France by the Parlement de Paris (on 18 May 1643). She was a Spaniard;
her friend and minister, Cardinal Jules Mazarin, was an Italian; as for-
eigners they had to proceed carefully with the foreign policy of France.
After Rocroi, when the French seemed to be on the pinnacle of victory, it
would be hard to make any concession to Austria to achieve peace.

In any event Anne of Austria yielded the conduct of French foreign
policy to Mazarin, who was hostile to the Hapsburgs. By and large, how-
ever, most of Europe wanted peace, and the Austrians and the Germans,
the French and the Swedes were seeking to end the long destructive war
in various roundabout ways. While Anne of Austria and Mazarin contin-
ued Richelieu's foreign policy, France seemed to be winning, but in the
twenty-five years from 1618 to 1643, the French expenditure on warfare
had risen by six hundred percent, allegedly from 8,017,934 to
48,550,314 livres tournois/'

France had more than financial problems. Despite the successes of
d'Enghien and Turenne, she soon lost the notable general Jean Baptiste
Guebriant, who had won a number of victories on the Held, defeating the
imperialists in the battles of Wolfenbiittel (in 1641) and Kempen (in
1642). Having recently received the baton of marshal of France,
Guebriant laid siege on 7 November 1643 to Rottweil on the Neckar in
southern Wiirttemberg. Ten days later he was killed by a falconet shot.'^
Soon afterwards the imperialist-Bavarian army under Franz von Mercy
and Johann von Werth inflicted a crushing defeat upon the French forces
in the area of Rottweil and Tuttlingen, driving Turenne back toward the
Rhine and preventing his further advance into Wiirttemberg.

The Thirty Years' War sometimes seems to be largely a series of fright-
ful battles causing an appalling loss of life and the widespread destruc-
tion of churches, town halls, houses, landed property, and works of art.
Devastation had become a way of life. Famine and plague were fatally
extensive.^^ However distressed they might be, the Germans had almost
become used to disaster. As the French sought to move eastward from

" Richard Bonney, The K(nH*» Debts: Finance and Politics in France, Oxford, 1981 , pp.

193ff., csp. pp. .inr.-7. and cf. Parker et ai, The Thirty Years' War, p. 150.

On the career of Guebriant, see the notice in Johann lleinrich Zedler, Grosses Voll-
Bttindifies Univeratti-Lexiktm, XI (Halle and Leipsig, 1735, repr. Oraz, 1961), 1216-17.

Cf. ,liirj»en Kiiczynski, Gcschichte des Alltafis des deutschcit Volkes, 1600-1650. Co-
logne, 1981 , esp. pp. 83ff., for an interesting account of the plagues, pillages, famines, and
other hardships assailing the Ccrman people during the Thirty Years' War. Some readers,
however, will iind Kuczynski's Marxian emphases rather tiresome. Much briefer than Ku-
czynski's book (and much better) is the highly factual work of Giinther Franz on Der
Dreissigjdhrific Kricfi und das deutsche Volk: Untersuchungen zur Bevolkerungs- und
Agrargeschichte, Stuttgart, 1979, which oontains a good deal of numerical data drawn
from a wide range of sources.

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Venice, Austria, and the Turks in the Seventeenth Century

the Rhine, the imperialist- Bavarian commander Franz von Mercy tried to
stop their advance with the troops of Maximihan I. On 27 July (1644)
Mercy took the town of Freiburg im Breisgau, which lies some ten miles
east of the Rhine and (as the crow tlies) 150 or so miles west of the battle
grounds of Rottweil and Tuttlingen. Turenne awaited the arrival of
d'En^ien in the area of Neuf-Brisach and Breisach, and when d*Enghien
arrived with the necessary reinforcements, they got their troops across
the Rhine.

The so-called battle of Freiburg was a series of three separate en-
counters between the French under d'Rnghien and Turenne and the im-
perialist-Bavarian army under Mercy. The engagements took place on
v3-5 and 9-10 August 1644; both sides suffered severe losses of man-
power. After prolonged maneuvering, however, the French forced Mercy
to retire to Rothenburg ob der Tauber. Despite Mercy's retreat, Fteibuig
was not assailed by the French, although Maximilian is said to have
ordered his general not to seek an immediate resumption of hostilities
with the French. D'Enghien pressed on to the fortress town of Philipps-
burg, which he occupied together with the cities of Mannheim on the
right bank of the Rhine and Speyer on the left bank. Turenne seized the
famous city of Worms, also on the Rhine, a dozen miles north of Mann-
heim, as well as Oppenheim on the left bank (a dozen miles south of
Mainz) and Landau, about ten miles west of the Rhine in the southern
Palatinate. Now the French were lording it over the Rhineland from Ko-
blenz in the north to Basel in the south, but Mercy was still keeping them
out of the Black Forest.^®

In the unceasing warfare of these years Franz von Mercy did recover
Mannheim, and inflicted a stunning defeat upon Turenne in the battle of
Mergentheim in Franconia (on 15 May 1645). Mercy and .lohann von
Wcrth soon learned again, however, that the baroque goddess Fortuna
was ever fickle, for when on 3 August they met d'Enghien and Turenne
on the field of AUerheim near Ndrdlingen in Swabia, the French won the
battle. Mercy was killed by a musket shot. Both sides suffered heavy
losses, but the French had certainly carried the day.

"On Franz von Mercy, sec the Allficmcine Deutsche liiofiraphie, XXI (1885, repr.
l')70). 414-18, and especially the detailed monojjraph of Hans-Helmut Schaufler, Die
St'hUichl bei hrciburg im lircis^nu. 1644, Freiburg, 1979, who provides the reader with
contemporary (and modem) maps, portraits of the leading generals, notes on seventeenth-
century weaponry, and plans of the battle, together with the numbers of troops involved.
Johann (.Ian) von Werth is alleged to have said of the battle ". . . seit zweiundzwanzig
Jahren mit dem Bluthandweril veitraut, hflbe |ich| niemaien so Uutigcns Treffen bei^
wohnt" (ibid., p. 7): In twenty-two years of sanguinary warfare von Werth had never
experienced such a How of blood on the battlefield. Cf. Parker et al.. The Thirty Years'
War, p. 271, note 9, and see in general Karsten Ruppert, Die kaiserliche PoliHkai^f dem
Wea{fali8chen Friedenskongress (1979), pp. 65ff.

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Continuance of the War

In the meantime, during the winter of 1642-1643, the Swedes had
gained firm possession of northern and central Moravia, from which the
Austrian general Matthias Gallas could not dislodge Lennart Torstens-
son, who had swept down from Saxony to strengthen the Swedish hold
upon the threatened fortress town of Olomouc (Olmutz). War was every-
where in Europe, including England, where armed conflict between the
Royalists and the Roundheads was now beginning. In 1643-1644 Tor-
stensson and the Swedish general Hans Ghristoph, count of Konigs-
marck, acting upon orders from Stockholm, extended the area of conflict
by invading Denmark. The self-seeking antics of Christian IV had be-
come an intolerable nuisance to the Swedish government. Not the least
of the Danes' offenses had been their interference with Swedish vessels
in the Baltic and the Kattegat. The Swedes conquered Schleswig and
Holstein, and moved into Jutland, bringing Christian to heel after the
imperialists had made a vain attempt to help him. Christian was humbled
in the peace of Brdmsebro (of 13/23 August 1645), which assured the
safety of Swedish warships and merchantmen.^^

The unexpected Swedish invasion of Denmark had evoked the indig-
nation of the Protestant Dutch and the suspicions of the Catholic French.
It was a fait accompli, however, and although the peace of Brdmsebro
largely removed Denmark from the diplomatic as well as the military
scene, the war of course went on to the increasing dissatisfaction of most
of the harassed and tax-ridden inhabitants of Europe. When the bulk of
the Swedish forces under Torstensson had withdrawn from Moravia (in
eariy September 1643), the imperialists moved back into the area. The
poor Moravians could again bear witness to widespread devastation.
Actually the Swedes held on to Olomouc and certain other fortress towns
until the summer of 1650, by which time peace had been made, and the
Swedes finally left Silesia and Wallenstein's castle of Friedland
(Frydlant), now a museum, in northern Bohemia.

Always disabled by gout, Torstensson often had to move from place to
place in a litter, but his spirit was as strong as his body was decrepit.
Leaving the Danish problem to the Swedish general and admiral Karl
Gustav Wrangel after Christian IV's maneuvering off the Pomeranian
coast to ward off a Swedish attack upon Copenhagen, Torstensson en-
tered Germany again, defeating the imperialists at Jiiterbog in Branden-
burg (on 23 November 1644), and thereafter winning another spectacu-

" Dumont, Corps universcl diplnmatique, Vl-1 (Amsterdam and The Hague, 1728),
no. GLXXxvii, pp. 314-21, "actum Bromsebroo in Hnibus 13. August! anno 1645," by whk^
treaty the Swedes were assured . .quod. . .debeantimpostemm habere acfnti Jure,
libertntc, et potcstatc navigandi tarn propriis quam conductis navibus onerariis vd veota*
riis . . . armatis et militaribus aut inermibus . . {ibid., p. 315).

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78 Venice, Auatrta, and the Turks in the Seventeenth Century

lar victory over the imperialists at Jankau (Jankov) in southern Bohemia
(on 6 March 1645),**' openini^ up the roads to Prague and Vienna, but he
never reached the walls of either place. By December (1645) Torstens-
son's troops were all worn-out, and so was he. Giving up command of the
Swedish forces to Wrangel, Torstensson returned to Stockholm, where
in 1647 Queen Ghristina recognized his achievements by making him a
count and giving him a command in Sweden. Always beset by illness,
Torstensson died in Stockholm at the age of forty-eight (on 7 April
1651), by which time the long and dreadful war had ended.

** On the background and importance of the battle of Jankau, see Ruppert, Die kaiaer-
Hche PoHtik au^dem Wea^fiOiachen rtledenakongress (1979). pp. 72-85.

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Ill

The Last Stages of the Thirty Years' War
and the Treaties of Westphalia

he Thirty Years* War exerted a powerful influence upon the Ger-
man mentality. As the pastors, poets, and writers of the "peace

dramas" of the mid-seventeenth century watched with horror
the death and degradation to which their people were exposed, they
turned to the Almighty for assurance of social as well as spiritual salva-
tion. Theological dcHnitions of dogma, whether of Tridentine or even of
Lutheran origin, did not suffice. One needed a more easily intelligible
and believable approach to spiritual and social salvation, which could
only be transmitted to the masses in the German langua^. The everiast-
Ing intrusion of French, Swedes. Danes, Dutch, Hungarians, and Transyl-
vanians into German affairs as well as the influence of imperialist-Italian
commanders and the constant fear of the Turks enhanced in the Geniian
mind the fact and the importance of being German {Deutschtum). The
war stimulated a nationalist awareness of the self, promoted pietism and
patriotism, and led to the careful cultivation and purification of the Ger*
man language.

The pastoral and literary leaders, largely recruited from bourgeois
families, found in the German language their own identity and that of
their people. It was a matter of Teutschland I'iher alles, which blos-
somed into pietistic patriotism. Neither Swedish Protestants nor French
Gatholics could share the heavenly gift of the German language. Luther's
translation of the Bible (and his other wofks) had helped combine the

Venice, Auttria, and die Turks in the SeventeenUi Century

German language with a simple religious fundamentalism. Dialectical
differences within the fatherland as well as the seepage of foreign words

and phrases into German helped lead to the formation of language societ-
ies which extolled the virtues of the language they sought to preserve
and to purify.

Adhering to the Christian tradition of centuries, the German poets and
dramatists emphasized in their worics that the horrors of the war must be
seen as God's punishment for the sins of their people. It was a familiar

theme, but their prolonged expiation was producing a nation nobler than
all others. God was thus purifying the soul of his beloved nation. The
French, not the Turks, would seem to have become the Germans' most
insidious enemies. As the French language and culture came to domi-
nate the European scene (including the German courts), displacing Ital-
ian, various pastors, scholars, poets, and dramatists of the Protestant
northland practiced their piety and cultivated their language with in-
creased intensity. They presumably increased the social division be-
tween the German nobles, who mimicked the French, and the bourgeois,
who preserved their lackluster solidity.

Indeed, a century after the Thirty Years' War the addiction of Freder-
ick the Great of Prussia to the French and their literature is notorious.
The seventeenth-century German dramatists, writers of the "peace
plays," Justus Georg Schottel and Enoch Glaser were the sons of Lu-
theran pastors and (unlike Frederick the Great) devoted to the German
language and the Christian faith. Their contemporaries Johann Rist and
Johann Heinrich Hadewig were imbued with the same linguistic and
religious patriotism. As they saw their world falling apart, they tried hard
to reassemble the pieces. It is difllicult to say how widespread their influ-
ence was, but it was enduring.'

After the Swedes had defeated the imperialist forces at Jiiterbog (in
November 1644) and at Jankau (in March *45), the French had overcome
the imperialist commanders Mercy and Werth at Allerheim (in August
'45). The Emperor Ferdinand III had reached the end of his resources as
well as the end of his hopes. His opponents had included not only the
French, the Swedes, the Dutch, and certain disgruntled German princes,
but also the Protestant prince of Transylvania, George I Rakoczy, who

' Gf. the intercstin>* article of Leon iStein, "Religion and Patriotism in German I'eace
Dramas during the Thirty Years' War. " (X'Jitral European History, IV (1971), 131-48.
There is a useful sketch of the career of Justus Georg Schottel (Schottelius) in the Allge-
meine Deutsche Biographic, XXXII (1891. repr. 1971), 407-12, but the /\DB contains no
notices of Glaser, lladewig (Hadewieg), and Rist, on whom brief entries may be found in
Zedler't Oroasea VoUuandiges Universal Uxikon. X (1735, repr. 1961), 1547; XU. 103;
and XXXI (1742, repr. 1961 ), 1 744-46, the last one (Rist) receiving the most attention. Of
broader scope than the article by Leon Stein and with quite different emphases is the study
of RJ.W. Evans, "Learned Societies in Gennany in the Seventeenth Century," European
Studlee Review, VII (1977), 129-51, with an extensive bibliography.

Copyrighted material

The Thirty Years' War and the Treatiea of Westphalia

like Gabriel Bethlen before him wanted to protect his coreligionists and
to extend his territorial possessions. In the spring and summer of 1643
Rakoczy had entered into detailed negotiations with both the French and
the Swedes to form an alliance against Ferdinand, although before the
agreements could be put into effect, the Transylvanian was to secure the
permission and the approval of Sultan Ibrahim I. The French and Swedes
promised to give Rakoczy 200,000 4cu8 "in German money" and there-
after to pay him 150,000 each year thereafter '*as long as the war
shall last."2

Under the circumstances the sultan's permission could be taken for
granted, although the Turks had recently confirmed their treaty with
Austria- Hungary (on 19 May 1642).'' The French government confirmed
the agreement with Rakoczy on 22 April 1645,'* but when the Porte
decided to undertake the conquest of the island of Crete from Venice (to
which we shall devote a good deal of attention later on), Rakoczy was
obliged to give up warfare with the Austrians. The exhausted Ferdinand
dealt generously with him, glad to remove the belligerent nuisance from
his eastern front. In the Austro-Transylvanian treaty of Linz of 16 De-
cember 1645 Rak6czy promised to give up his alliances with the French
and the Swedes, to withdraw his forces back into his homeland, and to
restore to Ferdinand the places he had occupied. In return Ferdinand
granted him the hereditary right to three fortress towns, including Tokay
(Tokaj), as well as seven counties **for the remaining days of his life. Just
as his late Imperial Mf^esty had granted them to the late Gabriel Bethlen
in the year 1622."^

^ Duniont, Corps universe! diplomatique, VI-1 (1728), no. cux. pp. 27.1-76: "Avant
toutes choses, il faut que le Prince de Traiwilvanie obtienne de I'Empereur des Turcs la
permtssion de declarer et faire la guerre en Hongrie i Ferdinand Troisi^me, Bmpereur des
Romnins: . . . LesGouronncs de France ct de Suede ct tons teiirs Alliez prendront en leur
protection et deffeme le Prince de Transilvanie, sa Femme, et ses Enfans et ses Heritiers
avec toutes leurs Terres et tous leurs blens en quelque lieu qu'ils soient situez, mSme en
Ilon^^rie. . . ." Preedom of religion was also to be guaranteed to Iwth Protestants and
Catholics.

Gabriel Noradoun^hian. Recueil d'uctes intemationaux de I'Bmpire Ottoman, 4
vols., Paris, 1897-1903. I, no. 8, pp. 120-21.

* Dumont, Vl-1, no. clxxxiv, pp. 310-11; Fritz Dickmann, Der West/ulische Frieden
(1959). pp. 122-23.

' Duniont, Vl-1, no. cxaii, pp. 329-32, "datum in Arce nostra Lyntzene Austriae supe-
riorls die 16. mensis Decembris A.D. 1645,** and of., ibid., nos. cxcv, ocv, pp. 333-35,
348-50. On Rakoczy, Torstensson. Wrangcl, von Konigsmarck, and other leadinfi Hgurcs
of this period, cf. the brief monograph of Peter Broucek, Der SchuDeder\feldzttg nach
NiederSsterreich, 1645/46, Vienna, 1967, pp. 6ff. (MllitirfalstorischeScbrlftenreihe, Heft
7). and see Riippert, Die kaiserliche Politik nuf dent Wes^iSlisdten Friedenskoitgress
(1979), pp. 16-17, 74-75. and esp. pp. 120-21.

Both Venice and the Curia Romana were kept more or less well Informed on recent
events in central Europe, as we perceive from the Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Cod. Urb. lat. 1 109
(1644-1645), fols. 14-15', Di Venetia li 6 di Gennaro 1645 (i.e., 1646], including the fact
"che sua Maestd Gesarea si era oontentata a coneedere quasi tutto quello obe pretende II

Venice, Auurta, and the Turka in the Seventeenth Century

Peace with George Rakoczy was a relief to the Emperor Ferdinand, but
Friedrich Wilheim of Brandenburg had already come to terms with the
Swedes, and now on 6 September 1645 Johann Georg I of Saxony sought
and received a six months' truce with Lennart Torstensson, the Swedish
field marshal. The terms of the armistice "unter diesen 6. monatlichen
Stillstand'* were signed at Kdtzschenbroda, a part of the modem town of
Radebeul in Saxony, a few miles northwest of Johann Georg's capital of
Dresden.^ In other words Saxony, like Brandenburg, had now quit the
field. The Saxon-Swedish truce, which was in effect a peace, removed
the sole remaining bulwark in the way of Torstensson's entry into the
hereditary lands of the Hapsburgs.

Meanwhile negotiations for peace had been going on for some time.
Agents and delegates of a number of the German princes and states had
gathered at Frankfurt as eaily as January 1643 to deal with the multiplio-
ity of problems they faced. At the same time envoys of the other Euro-
pean states and sovereigns were coming together at Mfinster and Osna-
briick in Westphalia. The representatives of the Catholic powers,
including France and Spain, assembled at Miinster, while the Swedish
envoys and their Protestant associates made Osnabriick their head-
quarters. The imperialists were to deal with France at Miinster and with
Sweden at Osnabriick. Protocol, the perennial bone of contention of who
took precedence over whom, was an obstacle to trying to settle any
question for months and months. The Saxon truce with Torstensson,
however, finally moved Ferdinand III seriously and promptly to seek
some sort of compromise with his enemies, above all of course with
France and Sweden. He therefore sent Count Maximilian von Trautt-
mannsdorff, his close friend and trusted advisor, to Miinster, where (un-
like some of his predecessors) Trauttmannsdorff made a most unpre-
tentious entry on 29 November 1645, Just twelve weeks after the
Saxon-Swedish "truce."^

While Trauttmannsdorff was carrying on at Mfinster and Osnabrfick,

Rafonl, oh'^ la maggior iiaite ddl'Ungarla superiore con ia cittd dl Gassovla fKoiioe In

Slovakia) metropoli, rivocando da tutta quclla parte li Padri Giesiiiti, et cio nonostante nel
scrrarc dcllc Icttcre capito nuova alia marciata del Gctz [the imperialist general Johann
von Goetz] che detto Ragozzi si moveva per inolorarsi nel regno." The writer of this avvtso
was also well informed concerning the movements of Tontemaon, von Kdnigsmarok, and
others at this time. Cf., ibid., fols. 35*'-36.

* Dumont, VI- 1, no. cxc, pp. 325-26, "so geschehen zu Ketzschebemreda den 27. Au-
gusti anno 1645," O.S., i.e., 6 September, and cf., ibid., no. cxcvu, pp. 340-42.

' The instructions which TraattmannsdorfF received Arom Perdinand III were dated at
Llnz on 16 October 1645; they may be found in the AcCO Pacts Westphalicac, ser. I, vol. I
(1962): Instruktionen: Frankreich, Schweden, Kaiser, pp. 440-52, "geben auf meinem
Schlos lu Linz den 16. October 1645." TrauttmannsdoHTs instructions make dear Ferdi-
nand's fear of French Intrusion Into the affairs of the Empire [art. 14): "Es ist auch wol zu
vermuten dass Fraiddireioh Im Reich sessionem et votum praetendiren und behaubten
wlrdt woOcn, wdllcbe praetenalon dann gendlchen an rejiclren und sich deiadben mit
alien khreften su widerM»en sein wirdL . .

The Thirty Yean* War and the TreaUea qf Weatt^tMa

seeking the best terms he could for the Emperor Ferdinand, the Swedish
general Karl Gustav Wrangel invaded Bavaria (in 1646-1647), devastat-
ing the duchy and frightening the Elector Maximilian out of his wits. On
14 March (1647), however, Wrangel's onslaught was halted by a general
truce initiated at Ulm, establishing peace among France, Sweden, Hes-
sen-Kassel, and Bavaria. Bavaria, threatened with overall destruction,
was actually the chief subject of the truce, an important prelude to the
subsequent peace of Westphalia. The truce was **k commencer d*au*
jourd'hui jusqu'a la prochaine Paix universelle, qui doit etre conclue en
Allemagne et dans la Ghreticnte," i.e., the truce would last until the
delegates at Miinster and Osnabriick arrived at the "universal peace" for
which they had been dickering for some four years.
Special provision was made for Bavaria:

. . . d*sutant que la plupart desdites provinces |de la Haute et Basse Baviere,
etc. . . . avec le Fl.iut et Bas Palatinat de de^a le Rhin] sont epuisees par les
ravages de la guerre et rcduites a une extreme misere, on laissera pour cet effet a
I'Amiee de Baviere tous les £tat8 et cantons situex entre les rivieres de Mindd et
de Lecli, comme aussi les lieux qui y sont compris et oeux qui sont voisins du
Danul>e . . . afin de lul donner les moyens de sulMister.

As for the rival claims of Karl Ludwig, son of the late Elector Friedrich V
of the Palatinate, and Maximilian of Bavaria, "on en laissera la decision
entiere aux conferences du Gongres de Mfinster et Osnabrug."

As the truce went into effect, it was agreed that the Bavarian troops
should not pass into the service of the emperor, the king of Spain, or any
of the Hapsburg confederates. Other provisions were made concerning
garrisons, munitions, and food supplies, along with various details which
in this context need not detain us. Ferdinand von Wittelsbach, the elec-
tor of Cologne (1612-1650) and the brother of Maximilian, was included
in the truce, which required him (to the fullest extent he could) to force
the withdrawal of the imperialists and their adherents from all places in
his possession or under his jurisdiction. Those whom the Wittelsbaohs
could not expel, the Franco-Swedish forces would.

Maximilian must return to the prince of Wurttemberg all the towns,
castles, and fortresses then being occupied by Bavarian garrisons, al-
though he was permitted to take therefrom all his armaments. Freedom
of trade was to be allowed in the Wittelsbaohs' territories, but no contra*
band of any kind was to be given or sold to the Austrian or Spanish
forces. The truce of Ulm was ratified by Maximilian of Bavaria on 19
March (1647), by Karl Oustav Wrangel on 25 March, and by the Pvlector
Ferdinand of Cologne on 2 May — it was a stepping-stone to the treaties
of Westphalia.'

* Dumont, VI- 1, nos. ocxv-ocxvi, pp. 375-86, "signatam Ulm 4/14 Martll anno 1647;"
Didunann, Der WeatfSliache Frieden (1959). pp. 397-98, 424-25, 429-30.

Venice, Auatrta, and the Turk* in the Seventeenth Century

If the modem historian finds it difiicuk to keep track of the intrigues

and chicanery of these years, 80 did contemporaries. When the young
King Ivouis XIV^'s government proposed to the Spaniards the exchange of
P"rench-held Catalonia for the southern Netherlands (Belgium), the
Spaniards played the game with them until it was profitable to disclose it
all to the States General of the United Provinces. As Spain had weak-
ened, and Prance had grown in power, die Dutoli were coming to fear tlie
nearby Frencli more tlian tlieir distant enemies in Spain. Tlie Dutcli
dreaded the thouglit of iiaving tlie Prencli as their immediate neighbors,
and so lost little time in making a provisional peace with Spain. Philip IV
now recognized and asserted the freedom and sovereignty of the United
Provinces in a truce dated 15 December 1646.

The proposed peace between Spain and Holland was to be "bonne,
ferme, fidelle, et inviolable, et qu'en suitte cesseront tous actes d'hosti-
lic£. . .entrelesdits Seigneurs Roi (Philip IV] etEtatsGln^rauxtant par
mer . . . que par terre." The proposed peace was to be on the basis of
their current holdings, uti possidetis, taking stock of their territories
overseas as well as those in Europe. The Spanish-Dutch agreement
would also take account of trade and commerce, excise taxes and tolls,
salt being always a matter of importance. Restitution was to be made
reciproquernent of all goods and properties improperly confiscated, in-
cluding the properties of churches and colleges.

Philip IV would undertake to secure for the United Provinces "la con-
tinuation et observation de la neutrality, amitie, et bonne voisinance de
la part de Sa Majeste Imperiale et de I'Empire," which would remove
something of a load from the shoulders of the Dutch. Spanish subjects
would henceforth be assured of safety in Holland, and the Dutch in
Spain. A judicial chamber composed of one-half Spanish and one-half
Dutch would be established to pass judgment on commercial and other
disagreements and disputes between the two contracting parties.
Various provisions were made for the house of Orange-Nassau. The text
of the truce of 15 December 1646 is long and detailed. It was accompa-
nied by more than a little debate, but was ratified by the Spanish envoys
Count Guzman de Pcfinranda and the scholarly Antonio Brun. It was also
signed by seven representatives of the United Provinces.^ Nevertheless,
it was still not a final treaty of peace.

When the Spanish refused to give up the southern (Catholic) Nether-
lands in return for a Catalonia they were confident they could regain, the
French decided to concentrate their military efforts upon the conquest

• Dumom, Corps universe! diplomatique, VI- 1, no. ccix, pp. 360-6.S, with the addition
of certain amendments. I'hilip IV also made special treaties with William II, prince of
Orange, son of Frederick Henr>' (d- 1-1 March 1647), on 8 January and 30 August 1647, and
on 27 December of the same year {ibid., nos. ocac, ocxxviii, pp. 365-66, 427-28).

The Thirty Yean' War and the Treatie* of Westphalia

of the lon^-disputed county of Flanders. The remains of the late Bern-
hard of Sachsen- Weimar's army, which had been in the employ of the
French since 1635, now revolted against the unpopular leadership of
Turenne. Largely German and Protestant (like Bernhard himself), the
"Bernhardines" had no intention of winning Flanders for the French.
They revolted in the area of Strasbourg on the Lower Rhine (in Alsace) in
the snmnier of 1647, and went off to join the Swedish forces under Karl
Gustav Wrangel, who received them despite his government's alliance
with France.

Turenne could not invade Flanders, not only because of the desertion
of the Bernhardines, but also because Maximilian of Bavaria now aban-
doned the peace or truce of Ulm which he had accepted a few months
before (on 14 March 1647). Johann von Werth, disgusted by Maximil-
ian's obeisance to the Swedes and French, turned his back on the court
of Munich, and added himself to the Emperor Ferdinand's staff. When
Wran^l moved again into Bohemia, however, the distraught Maximilian
returned to his alliance with the emperor on 7 September 1647, once
again becoming an imperialist aocius belli et pacis}°

Bit by bit, however, peace was being made. On 11 September 1647
I'hilip IV^'s envoys at Miinster accepted a commercial treaty with the
llanseatic League of northern Germany. The misfortune of the times and
the calamities of war, according to the Latin summary of the text, had
caused great loss to the Spanish as well as to the Hanseatic peoples.
Henceforth the old privileges and Immunities which the Hanse had ac-
quired over the years *'in the kingdoms and provinces of Spain" were to
be observed by both sides in good faith, as had been intended in the first
Hispano-Hanseatic pact of the year 1607. Although the Hanse had suf-
fered a good deal of late from competition with the Dutch and Knglish
merchantmen, the I^eague still existed (the last council of its ministers
would meet in 1669). In any event, having made peace with Holland,
Pelkaranda and Antonio Brun had hoped to gain the good will of the
German Hanse as well as, periiaps, some economic advantage.'^ ft would
take a good deal to revive the old Hanseatic commerce. In fact Germany
had on the whole sustained severe economic losses during the war, with
a general decline in agricultural production and a diminution of trade.
Peasants tied from the fields as armies approached, and the transport of
such grains and manufactured goods as remained available was much
curtailed by warfare.

** Dumont, Vf -1 , no. ooxxiv, pp. 399-400, "fenohehen ... to Pllsen den 7. September

anno 1647," the treaty (Tniktat) be!nf» conHmicd by Ferdinand III on 7 September at
i'ilsen in western Bohemia and by Maximilian at Munich toward the end of the month.

" Dumont, VM, nos. ocxxvi-CRaavn, pp. 402-27, with Ptilllp iV't pefBoml ratlfiMtlon
of the treaty dated at Madrid on 26 January 1648. and rMfliniiedatMihHteron3May and
6 .lune 1648, and cf., ibid., no. ocxxxiv, pp. 445-46.

Copyrighted material

Vemtc»,Auatr1a»aiuiUi€Turka In th^aevenuenth Century

At long last, however, on 30 January 1648 Philip IV of SfMln and the
States General of the United Provinces, "touches de compassion
Chrctienne et dcsirans mettre Hn aux calamites publiques," made the
long-expected and dcHnitivc treaty for which, as we have seen, detailed
outlines had been drafted in the preliminary peace of 15 December
1646. The final peace was signed at Mfinster, bringing to an end "the
long course of bloody wars, which have afflicted for so many years the
peoples, subjects, kingdoms, and lands owing obedience to the lord King
of the Spains and [the] States General of the United Provinces of the
Netherlands." Philip recognized of course the fact already emphasized
(in 1646) that the United Provinces were "libres et souverains
Estats" — "and from the day of the conclusion and ratification of this
peace, the King will order the discontinuance on the Rhine and the
Meuse of the [Spanish] colleotiion of all the tolls which before the war
were under the territorial Jurisdiction of the United Provinces, above all
the toll of Zeeland, so that this toll will not be collected by his Mi^esty in
the town of Antwerp nor elsewhere. ..."

In fact heavy charges were now laid on the states of Zeeland but, more
importantly still, the United Provinces acquired the right to close the
river Scheldt (Schelde), Antwerp's easy access to the North Sea. Further-
more, from 1648 to 1863, except for the Napoleonic era, the Nether-
landers levied tolls on non«Dutoh freight brought up the Scheldt After
Westphalia, Antwerp declined rapidly, and Amsterdam in northern Hol>
land became one of the conunercial and banking centers of Europe.

When it came to the public exercise of religious practice, the subjects
of the Spanish kingdoms and the United Provinces must behave them-
selves witli all modesty "sans donner aucun scandalc dc parole ou dc
fait." Merchants, masters of ships, pilots, and seamen as well as their
merchandise and other possessions were to be free from seisure under
any command or pretext, whether on the grounds of war or otherwise.
Just seisures of property for debts or the violation of contractual obliga-
tions were, however, another matter, and were to be dealt with by "right
and reason." Certain vested interests of the house of Orange-Nassau
were considered and protected.

The definitive treaty of 30 January (1648) is a meticulous expansion
in seventy-nine articles of the preliminary peace of 15 December 1646.
Hie bipartite tribunal {chambre mypartte) set up in 1646 was to setde
the disputes and doubts which might and did still exist from 1567 to the
beginning of the twelve years' truce between Spain and Holland (in
1609) as well as from the latter period to the year 1648,^^ and with that
assurance we may omit any further detail.

" Dumont, VM, no. ocxxxi, pp. 429-35, with various lefal addenda, UHd., pp. 435-41.
In sftlele juz of die pralli^iiary peaca of 15 Deoember 1646 betwcan Spidii aiid die
United Provlnoet, iliillp iV had undeitalien "effeochrely to tecure die oontlnnation and

Copyrighted material

The Thirty Yean' War and the Treaties of Westphalia

Long years of enmity between Spain and the United Provinces had
now, officially at least, drawn to a close. Monarchical Catholic Spain had
made a political, economic, and religious peace with republican Protes-
tant Holland. The representatives of the Catholic princes, ecclesiastics,
and cities had been fighting among themselves at Munster, some ready to
accept religious toleration, others doggedly against it. AtOsnabruck the
Protestants, despite the differences between Lutherans and Galvinists
and their territorial disputes, found general agreement easier to achieve
than the Catholics, some of whom left Miinster in irate dissatisfaction
about the time of the Dutch-Spanish treaty. When the religious problem
was solved (to the extent it could be), the solution would be to the
marked advantage of the Protestants, as we shall note presently. In any
event the treaties of Miinster and Osnabriick were not the consequence
of such accommodations as were reached in 1648. They embodied the
final agreements of the participants after the past four years of diplo-
matic as well as military contention.^''

While the Dutch and Spanish were making peace, the Swedes and
French were invading southern Germany. Wrangel and Turenne almost
crushed the remaining forces of Ferdinand 111 and Maximilian of Bavaria
on 1 7 May (1648) near Zusmarshausen in Swabia, some sixty or seventy
miles north of the far western border of Austria. Once more Bavaria was
ravaged, and Ferdinand and Maximilian were almost disarmed. Presently
another Swedish army under Hans Ghristoph von Kdnigsmarck de-
scended upon Bohemia, laying violent siege to now devoutly Catholic
Prague. The inhabitants resisted the Protestant assaults with extraordi-
nary courage and an intense religious zeal.

Although on 26 July (1648) von Konigsmarck's forces fought their way
into the (western) Lesser Town (the Mala Strana, "Small Side") as well
as into the Hradcany, where Prague Castle stands on the hill, they could
not take the laiger, eastern part of the city, the Old Town (Stare Mesto)
and the New Town (Nove Mesto), for the inhabitants fiercely defended
the Charles Bridge. The bridge crosses the Vltava river from east to west,
connecting the two parts of the city. It is still one of the great monuments
of Prague, and is now closed to motor vehicles of all kinds. It was the
right bank of the Vltava, the larger (eastern) area, which von Konigs-
marck failed to get into his clutches.

A half century before this final siege of 1648, the Lesser Town (Maid
Strana) on the left bank of the Vltava had been a thriving commercial

obser\'ation of neutnility. friendship, and good neighborliness on the part of his imperial
Majesty and the Empire" (ibid., Vl-1, no. ccix, p. 363a), to which Ferdinand III was to
respond aBirmatively on 6 July 1648 {ibid., no. Gocxxxv, p. 446, which refers, however, to
"art. uii" of the preUminary peace).

^ See in general the detailed study of Fritz Dickmann, Der Westfdlische Frieden,
Mfinster, 1959, to which several leferences have already been made.

Venice, Auatria, and the Turk» in tite Seventeenth Century

and intellectual center with extensive colonies of Italian, Dutch, Ger-
man, and English merchants and intellectuals.''* Now, however, it
showed the sad effects of political, economic, and social erosion, which
must await the gradual reconstruction of the later seventeenth and eigh-
teenth centuries to help remake Prague into the impressive city of mod-
ern times.^'

In any event the Old Town of Prague was now spared further depreda-
tion by the final agreements signed in Westphalia on 24 October 1648,

almost bringing peace to Europe. It had taken a long time. Bight years
before this, in fact, on 8 October 1640 Johann Adolf von Schwarzenberg
had written his kinsman Georg Ludwig from Regensburg that all the
states involved in the war wanted peace, but that negotiations with the
Swedes had been bogged down by nothing more than the unseemly word-
ing of what had appeared (to Schwarzenberg at least) a possible agree-
ment." Despite some four years of negotiations, peace was indeed long
in coming. At Lens, then in the southern Netherlands, now in northern
France, Louis d'Enghien de Gonde defeated the imperialists (on 20 AU'
gust 1648) in the last important battle of the war. Meanwhile at Munster,
as at Osnabriick, demands and concessions were still dependent upon
victory or defeat in the Held.

Diplomatic protocol, however, delayed the proceedings at Mtinster
and Osnabriick quite as much perhaps as the vagaries of warfare. France
would not yield precedence to Sweden, nor the latter to Prance. Thus it
was better that their negotiations with the imperialists should not be
held in the same place. If, for example, the ambassadors of the two
kingdoms found themselves together, neither could allow the other to
enter a room before him, sit above him at an assembly or a dinner, sign a
document before he had attached his own signature thereto, and so the
contest could go on indefinitely, as the envoys and ecclesiastics at the
GounoU of Trent had sometimes made painfully clear. Such diplomatic
clashes, whether involving ambassadors or mere agents, were inevitable.
They were also time-consuming, for one of the two contestants would
leave the scene, and nothing would get done.*' Hence France and Swe-
den each had to make a separate treaty with the Empire. The French and
Swedish ambassadors were, however, prepared to acknowledge the

J.V. Polisensky, The Thirty Years' War, trans. Robert Evans, Berkeley and Los An-
geles, 1971, pp. 12-13. 16-17, and cf., ibid., pp. 43ff.

Cf. the brief article of A. Klima. "Industrial Development in Bohemia. 1648-1781,"
Past and Present, XI (April 1957), 87-97. Despite the widespread "feudalization" (or we
should My manoriallsatioii) of Bohemia, with the large increase of serfdom after 1648, the
textile industries grew in almost remarkable fashion during this period.

^''Documenta bohemica Bellum Tricennale illustrantica, VI (1979), no. 1088, p. 375.

On the ahvays vexed question of protocol as well as the divisions and disatreements at
Miinster and Osnabriick, note Alvise Contarini, Relatione . . . per la pace universale al
convento di Miinster (1650), Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana (Venice), MS. It. VII, 1107
(9016), esp. fois. 13ff.

The Thirty Years' War and the TreaHea o/ W^phaUa

higher status which an a^-old tradition had accorded to the emperor
and therefore to his ambassador.

Thus a treaty of peace was accepted at Miinster in Westphalia on 24
October 1648 by the representatives of the H^mperor Ferdinand III and
his adherents, King Louis XIV and his foederati et adhueremes, and the
electors, princes, and states of the Holy Roman Empire. Of Louis XIV's
foederaii Queen Christina of Sweden was foremost, and was included in
the peace. A similar treaty was concluded and signed on the same day at
OsnabrQck in Westphalia by the plenipotentiaries of the emperor, the
queen of Sweden, and the deputies of the electors, princes, and states of
the Empire. The emperor included, on his part, the king of Spain, the
Hanseatic Ix^ague, the duke of Savoy, and certain other sovereigns and
princes. Among her "allies and adherents" the queen of Sweden put
Louis XIV foremost, principalemeiit le Roi Tres-Chrestien, as well as
(for the most part) the princes and sovereigns whom Ferdinand had
ranked among his "allies et adherens,** all of whom were thus included in
the imperialist-Swedish peace. In Miinster, however, the papal nuncio
Fabio Ghigi, who was to be elected pope as Alexander VII (in April
1655), protested against the damage being done to the Catholic Church
and the faith by various articles in the treaties, and (on 26 November
1648) Pope Innocent X added his own solemn protestation against the
evil peace."

The peace of Westphalia altered the political and social structure of
Europe. It gave the Protestants the right to retain all the church lands
they had taken and still held as of 1 January, 1624,^ as opposed to their

** The Westphalfan treaties reestablfshitid peace between Perdinand III and I>o«te XIV,

"et conscnticntibus Sac. Rom. Imperii RIcctoribus, Principibus, no Statibiis ad Divinl
Numinis ^oriam et Christianae Reipublicae salutem in mutuas pads et amicitiae leges
conaenaenint . . .** may of ootnse iw ftmnd in Dumont, VM, no. otaoovm, pp. 450-59:
"Acta sunt haec Monasterii Westphalorum die 24. Octob. anno 1648." The French text of
the treaty between Ferdinand 111 and Christina of Sweden, which included Louis XIV, is
given, Aid., no. cxoiuv, pp. 469-90: "Aussi-toat<|iieloTraite dc Paix aura est6 aouscrlt et
si^ne par les I'lenipotentiaires et Ambassadeurs, tout acte d'hostilite cessera . . ." (art.
XVI): "Ce qui a este ainsi arreste et conclu k Osnabruch le 14. ou 24. Octobre Tan 1648."
Besides the Latin and Ftvndi text* of these Cfeatles, ooples were prapnred In Qennan and
other languages.

**lhid., VI- 1, no8. cxBCLr^xatu, pp. 462-64. and note Hermann Blleher, Der Nunthw

Fahio Chifii (Papst Alexmukr VII) in Miinster, 1644-1649, Minister. 1958. Chigi had
previously been the apostolic delegate in Malu from 1634 to 1639; his oHioial correspon-
dence during these yeais has been published by Vincenc Borg (GlccA dl Vatlcano, 1967,

Studi e Testi, 249).

^ As declared in the imperialist-Swedish treaty (Dumont, VI- 1, no. ocxuv, art. v, 2, p.
473), "Que le cernie duquel on dolt commenoer la restitution dans les ohoses ecoMsiaa-

tiques, et en ce qui a este change a leur egard dans les politiques. soil le premier jour de
Janvier 1624, et partant que le retablissement de tous les Electeurs, Princes, et Estats de
Pane ef Tautre reilgton, oompris la noblesse fibre de rBmpIre otMnme anssl les otmrnninav-
tez et villafies immediats, se fasse picinement et sans restriction de ce Jour-Ia . . . , et
toutes executions faites en ces sortes d'affaires demeurent nuls et supprimez et le tout
r6dult en reseat qn'll estolt mut Jour et an snsdits."

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Venice, AuatHot and the Ttarka In the StvenieenUi Cetuury

more limited possessions recognized by the treaty of Passau (1552) and
the religious peace of Augsburg (1555). The principle cuius regio, eius
religio, which had been restricted to Catholics of the imperial states and
to the Lutheran adherents of the Confession of Augsburg (1530), was
now largely abandoned. Although religious freedom was granted to the
inhmbitants of SOesIa, Ferdtauuid III refused toleration in the hereditary
lands of the Gasa d* Austria. Gatholicism remained the sole authorised
faith in the Erblande of the Hapsburgs. For the rest, in Germany as In
most of Europe, Calvinism became an acceptable faith. The "ecclesiasti*
cal reservation" was retained, however, and so if a Catholic archbishop,
bishop, or prelate, should change his religion, he must give up his eccle-
siastical office and all its attendant revenues which was, according to the
imperialist-Swedish treaty, to be damaging to neither his honor nor his
leptttation."

Owing to the concessions made to the Protestants (under Swedish

pressure at Osnabriick) by the Emperor Ferdinand III, the Elector Maxi-
milian I of Bavaria, and Johann Philipp von Schonborn, who had been
recently appointed the (ecclesiastical) elector of Mainz, Westphalia
seemed to be a victory for the Protestants and a defeat for the German
Catholics and their Church. The princes, cities, and towns had already
seized upon a wide range of ecclesiastical property, and now the Gatho-
lies also lost two archbishoprics, a dozen bishoprics, and a half-dozen
abbeys. As the emperor's chief representative. Count Maximilian von
Trauttmannsdorff, was well aware, the emperor needed peace for several
important reasons, one of them being the Swedish threat to Prague,
another the recent P rench victory over the imperialists' Spanish allies at
Lens, and a third the ever-present possibility of renewed Turkish aggres-
sion.'^ Nevertheless, despite the opportunity presented by the Haps-
burgs' constant Involvement in the Thirty Years' War, the Turks had
directed their bellicose attention coward Venice, as we shall see, for
Crete appeared to be an obtainable prize.

During the course of the long war religious issues had gradually given
way (to some extent) to the political and economic needs and ambitions
of the combatants. The individual treaties of Westphalia are too long and
detailed to attempt full sunmiarles in a survey as brief as this, but France
at long length received imperial recognition of her perpetual and irrevo-
cable possession of the bishoprics and cities of Metz, Toul, and Verdun,

" Dumont. VI 1 . no. ccxuv, arL V, 3, p. 474, and (rf. Gontarlni, Relatione, MS. Marc. It

VII, 1107 (9016), fol. 19.
" Paacor, Geach. dL POpate, XIV-1 (1929), 73-108, esp. pp. 82ff., 91ff., and the loare-

lessly proofreadi Hist. Popes, XXX. 94-142. csp. pp. 106ff.. 1 18ff. On Innocent X's protest
against the Catholic concessions to the Protestants in the peace of Westphalia, note Pas-
tor. XiV-1. 96-101.

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The Thirty Years' War and the Treaties of Westphalia

which she had been holding since the time of Charles V (from 1552). The

emperor and the Empire also "ceded and transferred" to the most Chris-
tian king of France the city and citadel of Pinerolo in Piedmont (where
the Man in the Iron Mask is said to have been kept a prisoner in the later
seventeenth century) as well as the "town of Breisach, the landgraviate
of Upper and Lower Alsace, . . . and governance of the provinces of ten
imperial cities in Alsace," all ten of which are of course identified in the
text Since these cities remained within the Empire, France thus ac-
quired the right to be represented in the Reichstag.^

On 15 November (1648), however, Philip IV of Spain issued a long and
detailed protest in the name of the "Burgundian Circle" against the
imperialist-French treaty which the emperor had accepted without the
agreement of Spain. The king of Spain and the emperor had always had
the same enemies. The house of Hapsburg in Madrid had always assisted
their cousins in Vienna, and now the Spanish government and Spanish
arms had been shamefully deserted.^

The French might have gained more from their victories in the field,
but the revolts known as "la Fronde" (1648-1653) were now beginning
against the ever increasing power of the Crown. Mazarin's government
was opposed by the Parlement de Paris, which refused to accept an order
for an increase in taxation. The unruly French nobility were soon up in
arms; the people were tired of war and the Hnancial burdens being laid
upon them. The Fronde would eventually prove a stepladder to the al-
most absolutist authority of the Crown, but in the meantime Maxarin*s
position was seriously llireatened. He needed peace even more than
France did, and the French representatives at Munster liad been directed
to reach an accord with the emperor and his allies as soon as they could.
Yes, Mazarin knew he needed peace, but not with Spain. The Franco-

" As stated in the imperialist-French treaty (I)iimont, VM-1, no.GCXXXViii. p. 455). it was
afjreed "quod supremum dominium, jura superioritatis, aliaque omnia in cpiscopatus Mc-
tensem, Tttllemcin, et VIrodunensem, urbeaque oognomines eorumque episcopatuum dis-
trictus . . . , M modo quo hactenus ad Roimmuin apectabant imperium, in poaterum ad
Goronam Oatllae spectare elque Incoiporart debeant in perpetuom et Irrevocablllter. . . .

"Secundo, imperator et Imperium eediint transferuntque In Regem Christi.'inissinnim
. . .Jus direct! dominii, superioritatis, et quodcumque aliud sibi et Sacro Romano Imperio
haotenua In Pinarohim competebat et competere poterat.

"Tertio. Imperator pro sc totaqiie serenisslma Domo Aiistriaca itemtiiie Imperium ce-
dunt omnibus juribus . . . ac jurisdictionibus, quae hactenus sibi, Imperio, et Familiae
Auacrtaoae ocNnpetebant In oppldom Brtaaoum, Landgraviatvm anperlorto et Inferlorto Al-
satiae. . . . praefecturamque provinciariim decern civitatum imperialiiim in Alsatia sl-
tarum, . . . onincsque pajjf s et alia (|iiacciimqiie jura, quae a dicta pracfeetura dependent,
eaquc omnia et singula in Rcgem Christianissum Kegnumque Galliarum transferunt. . . .*'
On the imperial cession of Breisach, Upper and Lower Alsace, the ten imperial cities in
Alsace, and other territory, note, ibid., no. ocxtvt, pp. 490-91 . Carlo II Gonzaga had some
reason to protest against this trentv {ihid., no. CCL, pp. 493-94). Note aiao GontarinI,
Relatione, MS. Marc. It. Vli, 1 1U7 (9016), fol. 14*. and cf. fols. 17'. 18*.

Dnmont, VM, no. ocxui, pp. 464-67, doc. dated at Mfinster on IS November 1648.

Venice, Austria, and the Turks in the Seventeenth Century

Spanish war contiiiued for more than a decade — until the peace of the
Pyrenees in 1659" — ^until within two years of Mazarin*s death (in 1661).

The queen and kingdom of Sweden were henceforth to hold as fiefs of
the Empire the duchy of Pomerania and the principality of Riigen, in
addition to which the Swedes were given, en fief perpetuel et immediat
de rEmpire, the town and port of Wismar plus the archbishopric of
Bremen and the bishopric of Verden to be held as secular duchies. With
possession of the duchies of Bremen, Verden, and Pomerania, the prtnci>
pality of Rfi^n, and the lordship of Wismar, the sovereigns of Sweden
were to be duly summoned to assemblies of the imperial Reichstag.
Gliding over various complications, we may finally note that the elector-
ates, principalities, and other states of the Empire must furnish the
crown of Sweden with 5,000,000 imperial dollars (risdales, Reichstaler)
for the demobilization of the numerous mercenary forces which the
Swedes still had in the field.^' As soon as the plenipotentiaries and the
ambassadors had afiixed their signatures to the imperialist-Swedish
treaty, every act of hostility was to cease, and one was to start putting
into effect die numerous provisions set forth in the treaty.

Maximilian I of Bavaria retained the (eastern) Upper Palatinate and
the electoral dignity, while he agreed to the annulment of a debt of
13,000,000 imperial dollars and gave up all claim to Upper Austria.
Maximilian would turn over to the emperor all documents relating to this

" Dumont, Corps universel diplomatique, VI-2 (1728), no. cviii, pp. 264-83, texts
dated from 7 November 1659 to 1 June 1660, and note, ibid., no. cix.

Taking a few extracts from the imperialist-Swedish treaty (Dumont, VI- 1, no. CCXLIV,
arts. X, 1-4, and xvi, pp. 48 Iff.), we may note that "Sa Mi^este et le Royaume de Su&de
tiendra et possedera dis ce Joard'huy i perp^toit^ en fief hir^dltaire oe duch^ de
Pomeranie et la principaliie de Riiften. . . . L'Emperciir, du consentement de tout rEm-
pire, cede aussi a la Keyne Scrcnissime . . . la ville et le port de Wi.smar. . . . L'Empereur
. . . cede aussi, en vertu de la presente transaction, i la S^r^nisshne Rein* . . . raraiic>
vesche de Bremen et I'evesche de Verden. . . .

"L'Empereur . . . regoit pour estat immediat de I'Empire la Keyne Serenisslme et ses
•UOOesWttfS an Royaume de Suede en sorte que la susdite Reyne et lesdits Roys seront
d6ioffiiiai» appdks aux Dlites Impiriales avec les autres esMts de TEmpire sons le titre de
Duos de Bremen, de Verden, et de Pom^nle, comme aussI sous celny de Princes de
Riigen et de Seigneurs de Wismar . . . |art. x, 1-4). Aussi-tost que le Traite de Pai.x aura
este souscrit et signe par les plenipotentiares et ambassadeurs, tout acte d'hostilite ces-
sera, et les choses (|ul ont esti accord^ cy-dessus seront de part et d'autre en menic
temps mises a execution. . . . Finalement pour ce qui regarde le licentiement de la solda-
tesque Suedoise, tous les Electeurs, Princes, et autres Estats . . . seront tenus de contri-
bv«r la aonmie de oinq millions de risdales en espices de bon aloy ayant ooura dans
I'Empire . . ■ |nrt. xvi|."

Cf. Contarini, Relatione, MS. Marc. It. VII. 1107 (9016), fol. 18": in Febraro del '47
reatA parimente aggiuMata la sodislstione della corona dl Sueisia, che in sostanza fu la
ritentione della miglior e maggior parte della Pomerania, compresi li forti, I'i.sole, e le cUti
migliori sopra ii Baltico, li vescovati di Bremen e Ferden, I'uso libero del porto di Wismar,
dacaal per questo ai duchi di Mechlemburgh, che ne furono patroni, una convenient*
ricompensa in conformita del pratticatosi coll'EIlettore di Brandembei;! per la cessfcme
della Pomerania" (and cf., ibid., fols. 14", 22').

The Thirty Years' War and the Treaties of Westphalia

debt, "pour estre cassez et annullez." An eighth electorate was now
created for Karl Ludwig, the son of ^"riedrich V, "the winter king. Karl
Ludwig was thus confined to the L<^wer or Rhenish Palatinate, extending
from the left bank of the Rhine to the Saarland and the French border,
with his capital in the devastated city of Heidelberg.^

In order to provide proper compensation to Priedrich Wilhelm, the
elector of Brandenburg, "who to advance the cause of universal peace
has given up the rights he had to Hither Pomerania, Riigen, and the
provinces and places connected therewith," Brandenburg now received
the bishoprics of Ilnlberstadt, Minden, and Cammin (Kamien) "en fief
perpetuel et immediat do I'Empire." Needless to add, Friedrich Wilhelm
possessed "en ce nom sceance et voix aux Dietes Imperiales." Friedrich
Wilhelm was also granted "the expectancy of the archbishopric of Mag-
deburg upon its becoming vacant either by the death of the then adminis-
trator, Duke August of Saxony, or by the tatter's accession to the elec-
torate (of Saxony)."^' As for old Johann Georg, the elector of Saxony, he
did no better than retain Lusatia, which he had acquired in the treaty of
Prague (of 1635), but that was a considerable gain.

These were trying years for the Emperor Ferdinand 111, who saw no
way of helping to make peace between his Hapsburg cousin in Spain and
the government of Louis XIV. The Turks were quiet, however, even
friendly, for on 1 July 1649 the Porte renewed the treaty of Zsitvatorok,
which had been the cornerstone of the generally peaceful relations be-
tween the Ottoman and the Catholic empires for more than forty years.
The government of the boy sultan Mehmed IV was torn by interior dis-

" Dumont, VI- 1, no. ccxliv, art. iv, p. 470. In order for Karl Ludwig "to discharge in
some fashion what he owed his brothers by way of appanage," the emperor undertook to
pay the brothers 400,000 imperial dollars over a period of four years, beginning with the
year 1649 {ibid., pp. 470-471).

Despite the destruction in their territories (particularly that of Bavaria) on the whole
Maximilian and the Emperor Ferdinand fared well in the Westphalian agreements (cf.

Cnntarini. Relatione, MS. M.irc It VII. 1107 (<)016|, fol. 21'): "I! Palatin.ito Snperiore. che
prima era dclla Casa ralatina, rinianc al Dtica di Baviera contiguo a suoi stati, per il qual
ogetto Baviera rilascia poi a Cesare TAustria Siiperiore, impegnatali gii per tredici mil-
lioni, clie la (]asa Imperiale doveva poi a qiiella di Baviera, si che in questa pace si puo dire
con verita che l lmpcratore hcnche angustiato da pericoli, nemici, et necessita abbi fatto
per iui una pace vantaggiosis.sima. Ka oonseguito la corona di Boemia ereditaria nella sua
dissendenza, che fu I'origine dclla presente guerra, mentre li Boemi la prettendevano
ellettiva. iia prcsser\'ato li suoi stati patrimonial! dalla libertd di conscienza, concedendola
libcramente in tutti gl'altri d'Alemagna. Ha ricuperato TAustria Superiore impegnata per
tredici millioni alia Casa di Baviera senza esborsare un quatrino. In somma ha fatto per lui
una pace avnntaggiosa altretanto quanto dannosa ail'auuorlti e forze imperiali per la
cognitionc die si c datta ai stati dcli'lnipcro delle proprie loro forze e del modo ancora di
maneggiarle per non rimaner assogettiti."

Gf. Dumont, VM, no. ccxLViii, p. 492, doc. dated 1649.

" Dumont, VM. no. ccxuv, arts, xi-xii, pp. 482-83. August of Saxony died in 1680.

^ Dumont, VI- 1, no. ccuciv, pp. 521-22, "actum Constantinopoli 1. Julii anno Christi
1649."

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Venice, Auatria, and the Turke In the Seventeenth Century

sension, and was having a hard time carrying on the war it had started
with Venice four years before in an effort to wrest the island of Crete
from the Signoria.

The Dutch and the Swiss were content, for the independence of the
United Provinces — together with that of the cantons of Uri, Schwyz,
Unterwalden, and the rest — was now internationally recognized. There
was a widespread fear in Europe, however, with large nunit>erB of mer-
cenariM who had little or no prospect of employment, that maybe the
war was not really over. In fact the Swedish troops stationed at Vechta in
Oldenburg (in northwestern Germany), some thirty miles or more north-
east of Osnabriick, did not leave the scene until the spring of 1654.
Mutinies were frequent. Many erstwhile mercenaries turned to brigan-
dage for a living. Bohemia, Germany, and the other areas caught up in
the Thirty Years* War had not only been subjected to widespread de-
struction, but had also suffered year after year from typhus fever (mal di
peteccfcie), the scourge of armies in the sixteenth and seventeenth centu-
ries, and sometimes the bane of the populations upon which they in-
truded. Famine became widespread in areas disrupted by the war. The
bubonic plague which, as we shall note, struck at the mercenary army
that Venice sent into Greece two generations after the peace of West-
phalia, also took its toll during these thirty years of dismal conflict. So
did dysentery and influenza, but the Germans were generally spared the
cholera and malaria which, later on, afflicted the Venetians in Greece. At
least the Germans were spared something, for by 1648 no little of their
homeland was a shambles.

It was a disastrous and turbulent era, even more confusing to contem-
poraries than to modern historians. Alvisc Gontarini, the Venetian emis-
sary at the negotiations in Westphalia, was one of the most astute ob-
servers of the current of events in his time.^' In 1650 Gontarini

The original texts of Contarini's di.spatches lo the dojje and Senate during his years in
Westphalia are to be found in the Venetian Archives (ASV), Senato, Dispacci Miinster
(where Gontarini maintained his residence until 1649], Filze 1-11. The first dispatch is
dated .11 July 1643, the last 19 .lune 1650. There are copies of these dispatches in seven
volumes in the Bibl. Nazionale Marciana (Venice), MSS. It. VII, 1098-1104
(8148-8154) — Regiatro di lettere scritte al Serenissimo Senato di Venetia dal Signor
CavaHer AMne ContarM, ambaactator atraordtnario at Convento per ta Pace unlver-
sdl ili (^hristitinitu in Mu\n]s(cr (the first of these letters being dated at Venice on Jl July
1643; the last, no. 424, being dated 28 December 1649, apparently at Brussels).

There are also two volumes of Lettere del SenaM al CavaHer Alvise Contarent, amfta-
scidtnr a Miinster per la Pdce cli Chrisdanitu [more than three hundred letters from 8
August 1643 to 4 June 16501— MSS. Marc. It. VII, 1105-1106 (8155-8156), the tirst
vohime ooverhig the period from 1 643 to 1 646. Another collection In the Mardana (MS. it
VII, 1926 |9055|) contains a large group of letters written by princes, mini.sters. and other
important personages to Gontarini, who was at Miinster and Paris from 1644 to 1649. The
letters are all orltf nab, signed by the senders, with atuohed seab still adhering to the

Copyrighted material

The Thirty Yean* War and the Treaties qf WeatpheUia

presented to the Signoria a retrospective summary of the objeoUves of
the leading powers as well as of some of the major problems created by
the Thirty Years* War. He seemed still to be oonsol^ by the recolleotioii
that in 1643 it had fimdly become clear there was ^ing to be a European
congress. The mediators and plenipotentiaries of the emperor and the
other crowned heads had come together at Miinster and Osnabriick;
proceedings began on 10 April (1643) when the mass of the Holy Spirit
was sung "to implore the divine assistance in the managing of such im-
portant business." Thereupon Gontarini plunged into the difficulties
caused by the Spaniards* initial abstention from the proceedings. The
papal nuncio Pablo C3iigi also remained aloof, which did not bother the
Protestants.

Gontarini has shown in brilliant fashion how changing events in the
last half dozen years of the war had determined the varying attitudes and
stands of the ministers and plenipotentiaries at Miinster and Osnabriick.
Peace had been made in August 1645 between the crowns of Sweden and
Denmark, a peace advantageous for Sweden, shameful for Denmark, per
Francia mediairice glorioaa. The Emperor Perdinand 111*8 policy "var-
ied according to the capacity shown by Swedish arms.** Among the nu-
merous problems, with which the negotiators in Westphalia were wres-
tling, were two to which modern historians have given little attention.
The first was the question whether passports should be granted to depu-
ties of George I Rakoczy, the prince of Transylvania, who had been at
war with the emperor in 1644-1645. The second related to Portugal and
**the freedom of Prince Edward of Braganxa, brother of the king of Portu-
gal, now a prisoner In the Gastello of Milan,** which need not concern us
here, and was no worry to Gontarini.

Rakoczy's request to be represented in Westphalia was another mat-
ter. Rak6czy was not included in the preliminaries of the congress (be-
cause his deputies had received no passports), and also, says Gontarini,

texts. Contarini's prominence and importance are attested to by the hulk of dlls corre-
spondence and by the ^eat respect shown by those who wrote to him.

A full ooverafe of the archival and other sources relating to Gontarlnl*s Westphalian
niaalon is to he found in the excellent study hy Stefano Andretta. "I^ Diplomazia vene-
zfana e la Pace di V'estfalia (1643-1648)," Annuario dell' Istituto storico italiano per
I'eui moderna e contemporanea, XXVII-XXVIII (1975-1976). Rome, 1978, pp. 3-128.
Andretta explores the diplomatic intricacies and clarifies the important issues debated at
Miinster and Osnabriick, setting his account against the background of the entire Thirty
Years' War. Note also A.M. Bettanini, "Alvise Gontarini ambasciatore veneto (1597—
1651)." Riviata di studi politici intemamionali, IX (1942), 371-416, who S^vea m a
mrvey of OontarfnI's early career, a sketch of his years at Mflnster. and a list of the rrievanc
SfOhival sources; A. Zanon Dal Bo. Alvise Contarini mediatore per la Repubblica di
VmtMia nel Congresao di Vea^falia {164J-1648), Lugano, 1971, which I have not seen;
and G. Benaont's shetoh of GiMitarifil's oareer In the Digionario biogrqfico degli haliani,
XXVIII ( 1 983). 82-91, whh an extenahre bIbUoiraphy. Gonttrtail arrived in Mflnateron 20
November 1643.

Venice, Atutria, and the Turks in the Seventeenth Century

"because I knew that by such means the Turks would certainly have
been able to penetrate to the very heart of these negotiations: I strove
and succeeded in preventing [his deputies) from coming, and although
this matter went on for some months, it finally ended quietly, for soon
afterwards Rakoczy made peace with the emperor."**

In most accounts of Westphalia the Turks receive little attention.^ At
one point in the proceedings, however, the negotiators did give thought
to the Turks. Trauttmannsdorff, **along with the states of the Empire,*'
declared that Ferdinand

as emperor and archduke of Austria should not be allowed to assist the Span-
iards without the consent of the Empire, but [according to Trauttmannsdorff 1 as
king of Hungary he could not fail to meet the obligations of the blood relation-
ship and the mutual interests of the two houses [of Hapsburg] in Germany
and Spain.

To this, of course, the French took immediate exception, asserting that
under the guise of king of Fiungary the emperor would give his full sup-
port to the Spanish against France. Seeking a resolution of this problem
the negotiators, according to Ck>ntarini,

took the opportunity to propose a war against the Turk, especially upon the
basis of some secret article, under which the French would bind themselves to
come to the emperor's aid in such a [noble] cause|!], but in the end the proposal
came to nothing, owing to the fear which the Court of Vienna had and still has of
the Tuik. The negotiators declared that war against the Turk would be a guaran-
tee without any other legal pronouncement that the emperor could not render
assistance to the Spaniards, but the French and the states of the Empire took a
contrary stand, insisting that the emperor must not be left powerfully armed for
any reason, because although his arms were assumed to be for use against the
Turk, they might well be employed either against France or merely to renew the
[Hapsburg! oppressions within the Empire. There was a greater hatred of Austria
than of the Turk; all the efforts expended on the proposal [against the Turk] came
to nothing. May it please God that the same views, as well as the widespread fear,
not still prevail today (i.e., in 16501 ^ objections to war against the Turk.

Current circumstances, however, in Gontarini's Venetian opinion,
were such that the imperialists would never again have as good an oppor-

Contarini, Relatione . . . per la pace tniivcrnale al cnnvento diMUn$ter (1650), MS.
Marc. It. VII. 1 107 (9016). fols. 5*. 7' 12'. On Rakoczy's peace with Perdbiand III (on 16
December 1645), see above, p. 81, Joseph Fiedler, Die Relationen der Botttchafter Vene-

difis iiher Deutschlaml iind Ostcrreich im sichzchnten Jahrhundert. I (Vienna. 1866),
29J-366, has published the text of Gontarini's Relatione from a later copy (in a Viennese
manuscript).

-^^ Andretta, "Li Diplomazia veneziana," esp. pp. 72-93, does deal at some length with

the Turkish problem.

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tunity as then existed "to take advantage of the common enemy."^ At
any rate, considering the fact that the Turks had embarked upon war
with Venice five years before for possession of the island of Crete, the
Signoria could wish for nothing more than a European ally against

the Porte,

Gontarini informs us in some detail of Trauttmannsdorff's arrival in
Mfinster in December 1645, his departure in July 1647, and his return to
the congress thereafter. When he came back, he made every effort to

bring the Emperor Ferdinand III and Maximilian of Bavaria together
again, "distraendo questo [Maximilian] daH'amicitia de' Francesi." He
could not do so, however, because Maximilian distrusted the emperor.
Gontarini seems to heave a sigh of relief when he reaches the point that
**segui tinalmente col favore del Signor Dio la sottoscritione della pace
d'Impero con le Gorone di Francia e Suezzia a 24 d'Ottobre 1648/*

On the day tlut the treaties of Westplialia were signed, Gontarini says,
couriers were sent to Vienna, Paris, and Stoddiofan widi instructions to
bring back ratifications from the imperial and royal courts within two
months. Other couriers were dispatched to the generals of the armies in
the field "to suspend hostilities." At Miinster (and Osnabriick) on 25
October the signing of the treaties of peace was celebrated with a volley
of cannon hre to mark "the jubilation of all Germany after thirty years of
the most painful and hideous warfare.**^

After the signing of the treaties there followed two years of convales-
cence (contMxJesoensa), as Gontarini calls it, during which the troops
had to be disbanded and the soldiers paid. The plenipotentiaries lacked
the authority and the information necessary to effect this final resolution
of the remaining problems of the long war,

in which context there were assigned to the Swedish militias seven of the ten
"ciroles** of the Empire until the emperor oould pay them the five million dollari
[toUari] agreed upon for their discharge. The circle of Austria was reserved as
qunrters for the emperor's militias, that of Bavaria for the Bavarian [militiasl,
and that of Burgundy remains free, the state having been excluded from the
treaty for the aforesaid reasons fCSontarlnl had already dealt with Burgundy].

The Swedes in the seven circles were so paid off that when I left Mflnster they
got, the lot of them, as enforced contributions 108,000 dollars a day — I say a
day — an almost incredible sum which does, however, give evidence of the
Strength of that great society (corpoj of Germany, even though it has been

Gontarini, Kdafionc, MS. Marc. It. VII, 1107 (9016), fol. 19'.

Gontarini, Relatione, fols. 14\ 15ff.. 16'. 20. 22\ On 12 November 1648 the Venetian
doge Francesco Molin wrote Gontarini (his letter reached Miinster on 26 November), "A 7
del corrcnte j^ionse il vostro dispaccio de 24 passato (24 October) con I'aviso della Pace
d'lmpcrio oondusa et ■octoscriua" (LeUere del Senato al Cav. Mviee Contureni, amba-
ackaar a AfAuier, MS. Maro. It. VII. 1 106 (81561, M. 23S*).

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Venice, Auatria, and the Turke in the Seventeenth Century

beaten down by so many evils for so many years. Therefore it is no surprise if the
Congress of Nuremberg, assembled to carry out (the terms of the peace), has
labored for two entire years in order to do so. As for the settlement with the
militias, there were many objeotlona raised over the 5,000,000 doHars fimdiy
agreed to, for Germany would have saved so much more if instead of quarters
(being provided for the troops], prompt recompense had been decided upon
from the beginning, because payment has been made ten times over.^

Contarini pauses for a moment over two of the many advantages which
the peace of Westphalia brought to the participants. The first related to
all die states bordering upon the Empire which in earlier times had
suffered ^m Hapsburg ambitions or prejudices. Now conditions had
changed, to the benefit of Italy especially, but most of all Venice, which
had long had trouble with the Hapsburgs. As a result of the peace, how-
ever, the Hapsburgs had been subjected to the laws of the Empire no less
than to the presence of France and Sweden, both of which had in fact
made their way into the Empire, In one of his dispatches (dated 30
March 1646), two years before the Westphalian settlement, Contarini
expressed the belief that Prance, Sweden, and the Netherlands then
formed "a trinity of self-interest," but in the increasing fear of nearby
France, the Netherlands soon withdrew from the trinity. As for the other
advantage in question, Contarini declared that it accrued only to Venice.
It was the gratitude now felt by the princes and cities of Germany as a
consequence of the effectiveness of Venetian diplomacy in dealing with
all the parties involved but, alas, with small profit to the Republic as
regards the war with the Turlc despite their commiseration and praise,
for no large support had yet been forthcoming.**^ Nevertheless, both the
Austrian Trauttmannsdorff and the papal legate Fabio Ghigi liad been
advocating assistance for Venice against the Porte:

The nuncio IFabio Ghigi] on the contrary has protested against this peace, and
the protests have lately been given validity by a papal bull which annub wiiatso*
ever agreement was made by the Catholics as to the alienation of church proper-
ties, absolving them from whatsoever promise they made or oath they took in
this context. . . . And this is to leave the door open to the Catholics themselves
to regain whatever they gave up when the fortune of arms may become favor-
able, as happened after the so-called "Religious Peace" of 1555, against which
some of the more zealous prelates of Germany had protested, owing to the alien-
ation of church properties which took place at that time. As a result of that
protest, however, many such properties were recovered when Catholic arms did

Contarini, Relatione, fol. 35'.
" Gontarinl was of oourae always aoately aware of Venice's Turliisli problem; it is almost
the main theme of his Relatione. Three volumes of letters, largely from 1639 on, addressed
to him (MSS. Marc. It. VII, 1207-9 |8852-4]). include letters sent to him when he was the
Repubiio's bailie at the Porte.

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The Thirty Years' War and the TreatieB qf WettphaHa

prevail, a fact which at present is compelling the Protestants to exercise particu-
lar cntition to retain among themselves the possessions acquired from the

Catholics.^

At this point Gontarini felt that he had at least "touched upon** the
most important parts of the Westphalian texts, covering the gains of
France and Sweden, Bavaria and the Rhenish Palatinate, "come 11 piil
beneficati — ^11 resto ho tralnsciato per evitare le maggiorl lon^ezze." In

any event there was, he believed, no prince, no state, no city, no lordling
with sovereignty who had not wanted to be named in so grand a treaty of
peace, some to increase their territory, others to give stronger conhrma-
tion to their prerogatives. •^'^ Thereafter Contarini goes on to deal with the
final resolution of the major problems and with the various personalities
which were dominant in the prolonged negotiations at Miinster and
Osnabriick.^

Ending the war meant the demobilization of tens of thousands of
troops, who must be paid upon the termination of their service. They
must also be removed from the numerous garrisons in which they had
been stationed and from the extensive territories which they had been
holding. It was a problem to send them home; many of them had no home
but the regiment in which they had lived. For almost three years, how-
ever, from late in the year 1648 to the midsummer of 1651, efforts were
made at an international congress held in Nuremberg to find practicable
means of putting into effect the treaties of Westphalia.^' The most press-
ing problem was to find and allot the funds for the disbandment of the
troops, but eventually the negotiators did find their way out of what had
often seemed to be an impasse. Most of Europe could rejoice in peace.

The commercial enterprise and military reforms of the Dutch had
made a deep impression upon Europe. With easy access to the Medi-
terranean as well as to the Atlantic their international trade had grown
by leaps and bounds. By the beginning of the seventeenth century the
Germans and Austrians had probably l^een falling behind economically,
and so apparently had the Venetians, although the latter could still live
comfortably on their Mediterranean transport. The French were now
advancing most of all. The tactical efficiency of Gond^ and Turenne In
the field and, as time went on, the skillful management of French eco-
nomic resources by Colbert also made a large impact upon Europe. Gov-

^ Contarini. Relatiane, fol. 23*.
Contarini, RelatUme, fol. 23.

^" Contarini, Relatione, fols. 24ff.

** Cf. Dumont, Vl-1, no. oclxxvii, pp. 549-61, texts dated at Nuremberg from 21 Sep-
temlier 1649 to S Octolier 1650, and note, UML, no. ocum.

100

Venice, Avatria, and the TWfce in the Seoenuenth Century

emments tended henceforth to give increased attention to technological
improvements in industry as well as in warfare. The Austrians and the
Germans had learned a good deal about tactics and armaments during
the Thirty Years' War.

The Turks and Spanish, however, although they were dominant in the
territorial wateri of the eastern and western Mediterranean, were falling
behind the French, English, Dutch, Germans, and Austrians in the
various aspects of mathematics, science, and technology with which we
associate the names of Bartolommeo Crescenzio (fl. 1607), Giovanni
Branca (d. 1645), Marin Mersenne (d. 1648), Athanasius Kircher (d.
1680), and Otto von Gucricke (d. 1686). Geared mechanisms were be-
coming useful in industry and warfare. Having noted elsewhere the ways
in which the Spanish and the Turks were lagging behind their European
contemporaries, I fear that I can do no better than repeat what I have
already said in this context:

There is a remote resemblance between the Spanish and Ottoman empires as
to the time and causes of their decline. Each was attached to past practices, to
"tradition," to an intellectual stagnation which meant failure to keep up with the
teohnologioal innovations of the later sixteenth century and the seventeenth.
Each was unable, therefore, to share to any appreciable extent in the advances
l>eing made in mininji and metallurgy, medicine and pharmacology, the produc-
tion of hardware, textiles, glass, clocks, and especially Hrearms and shipbuild-
ing. The Spanish and Turks were both impeded by inefficient governments and
by the fsllure to produce a middle class strong enough to face the increasing
economic competition of the seventeenth century.

The Spanish Church and the Inquisition were obstacles to social change and
scientitic progress in Spain, while the growth of Moslem fanaticism among the
Turin had an even more ddleterious effect upon the understanding and use of
any scientific improvement or Instrument. Weakened central governments,
hard pressed for money, met increasing difficulties in maintaining the infra-
structure of roads, canals, and dikes, bridges, warehouses, and docks — all essen-
tial to commercial, military, and naval ethciency.'*^

Destruction iMd varied from one area to another; some towns and
villages were almost spared, others became uninhabited or neariy so.
Conditions were, for example, much worse in Wiirttemberg than in
Ivower Saxony. Although an abundance of local records still exist to
attest to the depopulation of this village or that, agreement as to the
overall loss of life has been dithcult to achieve. Doubtless prolonged
hunger and disease did more to decimate the population than the car-
nal of the iMttleiield plus the mercenaries' pillaging of the countryside.
Undefended areas would lose their people when the latter took refuge

^ The Popocy and the Levant, iV, 1098.

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101

within the walls of nearby or not so nearby cities. Generalisations con-
cerning the results of the Thirty Years* War are not easy to formulate, for
a large bibliography (and almost as much controversy) has grown up in
the last century or so.'*'' In any event the conclusion of the conflict was
hardly the end of warfare in mid-seventeenth century Europe.

In June 1654 Queen Christina of Sweden gave up her father's throne,
being succeeded by her ambitious cousin Ghailes X, whose accession
brought further strife to northern Europe. During the brief period of his
reign Charles embarked upon some four years of warfare with Poland,
which led to the Danes' and Russians* entering the contest against Swe-
den. Charles actually occupied Warsaw and Cracow, the two chief cities
of Poland (in 1655) but when, after a prolonged siege, he failed to take
the monastery on the height of .lasna Cora at Cz^stochowa, the Poles
responded to the inspiration of the Black Virgin of Cz^stochowa, still the
chief object of pilgrimage in Poland, and Charles had eventually to with-
draw from the country. He invaded Denmaric in 1657, made an ally and
then an enemy of Priedrich Wilhelm of Brandenburg,'*^ and nearly ex-
hausted the resources of Sweden. But, upon the bellicose Charles's
death in mid-February 1660, peace returned to the Northland for a while
in the Swedish treaty of Oliva of 3 May 1660 with King John Casimir of
Poland and his foederati (the Emperor Leopold I and Friedrich Wilhelm
of Brandenburg), by which treaty Poland ceded Livonia to the Swedes/*
The new king of Sweden, Charles XI, reached an agreement also with
Prederick III of Denmaik in June 1660; the treaty was made **in our
castle at Copenhagen," and subsequently ratified in Stockholm.^^ The
belligerents were tired. Peace seemed to be in the atmosphere. A year
later, in July 1661, Charles XI subscribed to a perpetua quies et pax
with the grand duke of Muscovy."*' But there was still little or no peace
for the remainder of the century. When France emerged as the dominant

" Gf. Parker ct at. The Thirty Yean'War, pp. 190-226; Theodore K. Rabb, "The Effects

of the Thirty Years' War on the German Economy," Journal of Modern History, XXXIV
(1962), 40-51; .1. V. I'olisensky, "The Thirty Years' War." Past and Present, V\ (Nov.
1954), 31-43; I'olisensky, "The Thirty Years' War and the Crises and Revolutions of Seven-
teenth-Centur>' Europe," ibid., XXXIX (April 1968), 34-43; Henry Kamen, "The Eco-
nomic and Social Consequences of the Thirty Years' War," ibid., XXXiX, 44-61, a very
good article. On the various "orlaea" and numerous problems with which the historian of
tlie ieventeenth century has been wrestling for years, note Rabb's intereatlng essays in The
8trufigle/or StabUity in Early Modem Europe, New York, 1975.

** Dumont, Goryw untverad diplomiuiqw, Vl-2 (1728), nos. xun, xux, LV-tvn, uixv,
pp. 127ff.

Dumont, Vl-2, no. cxv, pp. 303-15, "datum Oltvae, die tertfa mensis Mall, anno
1660." Oliva (Oliwa) is in northern Poland, a few miles northwest of Danzig (Odoffafc).

**" Dumont, Vl-2, no. cxx, pp. 319-24, "actum in castris ad Hafniam {Gopeirfiatenl 27.
Mail fthe text fives JwiU by mlstakel anno 1660." with addenda iUd, pp. 324-26. The
27th May (O.S.) becomes 6 June by the Gr^orlan Calendar. Note also, UML, nos. catxxvm-
CXL, pp. 358-63.

Dumont, Vl-2, no. cm, pp. 363-64, text dated 21 June/1 July 1661.

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102

VSmln, AuttrtOf emd the fitrha in cftc SevetuetnUt Century

power in Europe, Louis XIV plunged the continent into three more wars
(1667-8, 1672-8, and 1688-97), always seeking to add territory to his

royal domain.

In the opinion of many historians, both past and present, the peace of
Westphalia remained the foundation of a balance of power in Europe
until the end of the Holy Roman Empire (in 1806), by which time, of
course, the wars of religion in Germany, France and elsewhere in Europe
were little more than a painful memory. The Holy Roman Empire was
over and done with by 1806, but the Hapsbufgs were firmly entrenched
in the kaiserliche Erblande, and became emperors of the so-called Aus-
tro-Hungarian empire. In the meantime, however, after 1648, Austria
would not become involved in war with France for some time, although
the Turliish advance upon the eastern front brought about a renewal of
warfare with the Ottoman ^plre in 1663-1664.

The experience of the Thirty Years* War had gradually moved the
Christians ahead of the Turks in military tactics and armaments. Despite
the shortcomings and differences among the states in western and cen-
tral Europe, and despite enduring religious disaffection, the Christians
had developed and were maintaining more efficient governmental admin-
istrations than the Turks. Although corruption of various sorts was al-
most rampant in the military as well as in the civil service of various
Christian states, it was far less destructive than the widespread deteriora*
tion in Ottoman society. The Christian military organization, especially
in Sweden, France, Brandenbuig-Prussia, Bavaria, and Austria was more
effective than the Turks' military medley — the infantry corps of janis-
saries, the mounted sipahis, diverse other bodies of foot and horse, the
akinjis, and the accompanying rabble. The Christian armies took on the
beginnings of a modern cast during the seventeenth century with man-
ageable units in the regiment, battalion, squadron, and company.

Gustavus Adolphus (d. 1632), as we have noted, had been a military
organizer and innovator of genius, fighting successful wars against Den-
mark, Russia, Poland, and the Holy Roman Empire. Raimondo Monte-
cuccoli (d. 1680), an Italian general in the Hapsburg service, the peer
and the opponent of Conde and Turenne, also made notable advances in
the military arts of his day. A soldier with Immense experience of the
battlefield, Montecuccoli defeated the grand vixir Ahmed Kdprfilii in the
Important batde of 8. Ootthard (SzentgotdUuxl) on 1 August, 1664, al-
though the Emperor Leopold I, who had succeeded his father Ferdinand
III a half-dozen years before, derived but slight advantage from the Aus-
tro-Turkish treaty of Vasvar of 10 August which did, however, provide
for twenty years' peace between the Holy Roman and the Ottoman Em-
pires/® Montecuccoli left behind him the well-known Memorie della

*** Dumont, VI-3, nos. xi-xii, pp. 23-25, "actum in castris Turcicis apud Vasvarum de-
olina menris Angmd anno MDCLXIV:" "... pax in vifintl annoa prorogauk . .

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103

guerra, which helped detennine Che modes of warfare into the nine-
teenth oentury. A captain of infantry early in his career, Montecuccoli
rose to the top as a commander of cavalry, and in due time turned his
attention to matchlock musketry as well as to field artillery. Among the
military arts to which Montecuccoli gave time and thought was that of
fortification, which led him to convert the important north- Hungarian
town of Raab (Gyor) into an almost impregnable fortress, at least as far
as seventeenth-century siegecraft was concerned. When the treaty of
Vasvir liad reached its termination — actually the Ottoman government
violated its terms by a year, renewing its aggression in 1 683 — the fortifi-
cations on the eastern front delayed the advance of the Turks, and
helped save the city of Vienna from a conquest that might have been
disastrous for Europe/'

Gf. John A. Mears, "The Inlluence of the Turkish Wars in Hungry on the Military
Theories of Count Rflbnondo MonteonceoH,'* In G. K. PnHapllly and B. J. Van Kley, eds.,

Asut and the West: Essays in Honor of Donald F. Ixich, Notre Dame, Indiana, 1986, pp.
129—45, and see esp. Thomas M. Barker. The Military Intellectual and Battle: Raimondo
AfoniecMocolf and the Thirty Yean' War, Albmqr, N.Y., 1975, pp. 1-71.

Venice, Malta, and the Turks, the
Beginning of the Long War of Candia

esplce the interference of the dominant French every now and
then, Spain and the Holy See ruled Italy for the most part from
the treaty of Gateau-Gambrcsis (1559) to that of the Pyrenees

(1659), and for some years thereafter, but that did not mean there was
any more peace in the peninsula than on the Mediterranean. We have
dwelt at some length on the extent to which the Thirty Years' War spread
unreat dirou^ont Europe. The Protestant Grlsons, France, Venice, and
Savoy entered a prolonged contest with Spain, Austria, and the Holy See
(1620-1639) for control of the picturesque Valtellina (the valley of the
upper Adda), which led from the Milanese into Germany and Austria.
Free access to the Valtellina was essential for both the Austrian Haps-
burgs in the hereditary lands and for the Spanish Hapsburgs in the Mi-
lanese. Therefore they kept the pass open. The availability of the pas-
sage through the Valtellina was also imporunt to Venice,' and the

' Giov. Battista Nani, Historia delta republica veneta, Venice, 1663, pp. 203-15,
217ff., 225, 233ff., etc., SSSff., and note Jean Dumont, Corps utHvenel diplomatique, V-2
(1728). nos. ccxix. ccxxvi, ccxxix, ccxxxiv-ccxxxv, cclxxi, pp. 395ff., and (as given
above) nos. ocxviii-ocux. Fur a miscellany of contemporary texts relating to the VaUe di
Valtelllmi, see the BIbl. Nacfonale Marcfana (Venfce). MS. It. Vll, 1 181 (8879), does, dated
from March 1617 to November 1635, and note Victor Ceresole, Releve des manuscrits
des Archives de Venise se rapportant d la Suisse . . . , Venice, 1890, pp. 100, 103ff.,
12]ff.

104

The Beginning of the Long War of Cundia

105

Republio OSke the French) could not tolerate the thou^t of the hostile
Hapsburgs' controlling the valley which marked the northwestern bound-
ary of the Veneto, leading to the Rhine and the Netherlands as well as to
the Inn and Austria. The Valtellina remained an unsolved problem for a

generation.

During these years the war of the Mantuan succession (1627-1631)
again pitted Spain and the Empire against France, Venice, and this time
the Holy See.^ The war also involved old Charles Emmanuel of Savoy,
who advanced his own dalms to Mantua and Montferrat,^ as well as the
Emperor Ferdinand II, who tried to assert his right of aiQudlcatlon since
Mantua was an Imperial fief. In fact the Hapsbuig forces occupied Man-
tua on 18 July 1630, and ten days later Wallenstein sent his congratula-
tions from Memmingen to the imperialist commander Johann von Al-
dringen/ The French claimant Charles of Gonzaga-Nevers, however,
finally succeeded to the war-torn duchies as one result of the treaties of
Cherasco of 6 April and 19 June 1631/ The fatuous policy of Philip IV of
Spain and his erratic minister Ollvares In the affisir of Mantua had Inevita-
bly Involved Ferdinand II In open hostility with Pope Urban VIII, who
was strongly pro-French. The Mantuan question had also reduced the
tension between England and France by bringing them together against
their common enemy Spain.

As was widely known at the time, the year 1630 was a disaster for
northern Italy. Venice was engulfed in the plague. It was thought that
46,490 persons died in Venice alone from July 1630 to 21 November
1631.^ Where the old parish records survive, as in the church of S. Gio-
vanni In Bragora In Venice, one will find almost endless lists of those who
died, especially young sallon, lesser tradesmen, workera, and other
lowly folk. As Sir Peter Wyche, the English ambassador In Istanbul,
wrote Viscount Dorchester, Charles I's secretary of state, on 24 De-
cember (1630): "The great sickness of plague which is at Venice doth
alter much the intercourse of letters, and makes all verie uncertaine.
God be praysed for the decrease thereof in Englande, and preserve
tfaeire Miotics.'*' Just as the ohuroh of the Redentore was built on the
Gludeoca In Venice In thanksgiving for the cessation of the plague of
1575-1576, so now (In 1631) the churoh of the Salute was begun on the

^ Dumont, V-2, nos. cccxit, cccxiv, pp. 572-7.1, 580, docs, dated 1 1 Maroll and 8 April
1629, and note no. cccxxxiv, pp. 615-19, doc. dated 13 October 1630.

^ Dumont, V-2, no. cccxvii, pp. 583-84, doc. dated 10 May 1629.

* Documentu bohemica BeUum TricennaU iUuBtraMta^ iV (1974), no. 1039. p. 396,
and note nos. 1020, 1044, and 1082. On "the taUng of Mantva by die Imperlalb," of.
Public Record Office (PRO), Chancery Lane, l>ondon. State Papers (SP). XV, fol. 45.

' Dumont, VI-1, nos. v, u, pp. 9-13, 14-18. Montferrat remained subject to Mantua
(from December 1566) antfl Jane 1706, when It was taken over by dM Smroyanb.

<^ S. Romnnin, Storia (Incuntouaia di Vcncste, 3fd. ed., VII (Veniee, 1974), 216-17.

' PRO. SP 97, XV. fol. 65'.

106

Venice, Auatria, and dte Turks in the Seventeenth Century

Grand Canal near the Dogana to commemorate the passing of the plague
which one feared (it would seem) from Istanbul to England.

Another war broke out in Italy in 1641 when Urban VIII seized the
town of Castro from Odoardo Farnese, the duke of Parma, but the latter's
brother-in-law, the grand duke of Tuscany, and the Venetians came to
his assistance.^ In 1644 Urban restored Castro to the Pamesi, and died
soon after;' five yean later Castro came once more into papal hands, and
again provoked by the Pamesi, Urfoan^s successor Innocent X reoccu-
pied Castro, and demolished the place entirely.

The Venetians had thus l>eoome involved in the "guerra Valtellinese,"
the war of the Mantuan succession, and the war of Castro. All three were
serious, grueling affairs, and soon after the conclusion of the war of
Castro (in 1 644) the long-drawn-out war with the Turks began for posses-
sion of the island of Crete. Europe was still caught up in the prolonged
agony of the Thirty Years* War. The French were adding whatever they
could to the warfare and disunion of Christendom. The prolonged war
was a serious blow to the Venetians, cutting them off, as it did to a large
extent, from the German markets.

The Turks chose the opportune time to strike, for the Venetians had
borne a heavy burden of expenditure in the recent Italian wars. The
Signoria had held the important island of Crete for 434 years, since
shortly after the Fourth Crusade (1204), but during the first two centu-

For the terms of the league of the Republic of Venice, the grand duke of Tuscany, and
the duke of Modena against Urban VIII. dated 31 August 1642 and 26 May 1643, see
Dumont, Corps universel diplomatique, VI- 1 (1 728), no. glx, pp. 276-79, and note, ibid.,
nos. CLi. CLXi, and clxxiv, docs, dated 26 July 1642, 22 .lune 1643, and 31 March 1644, and
c(. Acta facts Westphulicae, Die Kaiserlichen Korrespondenzen, ser. II A, I (1643-
1644), MOnster, 1969, no. 236. p. 371, doc. dated 25 April 1644.

' Giov. Battista Nani, llistoria delta republica vencta (1663), pp. 6.S3-89, 702-14,
739—44, which volume ends with the Farncsi's recovery of Parma and the peace with
Urban Vlil. According to .loseph drisar, "Papstliche Finanzen, Nepotismus und Kir-
chenrecht unter Urban VIII," A/t.sce//anea Historiae I'ontificiae, VII (Rome, 1943), 207-
8, "Toward the end of his reign Urban VIII undertook the very expensive and useless war
of Castro, the military costs of which alone amounted to six million seudi in the two years
of warfare (1642-1643), so that at the pope's death the debt (of the Holy See) had reached
30 minion scudl." Qrisar has dealt at some length with papal revenues during Urban's
rcifi,n .his constant expenditures, and the problems which ensued as a result of his disburse-
ments of funds.

** The falinre of Odoardo's unruly young son and successor Ranuccio II, duke of Parma

(1646-1694), to repay his creditors for their loans in the monfi Farnesi, which were
supposed to be guaranteed by the revenues of Castro and Ronciglione, together with the
apparent participation of Farneae aepporters in the murder of Gristoforo Oiarda, the

bishop of Castro, in March 1649, moved the peaceful Innocent X to warfare. Papal troops
not only destroyed the fortifications of Castro, an episcopal see, but also the churches and
the little Palazzo Farnese. Castro was replaced by Acquapendente as the diocesan center
(Pastor. Gesch. d. Papste, XlV-1 IFreibuig im Breisgau, 1929), 270-71, and HisL Popes,
XXX, 369-71).

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The Beginning vfthe Long War ti/Candia

107

ries of this period the Cretans had almost never taken peaceably to
Venetian dominance. Revolts had been frequent, and resentment never

ceased,"

When the Turks landed west of Ganea in late June 1645, and the
natives hardly raised a linger to oppose them, the Venetians could not
fail often to quote the biblical text (Titus 1:10-13) to the effect that
among the Cretans "there are many unruly men, vain talkers and de-
ceivers. . . . One of themselves (Epimenides?], a prophet of their own,
said, 'Cretans are always liars, evil beasts, idle gluttons.' This testimony
is true." The Cretans' animus against Venice is not strange, for the
Greeks had manifested their discontent under foreign rule in the Latin
empire of Constantinople (1204-1261) and in the Latin kingdom of
Thessalonica (1204-1224), which were also products of the Fourth Cru-
sade. Oddly enough, however, there seem to have been no serious up-
heavals among the Greeks in the Latin principality of Achaea (1204-
1432), the lordship and duchy of Athens (1204-1456), and the Venetian
duchy of Naxos (1205-1566). But by the mid-seventeenth century the
Venetians had other troubles to add to the Cretan unrest.

The descendants of the original Venetian colonists, nobles and com-
moners alike, had become largely Hellenized in the past two centuries or
so, often abandoning Catholicism for Orthodoxy and joining the Greeks.
The profits of the Levantine trade had dwindled. The Dutch and English
had become serious competitors. Although the Holy See would alwayf
support a Christian state against the Turks, the Venetians had no ally, at
least no friend, in Europe. Always fearful of Turkish attack, they had left
their confederates in the lurch more than once in the long series of wars
with the I'orte.

The Cretans looked upon the Venetian administration of their island
as harsh and corrupt, and on the whole they were justified in regarding it
as such. Negligence and lack of funds had left the Cretan garrisons
shorthanded from the eariy years of the seventeenth century. Although
colossal sums had been spent upon the island fortresses, century after
century, the Italian wars had been a costly distraction. The fortifications
had not been properly maintained.^^ Having taken Cyprus, it was inevita-

" Gf. K. M. Setton, The Paptuyandthe Levant, 1204-1571, 4 vols., Philadelphia. 1976-

84. I, 16-17. 177ff., 249-57.

Although Emmanuele Mormori, a Veneto-Cretan noble, begins his history of the war
of Gandia with the observation that "risciedeva il regno di Candia sotto la benigniti del
V'eneto dominio in una lunga c tranquilissima pace," such was hardly the case (Mormori,
(Jtierra </i (Uindui . . .: Tcstimonio de visu dall'anno 1644 sinn il 1655, 30 aettembre , Bibl.
Nazionale Marciana [Venice|. MS. It. VII. 1563|7S96|, fol. T, and esp. MS. It. VII. 101
18382) fol. ]'). Emmanuele, son of Giovanni, was superintendent of artillery in the time of
the war of Candia. He begins his work with the further notice of the "notable modern

108

Venice, Amtria, and the Turks in the Se%>enteenth Century

ble that the Turks should seek to acquire Crete. The Venetians had
feared such a move for at least a hundred years, and during the war of
Cyprus the Turks had landed troops on Crete.

Relations between Venice and the Porte had been strained for some
years, although the commercial ties had remained unbroken. In the early
summer of 1638, however, sixteen north- African corsairs under Ali Pi-
cenino pillaged towns along the coast of Calabria, venturing almost as far
north as Loreto. Being informed of their depredations, the Venetian
proweditore Antonio Marino Gappello set out after them, but since he
was delayed by a storm, the corsairs escaped into the Turkish port of
Valona. Upon Cappello's approach the cannon of the fortress of Valona
opened tire. The proweditore withdrew, setting up a blockade, which
lasted from 1 July to 7 August (1638), to prevent the corsairs' escape. At
length, learning that a Turkish naval force was on its way to break the
blockade, Gappello entered the harbor of Valona under heavy fire, cap-
tured all sixteen vessels of the Barbary corsairs, sinking fifteen of them
and sending one as a prize to Venice. Although Moslem corsairs were not
exempt from pursuit and punishment by the Venetians — according to
the terms of peace between the Republic and the Porte — obviously no
town or territory belonging to one of the two powers could be invaded by
the other.

Pope Urban VIII sent his hearty congratulations to the doge Francesco
Erizzo, for his Holiness thought he saw a renewal of Christian maritime
strength in Cappello's enterprise. Costantino de' Rossi, who was soon
appointed bishop of Veglia, declared that Cappello had "set free the seas
of Christendom." The Venetian Signoria was more cautious, and the
diplomatic dexterity of Alvise Contarini, the bailie in Istanbul, helped to
deflect Turkish anger for a while. According to the terms of the Turco-

fortifications" with which the N'enetians had girded Candia, Retimo, and other places,
supplying them all with Italian jjarrisons and stradiote cavalry. Actually the fortitications
were in wretched condition, and the manpower available for defense quite inadequate, as
he soon acknowledges (cf. MS. Marc. It. VII, 1563 [7596], fol. 6').

Mormori's original manuscript, with numerous addenda, alterations, and corrigenda
scribbled between the lines and in the margins, is preserved in the Marciana, MS. It. VII,
101 (8382). fols. 1-111. together with a copy of Uis. II-III (Mrid., fols. 41-126). Since MS.
Marc. It. Vlf, 1563, has undergone some fuither revision, and is more legible (despite some
obvious errors of transcription), I have generally followed the latter. .\Iormori, who was
apparently of Greek origin, frequently praises the Greeks, and mentions members of his
own family in the struggle against the Turits (MS. Marc. It. VII, 1563 (7596), fols. 3r-33',
37', 40'). On the manuscript, note the Invcritari dcx munoscritti delle bibliotcche d'ltalia,
LXXXI (Florence, 1956), pp. 39-40. and Jacopo Morelii, Biblioteca manoscritta di Tom-
maso Giuseppe Farsetti .... 2 pts., Venice. 1771-80, II. no. cxcvi. pp. 139-40. There is
a general survey of the sources and the secondar>' literature relating to the Cretan war in
Heinrich Kretschmayr, Geschichte von Venedig, III (Stuttgart. 1934. repr. Aalen. 1964),
623ff. On the economic and military resources of Crete (If regno di Candia) as weD as its
strategic and psychological importance to Venice, note VeneMia e ta difesa del Le%>atUe da
Lepanto a Candia, 1570-1670, Venice, 1986, pp. 97-107.

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The B^inning qfthe Long War Gotuffo

109

Venetian capitulations, the port authorities in Valona should not have
given refuge to the corsairs, but Sultan Murad IV was furious at what he
regarded as the armed effrontery of the Venetians.

Murad's first reaction was to order the slaughter of all Venetians in his
domains. He soon grew calmer, however, and had the bailie Alvise Con-
tarini put in confinement, the Venetian port of Spalato (Split) block-
aded, and all trade with the Republic stopped. The Turks had been
carrying on war with Persia for some sixteen years. Murad was on the
road to Bagdad, which he took on 25 December (1638), after which he
made peace with Persia on 7 May (1639), and returned to Istanbul.
Having reached an amicable accord with Venice, the ferocious Murad
died after a brief illness on 9 February 1640, threatening his physicians
with death and seeking to kill his benighted brother Ibrahim.*'' Thus,
despite Gappello's forcible entry into Valona, the Turks' inevitable re-
turn to warfare with the Venetians was postponed for a few more years.
The English ambassador in Istanbul, Sir Peter Wyche, seems to provide
us with the explanation of the amicable accord between Venice and the
Porte. On 6 September (1638) he wrote Charles I's secretary of state:

1 have bin eaven now advertised in greate secresie that the Venice bailo [Alvise
Gontarini] for the accomodation of this business hath made proffers of 100 m.

[Gio.) Battista Nani (1616-1679), Uistoria delUi repuhlica veneta, 3rd ed., 2 vols.,
Venice, 1676-86, I, 697-701; Jos. von Hammer-Furgstall, Geschichte des osmanischen
Reichea, 10 vols., Pest, 1827-35, repr. Oraz, 1963, V, 246-52, 264-67, 285-86; Helnrich
Kretschmayr, Geschichte von Venedi/i, 3 vols., Gotha and Stuttgart, 1905-34, repr. Aalen,
1964, 111, 312ff., 620ff., with a good survey of the sources; Samuele Romanin, Storia
documentata di Venesfo, 3nl ed., 10 vols., Venice. 1972-75, VII, 243-45; Tommaso
Bertelc. // PuUizzn de^li amhascititori di Venezia a Coatantinopnli e le sue antiche
memorie, Bologna, 1932, pp. 164-65, 176-81; Ekkehard Eickhoff and Rudolf Eickhoff,
Venedig, Wien und die Oamanen: Umlrruch in SUdoateuropa 1645-1700, Munich, 1970,
p. 20. On the Venetians' Invasion of Valona and the career of Antonio Marino Cappello,
note also the article by G. Benzoni, in the Dizionario biografico degli Italiani, XVI 1 1
(1975), 756-58, and cf. Mormort, Ouerru di Candia, Bibl. Nazionale Marciana, MS. It.
VII, 1563 (7596), fol. 1*. There are many English dispatches from Istanbul giving reports of
Murad IV's expedition into Persia in 1638-1639 in PRO, SP 97. XVI, as for example (on
fols. 204-5) that of Sir Sackville Grow dated 2 February 1638, i.e., 1639.

Alvise ContarinI was elected to the bailaggio in Istanbul in 1635, but he did not arrive on
the Bosporus until 31 December 1636. He remained at the Porte until 1 April 1 64 1 , when
he began the return journey to Venice. Me has left a most informative account of condi-
tions at the Porte during the reigns of Murad IV and of the latter's brother Ibrahim, the text
of which may be found in NicoI6 Baroszi and Ougliehno Berchet, eds., Le Retaxioni degli
stati europci lette al Senato dagli amhasciatori veneziani nel secolo decimnsettimo. scr.
V, Turchia, 2 pts., Venice, 1866-72, 1, 329-434. Before his departure for Istanbul Gonta-
rini had already served the Republic for fourteen continuous years as an envoy in Holland,
England, France, and Rome (ibid., pp. 325, 326-27, 330). He later represented the Repub-
lic at Mtinster, as we have seen, during the negotiations which led to the treaties of West-
phalia. See the excellent survey of his career by G. Benaoni, in tlie DiMionario Hcgrt^co
degli Italiani, XXVIII (1983), 82-91, and on his leaving Isunbul In 1641, note MS. Marc.
It. VII, 1208(8853), fol. 81.

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110

Vcttfcc Auatria, and the Turk* in the Seventeenth Century

[thousand] dollers to the Grand Signor, of tenn thousand dollers to the Gapdne
Bassa, and of tenn thousand dollers to the Caymacam, and heerof the Caymacam
doth dispatch advise unto the campe [of the sultan) in all poste haste, and surelie
the purse of St. Marke will purchase the accomodation of this business, and
whereas the Gaymaoham would not formerlle suffer to departe two Venetian
ships, which were in porte, since those liberall offers hee hath given order for
their departure.*^

As the Mos[em corsairs of Tripoli, Tunis, and Algiers sailed through
the Mediterranean, seizing Christian merchantmen, the Knights of the
Hospital of S. John of Jerusalem were even more venturesome as priva-
teers in attacking Moslem shipping, including the galleys and galleons
carrying pilgrims on their way to Mecca. For more than a century the
Knights of S. John had held the island of Malta (as a grant from the
Emperor Charles V). Although not so enterprising as the Maltese, the
Knights of the Tuscan Order of S. Stefano also preyed upon Moslem
merchants and pilgrims. The Knights of both Orders could hit and run, as
they did, but the Venetian merchants and islands in the eastern Medi-
terranean were always exposed to Turkish reprisals. For generations,
ever since the old days when the Knights of S. John were established on
the island of Rhodes, they had never got along well with the Venetians.

Hie Hospitallers attacked Venetian shipping on the grounds that the
meroliants of the Republic carried Turkish subjects aboard their vessels,
and were forever trading on friendly terms with the infidels, as indeed
they were, for it was the Levantine trade that kept Venice afloat. In
earlier years compensation for Venetian losses had occasionally been
extracted from the Hospitallers by seizing their property in Venetian
territories, but the Holy See tended to side with the Maltese Knights, and
the Signoria had a hard time. Finally, hardly more than three weeks after
the Venetians had delivered a strenuous protest to the Order of S. John
(on 3 September 1644),'^ the Knights struck a blow at the Turks, the
impact of which fell with a deadly weight upon Venice.

It was on 28 September (1644) that the six Maltese galleys which had
been laundering the Modem vessels in the Archipelago for a decade
came upon a small Turltish fleet consisting of a galleon, two other ves-
sels, and seven catques. The fleet was loaded with riches of one sort or

PRO, 8P 97, XVI. fols. 168ff.. die quotation from fol. 172*. Sir Sadcvilie Grow, how-
ever, was not so sure that the Venetians were out of the woods, "for the gallies beinge
suncke (as the Venetians pretend) noe other satisfaction wilbe barkened unto" {ibid., fol.
188, lettar dated at Istanbul on 1 7 November 1638). Wyche had already written the seore-
tary of state of the Venetians' violent intrusion into Valona on 21 July (1638), in which
letter he also described at some length the Turks' execution of the "Protestant" I'atriarch
of Constantinople, Cyril Lucaris [ibid., fol. 166).

" ASV (Arch, di Suto di Venezia), Senate I (Secreta), Filza 27 (Deliberation del SenatO
Corti 1644, no. 189): no. 188 covers the period from March to August, 1644.

The Beginning of the Long War Candta

111

another. The galleon was canying the aged eunuch Silnbfillli, the master
of the seraglio (ki^r a|#iM<), who, having got into trouUe amid the

tensions of the harem, was on his way to Mecca with his movable trea-
sure, "frutti delle venalita de' suoi impieghi." After Mecca, Siinbiillii
intended to retire to Egypt, the usual refuge for masters of the seraglio.
One Mehmcd Effendi of Brusa was also on board; he had recently been
appointed judge {kadi) In Cairo. And, as usual in such oonvoys, there
were many pilgrims aboard. According to Nani, the galleon which was
carrying Siinbiillii had six hundred men and sixty cannon on board. The
eunuch Siinbiillii was killed in the Hospitallers* violent attack, which
lasted eight hours, and so was the Turkish commander Ibrahim Ghelebi.
The Knights captured the treasures of the eunuch, thirty women, 350
slaves, the judge of Cairo, and a small boy, whose mother was a favorite
of the dissolute sultan Ibrahim. In later years the judge of Cairo, who was
freed by ransom, rose in rank to become a mufU. The boy was brought up
as a Christian, entered the Dominican Order, and was known as Padre
Ottomano, for the sultan was assumed to be his father.

Sailing westward with their captives and the booty, the Hospitallers
anchored at the naval roadstead of Kalismene on the southern shore of
Crete, which was then unguarded. At Kalismene the Hospitallers took on
water and supplies, setting ashore horses and some rtfty Greeks, who
seem to have been hired mariners. Thereafter, skirting the Cretan shore-
line in the area of Sfacchia {Khora Sfakxon), they tried to drop anchor at
Castel Selino, but the Venetian commandant made them leave. They
pushed on to the Venetian island of Cerigo, where they were again for-
bidden anchorage. Seeking refuge in the cove of S. Niccol6 and certain
inlets on the island of Cephalonia, they soon ran into stormy weather,
and had to abandon the battered Turkish galleon, which was no longer
seaworthy. Returning to Malta with their portable spoils, they regarded
their attack upon the Turks' Mecca-bound tleet as a prohtable
undertaking.'^

Battista Nani. Historia della repuhlicu veneta, II (1686), 17-20. Of the booty taken
Nanl says, "La preda trapaiad due mlllioni; ma tutto fu posto a ruba, ogn'uno di gioie, e
danari, pigliando cio chc trovare pote, e che gli presento la fortuna." Cf. Mormort. Gucrrn
di Candiu. MS. Marc. It. VII. 1.S63 (7596). fol. 2, Historia della guerra di Candiu, MS.
Marc. It. VII, 371 (7526), unnumbered fols. Iff., which add.s little to the history of the
Candiote wan von Hammer- Fur^tall. Uesch. d. osman. Reiches, V (1829, repr. 1963),
359-63, trans. Hellert, X (1837), 76-81; Romanin, Vfl (1974). 246; Allen B. HInes. ed.,
Cal. State Papers .... Venice, XXVII (1926, repr. 1970), nos. 190. 200. pp. 170, 176.

The boy who was captured by the Hospitallers was allegedly the son of Sultan Ibrahim 1
and the dider brodier of M^hmid IV. A deoade or ao latar he was converted by die Domini-
eana, wlio had chnnftcd his name from Osman to Domcnico. after which he became Fra
Domenlco Ottomano, on which cf. G. D. Rouillard, The Turk in French History, Thought,
and Literature, Paris, 1938, p. 97; von Hammer-Purgstall, Gesch. d. osman. Reiches, V,
362-63. trans. Hcllert. X. 79-80; Vaughan. Europe and the Turk (1954), p. 256. Fra
Domenico cut a considerable figure in Naples, Turin, Rome, Paris, Venice, and elsewhere

112

Venice, Austria, and the Turks in the Seventeenth Ceiuury

When word of the tragic event reached Venice, the Signoria was badly
shaken. The Turks would presumably seek to take vengeance on the
Hospitallers but, once aroused, would they spare Venice? In Istanbul the
news caused an almost indescribable outburst of anger. Sultan Ibrahim
was enraged. The culprits were the Hospitatters, of course, but they had
landed on Venetian soil at Crete. The Signoria had warned the Hospital*
lers against such landings, and had forbidden them. Nevertheless, the
Knights had taken on water and landed slaves and employees of the
Turks at Kalismene, and the Venetians had not intervened. All the am-
bassadors at the Porte were summoned before Sultan Ibrahim's so-called
tutor or preceptor (fe/io;a)'^ and the chief judicial officer of the army
(kadiasker), as the bailie Giovanni Soranzo reported to the Signoria in a
dispatch of 20 December 1644, to which Romanin has called attention.

The kadiasker [of Greece] was the first to address the envoys, inform-
ing them that the sultan had ordered that they be brought together "in
order to learn what we knew of the seizure of the master of the seraglio
[kislaragd].^^ The French ambassador [M. Jean Delahaye] was the first to
speak; he knew nothing but what he had just learned at the Porte. So-
ranzo said the same thing; so did the agent of Flanders. The kadiasker
replied that the sultan believed one of them certainly must know a good
deal and, very likely, be loath to reveal it. The envoys' reply was that
such was not the fact; nothing would prevent their informing the Porte of
everything they knew. The khoja with his usual arrogance then asserted
that this was no time to seek re^ge in denials, which would only provoke
the disdain of the sultan, who was already beside himself with anger,
"upon which he made a certain gesture with his hand, which they com-
monly use here when they wish to order cutting off someone's head."

The French dragoman was not up to giving an answer, being obviously
frightened. Soranzo had the Venetian dragoman, Giovanni Antonio
Grille, respond to the khoja's remaiks. He stated that because of the
sultan's sense of justice one would expect nothing but the most upright
deeds, adding that the ambassadors were at the Porte, as their Turkish
lordships were well aware, under the guarantees of treaties and the

until his death at the age of thirty-four on 26 October 1676 (H. MIssack Bffendi, "Le Pdre

Ottoman," Revue d'histoire cliplnmutiinic, XVII [190.11, esp. pp. 360-78); and note Dani-
ele M. Callus, II Padre Domenico Ottomano, Ju vero principe? . . . , Rome, 1918. a
learned monograph (of 186 pp.), in which see esp. pp. 131-52.

On the troublesome khoja, sec Cenj^iz Orhonlu, "Musayn Djindjl (Sorcererj Khodja,"
in the Encyvlopuedia of Istam, III (1971), 623, and on the sultan, note M. Tayyib Gdkbil-
gin, "Ibrahim," ibid.. Ill, 983. The khoja was appointed kadi or judge of Galata in January
1645. After the death of Sultan Ibrahim the khoja's huge fortune was distributed among
the janissaries, sipahis, and certain otKcers of the I'orte as the imperial benetice at the
accession of his little son Mehmed IV. On the fall of the khoja and the contiscation of his
funds, note von Ilammer-Purgstall, Oesch. d. osman. Reiches, V, 405, 458-61. trans. Hel-
lert, X, 128-29, 188-92.

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The Beginning of the Long War ofCandia

113

pledge given by his Majesty. The khoja replied angrily that in cases such
as this the sultan would pardon no one, not even his own mother. Every-
one knew that the Maltese were guilty of the outrage, "and that they
were aided and abetted by all [of us], and that therefore everyone must
give an account [of what he knows]. "^^ The sultan was determined to
learn vthtx had happened to the Tuikish galleon. Up to now it had been
stated that the master of the seraglio was dead, but thac a certain Ussun
Mehmed Agha, a Moorish eunuch of whom the sultan's favorite [caaic-
c/ii, khdsseki\ was very fond, was being held as a slave, and so were the
kadi of Mecca and three or four servitors of the seraglio. The sultan
required the details of all that had happened. It was necessary to
obey him.

The French ambassador calmly observed there was no communication
between France and Malta, emphasizing with a gesture the long distance
between the two places. Soranzo added that the Hospitallers were en-
tirely independent; they went their own way, and certainly never re-
ceived aid or support from Venice. The Dutch agent (Henry Cops]
thought himself on safe ground in declaring that the Knights of Malta
were of a religion opposed to that of his countrymen, whereupon the
kadiasker of Greece pinned him down with the statement that, such
being the case, the Dutch should surely join the Gran Signore in proceed-
ing against Malta. Soranzo regarded the Dutch agent's response as more
prompt than prudent If the Gran Signore wanted, the Dutchman said, to
make war on the enemies of Holland, the Dutch would join the Turks.
When the kadiasker asked who these enemies were, he was told, "The
Spanish." "Ah, to be sure," the kadiasker replied, "your people should
unite with us, for the Spanish are the defenders of the Maltese." Fearing
the turn of the conversation, which the Turks had begun apparently for
the sole purpose of acquiring information, Soranzo had recourse to the
old refrain "that the greatness of the Gran Signore has no need of others'
assistance."

In the meantime the khoja had brusquely demanded that a scribe be
summoned, and when the latter appeared, the khoja insisted that the
envoys should each make a separate statement, so that a summary of

'"ASV. Scnnto III (Secreta), Filza 126 (Costantinopoli, 1644, DispaccI Giovanni So-
ranzo, Cavalier, Bailo), fol. 311: "II Coza con la sua vcemente et aitiera manlera disse che
not! era tempo di star nelle negative, chh si provocara lo sdegno del Re, pur troppo alterato
facendo con la mano certo atto, che hanno qui familiare quando vogliono intimare il taglio
della testa. II dragomano di Francia si perde un poco di core, et io feci che il Grillo
rifferisse, et alll sudettl concetti dine ohe dalla giustitia di sua Maesti non si poteva
spettare senon attioni molto rette, et che sue Signorie illustrissime bene sapevano che li
ambassatori erano qui sotto I'ombra delle capitulationi e con la fede data da sua Maesta.
RiqXMe alteramente |il Goza| che in questi casi il Re non la perdonerebbe ne anco alia
propria madre, che si sapeva certo che Makes! havevano fatto la preda, et che questi erano
protetti et aiutati da tutti, che pero blsognava che ogn'uno ne rendesse conto. . . ."

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Venice, Auatria, and the Turks in tht Seventeenth Century

their pronouncements might be prepared for the sultan. The French
ambassador began to speak as he had before, declaring that he knew
nothing of the Hospitallers' attack upon the Turkish vessels. Soranzo
interrupted him. however, pointing out that the Turks' taking their testi-
mony, as though they were being subjected to an interrogation of per-
sona aooused, was quite unacceptable. Soranxo stated that for his part he
would not go along with any such procedure. The French ambassador
stopped talking. Soranzo then had the Venetian dragoman, Grillo, make
clear that since the European envoys did not understand Turkish, and
could not read the Arabic script, they should not be committed by the
notes which the Turkish scribe was prepared to take. As for Soranzo, he
would say no more. The khoja then replied with some exasperation that
Soranzo intended to disregard the command of the sultan, who had
wanted especially to learn the details from the Venetian ambassador, the
recipient of numerous reports which had arrived in Istanbul. After all,
the Maltese galleys had borne the Turkish galleon to Crete, where they
had disembaiked horses and men. The sultan wanted the facts, for he
was resolved to turn his arms against those who would be found guilty.

Soranzo insisted that he wanted to please his Majesty, but that taking
down in writing the verbal assertions of the envoys was neither a com-
mon practice nor a proper one. He had already stated in all sincerity that
he knew nothing of the Hospitallers' going to Crete. People might make
odd and malicious statements, but justice looks for truth. Oftentimes
what appear to be irrational actions are shown upon closer scrutiny to be
justified by reason. Desiring to deal with the Porte in all sincerity, So-
ranzo said that he did not want to commit himself to anything, but he was
certain the Maltese galleys would never have approached the Cretan
shore at any place where the Venetians might have used cannon against
them. As always neither the local Venetian governor nor any other repre-
sentative of the Republic would ever act contrary to the Turco- Venetian
peace, the "capitulations.** As the dragoman Grillo began to interpret
Soranzo's statement, and the scribe began to push his pen, Soranzo drew
Grillo back, indicating a desire to leave the scene. He told the French
ambassador that he could not assent to this procedure, to which the
latter replied, "What can one do?"

Soranzo now had Grillo say that if their Turkish lordships wished him
to give them a reply in writing, he would do so. Taking his cue from
Soranzo, the French ambassador said through his dragoman that he
would do the same thing. The kadiasker of Greece (Rumelia), an able
person, spoke in a low voice to the khoja, and then stated that the en-
voys' written responses would be admissible, but that they must try to
give the sultan a satisfactory answer. Meanwhile they should send two or
three persons to certain appropriate places to gather information so that
within fifteen or twenty days one might know every relevant detail. The

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khoja told Soranzo that he must send someone to Crete immediately,
loudly claiming to be the person who had appeased the sultan, together
with other bombast which there was no need to repeat because, as So-
ranzo says, the Signoria had heard it many times in the past. At this point
the meeting broke up and, according to Soranzo, there was no one who
had not thoroughly approved of the resolute manner in which he had
opposed the khoja's attempt to wring ill-considered statements from
them. Furthermore, the French were saying with their inborn freedom of
speech that if it were not for the bailie, the cause would have been lost^'

As work was being hastened in the Arsenal at Istanbul, and prepara-
tions made for a campaign when the spring came, the Venetians were
well aware that the Turks might be planning an attack upon the island of
Crete. Although the Porte was beset with webs of intrigue and disorgani-
zation, there was little evidence so far of much decline in military
strength. From late December (1644) the bailie Soranzo had good rea-
son to fear that Crete might be die Turks* objective despite the fact that
the pashas said they intended to direct their fire against Malta. In fact
Soranzo learned from both the French and the English ambassadors [M.
Delahaye and Sir Sackville Grow] that the khoja was claiming, rather
inaccurately,^** that the Byzantine emperor had pawned the island of
Crete to the Venetians, who had never restored it to imperial authority.
Since the sultan had taken over the erstwhile empire, Crete (}tke Cy-
prus) belonged to him.^'

The Hospitallers had furnished the Porte with a reason to attempt the
conquest of Crete. In an audience of 3 January 1645 the young vizir
Yusuf Pasha informed Giovanni Soranzo that the Porte was now well
informed as to what had happened. Various persons aboard the Turkish
galleon seized by the Hospitallers had found their way back to the Bos-
porus, including the pilot, the helmsman, a cabin boy, and a few others,
who told a story which belied Soranzo's efforts to absolve his govern-
ment of any responsibility in the affair. All the Tui^ish eyewitnesses
were alleged to have stated that the Hospitallers had taken the galleon to
Crete, where they had remained for twenty days, disembarking men and
horses. They also unloaded and sold on the island the rich haul the
galleon was carrying. Thereafter, taking water and supplies on board

** ASV, Senato III (Seoreta), Ptln 126 (Gostantinopoli 1644), fols. 296-^320*, esp. fols.
306ff., doc. dated 20 December 1644, on which note Romnnin. VH (1974), 246-49, and
see the reports (especially of the French ambassador Jean Delahaye) jjiven in [I. Missak
Bffendi, "Le Perc Ottoman," Retme d' histoire diplomatique, XVII (1903). 350-60. After

ser\'ing Venice fnithfully for forty years, the dragoman Giovanni Antonio Grillo was put to
death by the Turks in 1 649, when the war of Candia had been going on for some years. Gf.
von Hammer Purgstall. (ieach. d. osman. Reiches, V (repr. 1963), 490-91.

^"Gf. Setton. I, 16-18.

2' Gf. Mormori, Guerra di Candia, MS. Marc. It. VII, 1563 (7596), fols. 2''-3'.

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Venice, Austria, and d»e Turka in the Seventeenth Century

their six galleys, they set sail for Malta, towing away the galleon from
which a number of Turkish crewmen had apparently escaped, although
the Hospitallers were said still to hold twenty prisoners.

The bailie Soranzo expressed disbelief in the vizir's account, pointing
out how unlikely, how impossible, it all was in view of the Signoria's most
Stringent ofden. The proweditore generale of Gandia and other officials
of the Republic would never have tolerated such an outrageous perfor-
mance. Yusuf Pasha noted, however, that the Hospitallers' actions on
Crete could not have escaped the attention of the provincial government
on the island for twenty days. Speaking to Soranzo as a friend, not as a
vizir, Yusuf remarked that he must find a stronger reply to the charges
than his assertions so far. Yusuf might "speak as a friend," but he was far
from being a friend of the Republic. Actually he was a Dalmatian rene-
gade, a convert to Islam named Josef Maskovl6. He hated the Venetians.
The depositions of those who had witnessed the events were (he said)
quite convincing in their charges against the Venetians at Crete. The
Gran Signore would tolerate neither the loss nor the disparagement he
had suffered. If the Venetians could not provide more persuasive
evidence of their guiltlessness, the Turlis would break off relations
with them.

Soranzo knew that the Turks' claim the Hospitallers had spent twenty
days on the island of Crete was a gross distortion of what had happened.
According to dispatches of 16 October (1644) and 10 February (1645)
of Andrea Comer, the Venetian proweditore on Crete, the Hospitallers*

six galleys and the captured Turkish galleon had been sighted off shore
on 8 October. They had landed at night on a deserted and unguarded
stretch of beach, put the Greeks taken from the galleon ashore, and
promptly resumed their voyage to Malta. The corporal, who was absent
from his post in the area where the Hospitallers anchored their galleys,
was executed. Ttie Greeks were confined in a lazsaretto as a sanitary
precaution.

Corner knew that the galleon was commanded by one Ibrahim Che-
lebi; it was, he believed, loaded with wood to be delivered to Alexandria.
The Hospitallers had captured the galleon KIO miles or so to the south of
Rhodes. It was a mercantile vessel with Turks, mariners, merchants, and
passengers aboard, about 350 persons. It was also carrying a certain
number of cannon. Ibrahim Chelebi was killed in the Hospitallers* as-
sault, together with 150 Tuiks. The general of the Knights was killed as

" Aroh. Segr. VaUoano, Cod. Urb. lat. 1 109, fol. 14, di Venetia li 6 di Oennaro 1645: "Di
Gostantlnopoli awlsano che II Gran Turoo fnsse motto irriuito contro li cavalierf dl Malta

per lo scritto ^aleonc prcso. molto ricco,iopra il quale vi era il capo delli nerl eunuchi del
Gran Turco che andava alia Mecha, miitaoolaiido di volere andare a visitare detti cavalieri
oon poderoM amiau. . . Q., ibUL, Ms. 52">S3. S9"-60, 68.

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The Beginning qfthe Lang War tj^fCandia

117

well, and many of his fellow freebooters. The captive Turks were thrown
overboard. Such was Corner's report to the doge Francesco Erizzo on 16
October (1644), long before the Turks were charging the Venetians with
any sort of complicity in the Hospitallers' evildoing.^

" ASV, Senate, Provveditori da terra e da mar, Fllza 795 (no. 65), Dispacci Andrea
Corner, dispatch dated "Candia, 16 Ottobre 1644 sitil] n(ovo|:" "Serenissimo Principe:
Ho^ mi capita aviso che alii 8 del corrente fossero state vedute al di fuori di questo Regno
nelle acque di esso, in luogo rimotto dal comercio, sei galee Maltesi di ritomo da Levante
con un ben grosso vascello, e vi havessero sbarcato in terra quaranta otto persone del
medesimo, e poi proseguito il camino verso Malta.

"Sabfto ho fatto volar ordini efficacissimi perehd non fossero lasciati prattlcar con
flicuno e moUo meno cntrar in Citta quandn per avventura vi si fossero avanz.-iti, come
poco dopo e seguito con scorta pero d'alcuni privileggiati e con le necessarie cautelle di
sanlti.

"Dal costituto, che ne ho fatto levar, ho inteso questi esser stati in qualita de' marinarl
sopra il medesimo vascello stipendiati, andativi al servitio di loro volonta di natione Greci
et Armetri, tutti Ghrlstlairi e sudditl del Gran SIgnore, desiderosi e rlsoluti dl portarsi, chi a
Rodi e chi altrove, alle proprie case.

"Ne ho anche cavato che il sopradetto vascello sia stato d'un Hibrain Celebi Turco,
carioo di legne dal Mar Negro per Alessandria, preso fuori di Rodi miglia cento trenta veno
ostro.

"Questo era legnodi mercantia et haveva dentro tra Turchi marinari, mercanti, e passa-
gieri al numero di trecento cinquanta con parecohi pezzi di cannone.

"Nel conflitto e tre abbordi seguiti e stato amazzato il medesimo Mibrain con cento
cinquanta Turchi. c cosi anco il general Maltese con moiti de' suoi, compartiti gli altri
Tnichi sopra le galec. dalle quali il giomo stessodelcombattimento e stato gettato a fondo
anco un berton di (>ostantinopoli che navigava pure per Alessandria.

"Tanto risulta dal sopraccennato costituto che occluso nelle presenti trasmetto alia
Sereniti vostra ad ogni buon Hne.

"In questo mentre, regolandomi nel presente caso con quel partito che concede la
necessity, ho stimato bene di far andar esse genti al lazaretto aotto buona custodia con
pensiero di licentiarii tutti tosto che haveran purgato il sospetto con la dovuta oontumatia.
(Signed) Andrea Comer, proveditor general."

On 27 October Comer wrote the doge, ibid., "Dopo chiuso e consegnato il mio humills-
simo dispaccio perlaSerenita vostra al patron Ufthetto, che in Candia si trovava alia vella
per cotesta volta, mi capito a notitia che nel Porto di Caluslimniones nei mari d'ostro altri
cinque Oreci fossero fuggiti dal vascello preso dalle galee Maltesi e condotto a quella

parte, come scrissi riverentemente aU'Eccellenze vostre, che da esso pure In distnnza di
quattro miglia in circa dal medesimo porto fossero stati gettati in mare otto cavalli, venuti
prodigiosamente vivi in terra dopo esser stati fieramente battuti dall'empito delle onde e
gravemente offesi, nuotando tra sirti c scoglie, e rkniperati In fine dalle genti del paese,
sian da esse stati asportnti scnza sapersi dove.

"Subito con gli opportuni riguardi del puUloo servitio, fatti ricoverar nel lazaretto di
Candia li sopradetti Greci con gli altri quaranta otto primi, ho ispedito fuori il capitan
Giacomo da Napoli di Romania con ordini proprii di dover farsi le maggiori diligenze per
ritrovar i cavalli sopradetti e per condurii qualcshe mlglio dalla Gitti a solo fine di potersi
riconoscere la qualita e conditione loro.

"In tanto che si sono andate facendo le sopraccennate diligenze, non son restato di voter
■noo risapere da essi Greci che cavalli siano questi di ragion de chi c dove caricati. Ho
cavato che nel detto vascello ve ne fossero in tutto venti tre, levati a Costantinopoli di
ragion dl Ghislar Agfi, eunuco deputato alia cura del Serraglio delle Sultane del Gran
Siftnore, che il medesimo Chislar si portava col detto vascello alia Meca, e che nel conflitto
con i Maltesi sia suto amazzato, che fossero usciti dalle reggie stalle, che sette nel mede-
•Imo conflitto ne sian rimasi stroppiati pur da cannonate, restadne sedeoi nel vascello et

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118

Venice, Auatrktt and the Tmrka In t/be Seventeenth Century

ottodi cssi traullniiMt«ooineditopc«.aonMpncoriolMfitroeperiiiaao«iiadlpro^^

da sostentarll. . . .

"Goil ohe wben qvesd cavalH oon ki presa fotta da MaltesI del vasoello siano usoltl daUa

patronia dc' Tiirchi. e poi anco da quella dcj^li stessi Maltcsi con I'esser stati gettati da loro
in acqua e iasciati come perduti e derelitti e da me fatti ricuperare, io pero senza haver
volttto dtoponeme o rioonoaeer in eaal akmna ragione, a niente akro minndo ohe a qoanto
possa avantajU»iar sempre i public! interessi. ho con I'liso di mia solita ingenuita e puntua-
hta creduto mif^lior partito il farli riponer nel monasterio greco d'Angaranto, ch'e dei
prinolpalt del Regno fuori della Gltti, percM vl slan govemati e tenuti sino ad altra oom*
miaaione. . .

"Con roccasione che nel porto di Candia si tro\ ano due vascclli per (^ostniUinopoM, ho
voluto valermi dell'incontro loro per I'hioaniinamento d'esse mie lettere e pcrche li sopra*
detti Greci, che ancora dimorano in lazaretto, mi han fatto ricercar la loro hbcratione et
assenso per la partenza, ho pur dato ordinc che con la sopradctta opportunita si facci
goder kWD rimbarco verso le proprie case, c che in tanto siano pur ben trattati, percU
partano octlmamente Impress! con buone relation!, e tutto risuiti a vantaggio della Sere-
niti vostra con awertenca che la loro Itberatione dalla contumacia segua nel punto del
partlrd'essi vascelli aflinche in tanto non si disunisoano,mapoa8anovalefaiddoonmiodo
dl quel e d'altri che partissero per i'Archipelago. . . .

"Ml son eondono gijt con le galee df quests guardfa al Gastet Btcoma nel territorio di
Canca per i progressi della visita ftenerale. Mo havuto occasione d'ammirar con I'ochio
proprio ia vigilanza deU'illustrissimo signer Zorzi Moresini, capitano di essa guardia, e la
sus applioatissinia dillgenza alia navigatione et a tntti i nuneri della sua carica con mia
somma sodisfattionc. Portatomi poi a drittura a quests parte prima che la stagtone mag-
giormente si avanzi, non ostante la ditlicolta delle strade precipitose, horrlde, e quasi
imprattioabili, che perft ho procurato di superar in ogni maniera, facendole a piedl in
buona parte, vi vado formatulo la solita inqiiisitione. rivcdendo e riconoscendo tutte
queste occorrenze, facendo la mostra e rassegna generate delle cernide, dando gli ordini
necessarll, aaeoltando tvtti, oontribaendo a oadanno i proprii soffraggi, et ediAoindo tra
queste genti ticrc et indocili. non visitate dall'eccellcntissimo signor general Molino in
qua, la conoscenza del dovere, I'obedienza dovuta alia giustitia, et il rispetto che conviene
ai paMioi rappresentanti, et anoo ridooendo all'anlone e pace diverse proll oh* bo trovato
divisc e piene di odii intestini c di vecchi rancori. persuadendomi che da quest! atti tutti di
mia indeffessa applicatione sia per risultar nun ordinario vantaggio al publico servitio,
come di quanto io vado opcrando in questo luogo, vostra Serenitii havera poi distinta-
mente notitia da altre mie leticrc. Sfacchia, in visita. 27 Ottobrc 1 644 s|(il| n{ovo|. (Signed]
Andrea Corner, proveditor general." Cf. Komanin. VII (1974), 250-51.

Comer had a bad reputation in Crete, being accused of arrogance and tyranny, conni-
vance with the Hospitallers, underhanded tinancial dealings, and getting a comer on the oil
marltet on the Island (cf. Amy A. Bemardy. Venesto e if TVirco nefia seconda tnetd del
sccoln XVII. Florence. 1902. pp. 7-8); note iilso Wirrazionc dc' strani nccidenti successi
in Candia causati per Signor Andrea Corner, che/u generate di queU'isola, Bibl. Correr
(Venice), MS. Gicogna 2290, pp. 22-25 (pagination is irregular in the MS):

"Che quel signore superiorc a tutti abbia csercitato un scverissimo dominio imperioso e
crudeic in tutte le cose e con tirannia a quei popoli grandissima. Ha ricevuto le robbe de
Mallesi, gioic in quantiti, cavalll moiti, et altro con immenso suo utile, che da essi MaltesI
furono tolte al Turco con prigionia di quelle sultane che andavano alln Mecca, e di esse
donne goduto I'affetto amoroso con grande applauso. Ha fatto pagare a moIti Candiotti,
oon eaeousioni rigonMriSSime fuori deU'ordinario. quantita grandissima di danari senza
poter quest! tali esser asooltati, con pretesto di aver credito da loro di certe ooae vecchle e
prescritte da casali.

"Ha anchc mandato, come si dice a Venezia, per suo conto piu d! 200 m. duoatl. Ha
richiesto con autorita ansi incettato per suo conto tutti gli ogli d! quel Regno e mandad a
Venecia con avantaggio et avanao ^ndissimo. Ha andie bandlto sense occasione evt-
dentc alquanti gentiluomini prlncipalissimi di quel Regno c di grande autorita in
queU'isola con contiscazione de* beni, che ha causato la loro disperazione a tanto piu che
eonforme alia pla e sc^ta demenea della Repubblloa di Venecia per materia cos) inipor«
tanto, come si vcde. era solito in tali occasion! ressere a questi bandit! dal bailo Veneto
concesso salvo condotto, ma interpostesi lettere al bailo di questo signore hanno causato
ohe gH i scaio negato queato sallnijggio di salvo condotto. Onde vedendoel ooti maltrattati

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The Beginning of the Long WartfCtmdla

119

edisperati sono ricorsi alia Porta del (Iran Signore Turco, et hanno causato questo inccn-
(Ho di guerra cosi ^nde e anco data al Turco o^i infonnazione del stato di quel Re^no di
Gandfa, ansl loro atessl si sono posti nell'annata Tarohesoa per Indrlsso e oognlilone dl

venire a man salva all'impresa et acquisto del Re^no, come si vede.

"Che la Repubblioa pa^ 12 m. fanti aU'anno in Candia, e che non ve ne siano ne anco
dtwmina.

"Anzi ora si scuoprc la malacnstodia et governo di esso Re^no, qual in questa neccessita
si trova sprovisto di tutte le OOM neccessarie, come viene anco scritto da quelli nostri
buonl dttadlnl, ohe ae non 11 aarl mandata gente et montekml, non potranno realafre. ma
che jiloriosamente perderanno 1c loro vite per la sua cara Patria, che tl Signor Dio bene-
detto e la gloriosa Ver^ine Maria la guardi da cosi gran tribulazione, e tutti quelli popoli
ohe InnooentI aogglaoolono a tanta miseria. ..."

In another contemporary account, also in the Bibl. Correr, MS. Cicogna 2290, entitled
Relazione dell'invasione Jutta da Turchi del Re^no di Candia, p. 10 [pagination is irregu-
lafft we ate Informed "die veramente il pensiero del Turco fosse aoloooatro Malta, ma che
poi il combattimento con le doglianze degli Affricani lo disponesse contro a V'eneziani, e
(inalmente in tutto lo facesse risolvere il ricorso che fecero a lui delle prime famiglie di
Candia chedldlMtate dal governo asprissimodi Andrea Gomaro, non sapendo dove trovar
giusUzia, per eaaer in Venezia la famiglia Comara troppo potente, implorarono il braccio
del Oran Signore, rappresentandogll la facility delPimpresa et il daiderlo che haveva quel
Regno di soggettarsi a lui. . .

Comer's other Imporunt dispatch relating to the Malteae selsuie of the Turkiah oonvoy
In late September 1644 may also be found In the Prow, da terra e da mar, Pllza 795 fno.
65], dated "Canea, in visita, 10 Febraro 1644 s|til| n|ovo|," moreveneto, i.e. 1645: "Sere-
nissimo prinoipe: Sollecitate con I'assistenza e diligenza maggiore le funtioni et oo-
eorrenze della vMca anco net Gastel Bicoma me ne son lodato DIo sbrlgato eon l*lmero
adempimento d'ogni numero del bi.sogno. e dope un travaglioso pelegrinaggio per tutti i
castelli, fortezze, e luoghi principali di questo territorio con viaggi lunghi, strade precipi-
tose, staglone horrkla, e con Inoommodl patlmenci e dtapendll iwiAMimI in cmM vMl-
denze. son Hnalmente /iiunto in queata cicci, oooM di dover fate ho IwmUmente aorttto a
vostra Serenita nelle ultime mie.

"A Blooma I oonoorsi de popoli, I auffraggi Impetratl, I soHlevf oonsegnM tono statl al
solito moltiplici a tutte le hore cosi che ove supeditava Toppressione, vi ho Introdotta
I'equita, ove serpeva un'universale miseria, resta in molti risotto il commode, e ohllndebl-
tamente era apogliato delle sostanzc, Tho reatHulto nd proprlo poesesso.

"Vi ho pur maturato e colto i frutti deH'inquisitione col castigo di molti rei, con I'estirpa-
tione de malviventi, e con nettar anco quella parte di paese da chi perturbava le vite e le
fbvtniM «ltnil, operando in somma die il aollievo de' boid e la pen* de tristi vagliaiio
lespettivamentc d'essempio e di terrore a tutti.

"Li privileggiati di quel territorio, essercitati e rassegnati da me con la dovnta diligenza,
erano gia doi mille cento sessanta nove, et hora sono doi mllle cento nonanta |.sic| cinque.

"Riveduti anoo gli angarici, che par erano miUe seioenio quatcordeoi, e sono al preaente
mflle sette cento quaranta nove.

"Qui poi son stato incontrato e ricevuto da questi illustrissimi ,signori con le forme piu
deoorose e da tutti questi popoli con applausi ben degni al nome che rappresento di vostra
Serenitft, non essendo certo stato ommesso alevn numero dl rispetto e riverensa perhono*
Wr il mio ingrcsso e solennizar Ic speranze che ogn'uno tiene de proprii sollievi.

"Trovo riUustrissimo signer rettor Michiel in possesso d'un sommo affetto e stima indif-
ferentemente dl tntti, qudl benedkwno il auo governo e n'eaadiano H merito.

"L'lIIustrissimo signor proveditor Navagier pure con le pari d'una pronta dispositione
complisce a tutte le occorenze di sua carica c con quelle di virtu attrahe i cuori d'ogn'uno
•Ue dovttia lodi • oommendationi.

"Anoo monaignor raverendiaaimo vescovo Benoio (Milano Bensio| riporta Tamore e Tap-
ptauso universale come prelato motto degno, dl rara Ixmti e dl oostumi e talenti stngofaul.

"Mi son subito applicato alle incombenze della visita che preve^go moltiplici e grandis-
sime anco in questa cittil e nell'istesso tempo a tutti gli altri affari ben importanti deUa
carica.

"Nella camera fwwio rivedere i maneggi di denari, i fondi delle casse, la regola della
scrittura, eCogni alcro particolare, osservando i disordini che vi fossero per rimediarvi con
proprie provisioni.

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120 Venice, Austria, and (fte Hurfcc In the Seventeenth Century

In view of the extensive preparations ^oin$ on in the Arsenal at Istan-
bul, it was clear the Turks intended to mount a major campaign at sea. As
galleys came to the Bosporus from the Barbary coast, and troops were
being recruited, it was hard to believe that their destination would not
be either Crete or Malta. The Venetians had learned through the years,
however, that In dealing with the Turits theie was only one thing of which
they could be certain, namely that they could be certain of nothing. The
naval armament the Turits were getting ready was on too grand a scale
for mere raids of depredation on the Italian coast. There was no point in
their attacking Spain; the French were as always their friends. The build-
ing of galleys and the levying of mariners must mean that they were not
embarking upon a campaign against the Austrians, the Poles, or the
Russians. Yes, they were looking toward Crete or Malta.

The Hospitallers may have been prepared for an attack upon Malta.
The colonial government on Crete, however, was in disarray despite the
attempts of Andrea Comer, recendy appointed the proweditore gene-
rale, to rebuild the fortifications with the generous support of the Vene-

" AH'essatione de puUloi orediti bo posto pure tutto il penslero, e se ne ripoiterik oerto li
possibile profllitto.

"Per I'affare de* datll invigilo non menu acciu tuttu passi in aggiustata maniera senza
fniude e sensa intaoohl.
" Dclle munitloni faocio vedere lo stato, le rioevute, le dispense, bi sorittura, et ognt altra

chiarezza.

"Dell' Arsenate osservo parimentf molti disordini, e vi disponerd e stabilird ogni mlglior

pegola.

"Ho fatto rivedere il manejiftio di cinque patroni di csso Arsenale che sono stati sueces-
sivaniente nella carica dal 1622 in qua. e risultano tra tutti debitor! per la summa di lire
cento quaranta cinque mille, deUe quali restano fonnati debitori in Camera. La fatioa i
stata grandissima, principiata sin quando capital alia carica, ma tanto pid ml consolo
quantu che con Pessecutioni gia incaminate spero che nella maggior parte resterii vostra
Serenita reintegrata di cosi rilevante capitale che per tanti anni e stato sepolto nel torbido
e nel sllentio, e ch'era prossimo a cader anco neiroMlvlone.

"Ho trovato pure nei libri di questa Camera che molti e quasi tutti li proveditori stati alia
Sfacchia e cosi li proveditori alia sanita e castellani di questi castelli hanno tralasciato di
sahrar II km> nianeMt « restano debitor! al presente per la summa dl lire cinquanta due
millc. per quali parimenti procuraro non solo con tutto lo spirito la dovuta sodisfattione,
ma disponero rcgoie per maggior cautione in avvenire del publico intercsse nei mcdesimi
mancggi.

"Rivedero con I'occhio proprlo tutte le altre cose, e cosi le militie, li bombardieri, e le
cernide. Regolaro i roli, accrcsccro i numeri, daro buone regole, e di tutto avisaro con altre
la SennltA vostra che in tanto puo csser ben ccrta di non doversi da me lasciar omnWMO
•lonn numero del bisogno, del mio debito, e del publico servltio. {Signedl Andrea CkMmer,
proveditor general."

Note also the dispatch, ibid., also dated "Canea, in visita, 10 Pebraro 1644, stil novo"
(1645), be^nning "AU'eocellentisslnio signor bailo in Costantinopoli ho di volta in volta
portato puntuale e disClnta noUtIa del suocessl che per giomata sono accaduti in questo
Regno toocnnti Maltesi e PMentini, et g|i ho sempre espresso il merito che dovrebbe
havere la Serenita vostra deUe operationi fatte da me in castigo dei medesimi et in vantag-
glo de •Dddld del Gran Sifnore, memre certo non possono, non dlr6 essegvirsi, ma ne
meno desiderafsl maggiori attestati o plA vive dlmostrationi di una sinoera et ottima vo-
lonti "

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121

tian Senate. The fortiHcations of the early modern era were costly to
maintain. They became rundown with the wear and tear of time, suffered
from neglect, and were rendered out-of-date by the improved tactics of
siege warfare. The Senate sent 2,500 infantry to Crete, engineers, provi-
sions of wheat and rice, and (on 10 Pebraary 1645) 100,000 ducats to
help Comer meet his ever-increasing expenses. They decided also to
arm two galleasses and thirty light galleys, and authorized Comer to
raise a thousand infantry in the Brazzo di Maina and elsewhere in the
Archipelago.^'* While the Senate hoped that the self-seeking khoja might
be converted to a more friendly attitude by bakshish and by the fact of
the Republic's innocence of the Maltese malfeasance, as they wrote the
bailie Soranzo in Istanbul on 1 March (1645), they were nonetheless
adding another ten galleys to their defenses at Candia. They were also
arming six large warships in the Arsenal at Venice, and hastening the
recraitment of troops. The recently elected pope. Innocent X, had prom-
ised the Signoria a large levy of troops from the papal states. Further-
more, Ferdinand II, the grand duke of Tuscany, could also be depended
upon for a sizable force. In the meantime Soranzo was to continue his
negotiations with the pashas and others in Istanbul.^'

The chief cities on the island of Crete were (and are) on the northem
coast — Candia (mod. Herdkleiont IrdMion) at the center of the coast-
line; Canea (Chania, Khanid), about 75 miles west of Candia; Retimo

{Rethymmm)j about midway between Candia and Canea; and Sitia (iSe-
teta), then as now the smallest of the four cities, at the eastern end of the
island on the little Gulf of Seteia. Candia was the metropolis, the other
three cities being suffragan sees. There were another three lesser ports
along the northern shore, Grabusa (Vouxa) and Suda (Souda) in the west

" Romanin. VII (1974), 252-5.1. doc. dntcd 25 .Fanuary 1645 (Vcn. style 1644), from
the Arch, di Stato di Venczia, Rcttori, p. 151. The two galleasses and thirty galleys were
apparently more or less ready by 24 ,liinc (1645), as wc may infer from Senato, Dclibera-
sioni Gostantinopli (Secreta), Reg. 28, fol. 172*: "Sia incarricato U magistrato deU'Ane-
nale de sollecftare fallestimento deHe due iJateazze et trenta gfiiere sottlli ordinate glk
tempo teneree prontc accio in ogni caso possano senza dilatione es.sere adoperate et por-
tino subito in scrittura il stato di esse. . . ." On the Turkish armada, which allegedly
now consisted of 170 galleys, 80 ships (fiavOi and 300 caramuaidtni loaded with food*
stuffs and munitions, df. Arch. Segr. Vatlcano, God. Urb. lat. 1109, fbl. 84, di Ronut 25
Marzo 1045.

A8V, Senato, Deliberacloni Gostantlnopoll (Secreta), Reg. 28 (1644-1646], fols.

128*-129'': "Ne sara difficile col vehicolo del dcnaro I'introddurre le nostre ragioni, che
sono tanto vere e chiare, nella considcratione et approvatione del Coza sicome d'ogni
altro. ... In tanto pero andiamo provedendo noi sempre mcglioalle nostre diffese, risso-
luti di alestersi d'aitre dicci galerc in Candia oltre le scritte, I'armarsi qui |a Venczia) di sei
grossi vasselli da gucrra, et I'aumento delle nostre soldatesche, havuta havendo promis-
slonediuna buona Icvata dc sudditi dal I'onteHce, et altro amassamento su quello del Gran
Dttca ancora," and cf. Arch. Segr. Vaticano, God. Urb. lat. 1 109, fols. SZ'-Sd', S9*-60'. 84,
ISS'-ISQ', 18r-I82', 187-188'.

122

Venice, Auurta, and the TuHu in the Stventeenth Century

and Spinalon^ in the east, all protected to a large extent by a rocky,
fortifiable entryway. The island was defensible, but the resources of the
Republic were not what they used to be, nor were the stamina and ag-
gressiveness of a declining nobility what they had once been.

The government of Crete was a reflection of that of Venice. The duke
of Gandift, usuaUy served for two years, was the administrative and
ceremonial head of the colonial regime.^ He was chosen in Venice. The
proweditore generale served as military overseer of the island, his du-
ties varying with the terms of his commission. In Crete as in Venice there
were ducal councilors, a Grand Council {consilium maius), official ad-
vocates (avogadori), a grand chancellor, various magistrates, and a spe-
cial police force (called on the island, as in Venice, the signori di none).
The government was inefficient. The Venetian and Greek feudatories did
not meet their obligations in producing an experienced military man-
power in either lancers or infantry. The peasant militia (the cemide) was
on the whole of little use. Venice still lived on the Levantine trade, which
had declined in volume as well as in profits. Impoverished nobles could
not meet the costs of public office at home, and still less abroad, where
salaries often fell far short of expenses. Noble families were dying out.
The plagues of 1375-1577 and 1630-1631 had taken their toll of the
patriciate as well as of the citizenry.^^

As the Turiis spread word from Istanbul that their armament was being
prepared against Malta, the Senate was disturbed by the movements of
troops and artillery along the borders of Dalmatia. Conditions were even
more worrisome in western Crete, as the doge Francesco Erizzo was
warned in a letter from Canea dated on 16 March 1645.^^ Giovanni So-
ranzo's attempt to reach an amicable accord with the Porte was impeded
by the dragoman Grillo's illness, which worried the Signoria. Neverthe-

"Gf. Setton. 1. 177-78.

" Gf. Paolo Praco, Peste e aoctetd a Venetia net 1576, Vicema, 1978, esp. pp. 1 1 Iff., and

.fas. C. Davis, The Decline of the Venetictn Nobility as a Ruling Class, Baltimore, 1962, pp.
34ff., 75ff. Note abo Pastor's remarks on the decline of the Roman nobility (Gesch. d.
Pdpste, XIV- 1 (1929), 272-73, and Hist Popes, XXX, 372-73), and on the earlier plague.

sec Bib). Nazionale Marciana. MS. It. VII, 194 (8493), Provvedimenti per la peste a Vene-
zia, ann. 1575-1577. We shall Hnd more aggregazioni alia nobiltd when we reach the
year 1684.

'^Raccolta diplomatica delta guerra di Candia, Bibl. Nazionale Marciana, MS. It. VII,
21 1 (7468), fol. 30', the writer of which letter, an official at Canea, was most apprehensive
"che per lo sprovedimento in cui si trova questa piazza delle cose piu necessarle per una
lunga et valida reaaistenza contro potentiMlma invasione, i atato di recente qui riooiio-
soluto dall'eccellentisstmo signor generafe Pesser dl tutte le cose, et mi ha assicurato dl
haver presentata distinta notitia alia Serenita vostra, ma ad ogni modo non sara disdice-
vole al mio debito I'abbondare in raguagli in urgenza di tanto rilievo." The available ship's
biscuit and wheat would last two months. The four armed galleys assigned to Canea and
Retimo were not sufficient for the "mantenimento di questi popoli." Alarm was spreading
throughout the Archipelago. Armaments were inadequate in Canea, and apparently little
oottid be expected of the looal mlUtUi.

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less, Sonmso kept his government well informed, at least to the extent he
OOOld, of what was going on in Istanbul. In retnm the Senate sent him the
news from Vienna of the Turkish recruitment of 4,000 Tatars and 2,500
Vlachs in Transylvania. The pasha of Buda had, however, assured the
Emperor Ferdinand III of "la buona corrispondenza con I'imperio." On
21 March (1645) the doge wrote the sultan Ibrahim that he was sure his
Majesty would not allow the Tuffcish ministers to violate the capitulation
of peace which he had himself guaranteed with "la sua reale promessa."
A copy of the letter was sent to Soranzo, who was instructed to present it
to the sultan or not, depending on the view then prevailing at the Porte of
the "affair" of the master of the seraglio (kislar a§asi, chislaragd),
whom the tiospitallers had killed aboard the Turkish vessel they had
captured.^'

On 18 March (1645) the doge and Senate had written Andrea Corner,
the proweditore generate of Gandia, concerning the many letters which
the bailie Soranzo had written C!omer, who had sent summaries of the
letters (or the texts themselves) to the doge and Senate. Sonmso had

also received letters from Corner which should strengthen his hand at
the Porte. The Venetians had allegedly stopped a number of western and
Maltese vessels, punished their crewmen (when they were guilty of anti-
Turkish activities), and freed many subjects of the Gran Signore, espe-
cially mariners taken from the very galleon on which the master of the
seraglio, the kislaraga Sfinbilllfi, had been killed. The Venetians had
taken them in, treated them well, and sent them home, receiving from
them the reliable information that the Maltese galleys and other vessels
had not approached the Cretan shores. Some horses, to be sure, having
been badly treated by the Hospitallers, had been thrown overboard and
had come ashore at Crete quite by accident. The facts were established
by the deposition of three mariners who had been aboard the kislaraga's
vessel. After arriving in Malta the three mariners in question had some-
how got away, and turned up in Venice on their way back home. On the
basis of these facts, which the doge and Senate were relaying to Soranzo,
the latter was bound to make an impression on the Turiks.^

Senato, DeliberasionI Gostantlnopoll (Secrets), Reg 28, fob. 130-139'. On Venetian

fenrs of the Turks' next move, cf. Cat. Stute Papers .... Venice, XXVII (1Q26. repr.
1970), nos. 209-13, pp. 181-83. The Hospitallers were marshaling their forces for
die defense of Malta (Arch. Segr. Vatlcano, God. Urfo. lat. 1109, fol. 68, tH Roma XI

Marzn 1645).

Senato. Oeiiberazioni Costantinopoli (Secreta), Reft. 28, fols. 135''-136': "Havemo
inteso I'arrlvo ooati |in Gandifll dl inolte lettera acrittevi dal Bailo con tutte le Informatlonl
che del contenuto de esse havete mandato a noi. Bgli pure ha recevuto le vostre col
fondatnento delle quali maggiormente si incalorira a sostenere il veto che tanti vasselll
ponentini e Maltesi siano stati fcrmati, castigate le ^enti, pusti in liberti moltl suddeti del
Gran Signoie, partioolarmente li marinari del vasaeUo del Chislaragi, ricoveratl et mandatl
alle oaae loro con bnoni trattamenti coUa oeitesza che le galere et vasselll Maltesi non

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124

Venice, Auatria, and the 1\arka in the Seventeenth Century

Yusuf Pasha's contention that the HospitaUen had spent twenty days

on the island of Crete (in October 1644) was certainly untrue. Also,
however, the doge's letter of 18 March (1645) seems to belie the widely
reported fact that the Hospitallers had indeed landed, however briefly,
at Kalismene on the south shore of Crete. In any event we can only read
the lines of the doge's letter. Ck>mer, who was much better informed than
we are, oould read between the lines. After all, Gon^r had himself re-
ported to the Signoria, as we have seen, that the Hospitallers had been
sighted off shore on 8 October, and had disembart;ed a number of Greeks
on the island under cover of darkness.

The Turks declared war on Malta, and Soranzo was instructed to try to
win over the avaricious khoja with bakshish. He was also to keep re-
minding the grand vizir of the importance of Turco-Venetian commerce,
emphasizing always the Signoria's desire to maintain peace with the
Porte. Although minor incidents here and there kept the Venetians on
the alert, they certainly did not expect the coming attack. In a letter to
Soranzo of 22 June (1645) the doge and Senate expressed their apprecia-
tion of the friendliness and helpfulness of the grand vizir, "il primo visir,
che sempre piu capace si dimostrava dclla stima et affetto nostro.
. . The grand vizir was Sultanzade Mehmed Pasha, and he was a
friend of Venice. At least he was opposed to an expedition against the
island of Crete. Also he had become jealous and fearful of Yusuf Pasha,
the second visir, whose star was rising. Yusuf had Joined the khoJa in
advocating the attempted conquest of Crete. It usually took a month or
more for letters from Istanbul to reach Venice, and of course much could
happen between the dispatch of a letter and its delivery to the addressee.

When the doge and Senate wrote the bailie Soranzo in praise of the
grand vizir, Soranzo had been a prisoner of the Porte for three weeks.
Two days after their letter of 22 June (which was presumably never sent
to Soranzo), the latter was able to inform them by way of a courier from
Vienna that guards had been placed at his house, the casa bailaggia (in
the "vineyards of Pent**)* and he could not go out, nor could anyone
enter. Soranzo had become friendly with the imperial ambassador at the
Porte, Count Hermann Czcrnin, who had presumably sent Soranzo's let-
ter to Venice in the diplomatic pouch to Vienna. The bailie's imprison-
ment was contrary to international law, the jus gentium^ and to the
Venetians* friendship with the Porte. Istanbul was full of rumors. The
Tuffcs* confinement of Soranso to his house was naturally distressing to

sianosi accostatt al regno jdi Candia]. Che li cavalli gettati siano venuti in terra per acci-

dente. mal trattnti particolari, che si accerdano pure con la dcpositione di tre marinari
dello stesso vasselio del Chislara^ giunti a Malta et capitati qui de passaggio: Onde cre-
demo die il Bailo ool fondamento deHe nostre lettere con qneflo detta veriti haveri fano
buona impressione et sosteniito i! nostro servicio. +137, 2, 18."

For details see Senato, Deliberazioni Costantinopoli (Secreta), Reg. 28, fols. 143-63
(with the qnoccd phrase on fol. 1620, 166*ff.

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The Beginning of the Long War o/CamUa

125

the doge and Senate, who sent word of it to the Curia Romana and to the

courts of the other Christian princes. The princes must see that it was
time to put aside their rancors and hostilities, to establish a peace which
would make much easier Christian opposition to such displays of Turk-
ish belligerence. When the Turks saw the Christians at peace, they
stopped causing "trouble and travail."'^ Although Soranzo was now a
prisoner of the Porte, month after month he found ways of sending dis-
patches to the doge and Senate, and to others in Venice as well as to
receive the dispatches which they sent to him.^

" Senate, Deiiberazioni Cosuntinopoli (Secreta), Reg. 28, foi. 171, dispatch dated 24
June 1645, addressed to Oirotanio Morosliri, the Venetian prowedftore genersle da mar,

who had replaced the eaptain-fieneral Francesco da Molin as overall commander, for the
latter (who became the doge in January 1646) was ill: "Con lettere di primo corrente
spedlte per via de Viena con espresso corrlero tenemo aviso dsl Bsllo che stano state poste
giiardie alia sua casa accio non esca ne alcuno entri da lui con effetto della ma^ijjior
violenza tenendolo come prigkme. Non haveva potuto esso Bailo saper la causa di effetto
tanto barbsro e oontrarlo alia ragion deUe gentf , all'amieltta della RepabHce.

"Molte cose si discorrcvano in Constantinopoli che I'armata fosse in Candia, a Tine, et
altrove, ma tutto senza fondamento Ithis reference seems to be to the Venetian, not die
Tnriitsh fleet). La rtssointfone k stata intesa da nol con moiestla, et el ha dato cause de
darne parte a Roma et alli corti delli altri principi Christiani con le debite considerationi de
quanto convenga per bene della Christianita lasciar li rancori, stabilire la quiete per niag-
gior eommodo da oppofsi a tentativl de Infldell, et perchd TurchI, quando vedeninno H
Christian! in pace, s'asteneranno dal promover torbidi e travaftli. . . ." The Senate was
sending the provvcditore 750 footsoldicrs, canvas awnings, and. a thousand muskets in
addition to the Hve bundled which had already been shipped to Corfu. Cf. ibid., fols. 1 77ff.
On Soranzo's imprisonment, note also Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Cod. IJrb. lat. 1 109, fol. 231.
Count Hermann Cz.crnin was the imperial ambassador to Istanbul from .lune 1644 to Au-
gust 1645.

According to Mormori, Guerra di Candin, MS. Marc. It. VII, 1563 (7596), fol. 7', "Ca-
pito li ii giugno con fregata venuta di Areipclago una lettera del hallo Soranso dirretta al
Cornaro (Comer|, a cui fu subito espedita, nella quale avvisava il suo arresto e la certczza
della vlclna invaslone del regno [di Candla|, il medemo in sostanza s'ebbe di bocca di uno
da Rettfano. che portd essa lettera . . . and now the Turiil^ grand admiral or kapudan
pasha, having tarred his keels at Navarino, was on his way to the island of Crete.

The bailie Giovanni Soranzo had a long, hard road of captivity ahead, on which note
Tommaso BerteK, 11 Fakuam cfegff mnbaacUuori di Vencsfa a OottmUHuipoH (1932), pp.
184ff., 239-40, and cf. Cat. State Papers .... Venice, XXVIl (1926, repr. 1970), nos.
234-35, pp. 193-94. Czernin was succeeded as the emperor's resident ambassador at the
Porte by Alexander von Wollrath Greifenklau, who got into serious trouble with theTufks,
but died before the final resolution of his case (von Hammer-Puigstall. Qeach. d. oanuuL,
Reiches, V, 392-93, trans, llellert, X, 114-15).

By 6 February 1647 (V'en. style 1646), the doge and Senate had received some 260
diqMtches from Soranzo (Senato, Deiiberazioni Costantinopoli ISeoreta), Reg. 28, fol.
2580- Ivan Dojfiev has publiriied a long series of dispatches addressed to the Holy See, as
we have noted, detailing Turkish activities and the current of events in Istanbul as seen
from Ragusa, in the Awiai di Raguaa: Documenti auU'impero turco net see. XVII e BuUa
guerra di Candia, Rome, 1935 (Orlentalla Christiana analecta, 101). These dispatches
relate to the Turks' militar.- preparations for the "war of Candia" (doc. xx, pp. 13-15), the
sailing of the sultan's tleet of 70 galleys, 20 large ships, 300 karamussals carrying soldiers,
sappers, and other military personnel from Istanbul on 30 April 1645 (doc. xxv, pp. 19-
20), the arrest of the bailie Soranzo (doc. xxvii, pp. 21-22), etc., etc., and much other such
material in some two hundred documents coming down to the year 1663. The events of
1645-1646 are covered fai consldenible detail.

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126

Venice, AuHtia, and efce Turka in the Seventeenth Century

The sultan's armada sailed from the Dardanelles on 30 April (1645)
under the command of Yusuf, the sultan's son-in-law and kapudan pasha.
It was said to be a most impressive armament, consisting of some 416
vessels, among them two galleasses, a great galleon called the Sultana,
ten ships from Alexandria, two from Tunis, ten vessels rented from the
Dutch and English, and three hundred smaller craft, including the usual
Levantine caiques and karamussals. Little reliance can be placed on
such reputed numbers. The karamussal (Turk, kardmusat) had a main-
mast, a mizzenmast, an extended bowsprit, and a high poop. It was a
common sight in eastern waters,'*'' and is often mentioned in the western
sources. There were said to be more than fifty thousand men aboard the
armada, with seven thousand janissaries, a large contingent of sipahis,
sappers, and other troops. After a friendly stop at the Venetian idand of
Tenos, where the Tuiks received water and supplies, they went on In
stormy weather to Monemvasia, Malna, and Gerigo, rounding the Morea
to the harbor of Navarino, as though they were indeed on the road to
Malta. After three weeks at Navarino, however, the Turks raised anchor
on 2 1 June, sailing toward Gape Spada (Spatha), the headland of western
Crete, where they were sighted two days later, on Friday, the twenty-
third.^'' The war of Gandia had begun.

On 26 June (1645) the proweditore generale Andrea Ckmier prepared
a detailed diq)atch for the Venetian Signoria, reporting the Turkish dis-
embarkation of troops on the shores of the bay of Gogna, some fifteen
miles west of Ganea. Their landing was at first contested by the local
peasantry which fled, however, as the first cannon were fired from the
Turkish galleys. Another small force of paid, peasant militia and some
five hundred infantry also retreated from the scene, leaving the Turlts
free to bum and ravage the countryside.^ Ciomer put the sise of the
enemy armada at 78 galleys, three heavy, square-rigged merchant ships

^ On the karannnsai (ltd. caramuaaUno), see the Nouveau gioMofre nauHque d'Au'

gustinJal, rev. ed., Paris and The Hague, 1948, pp. 219-20. and on the caiques, p. 181. On
the composition of the Ottoman armada, note Senato, Deliberazioni Costantinopoli (Se-
oreta), Reg. 28. fol. 1 74, and cf. Col. State Papers .... Venice, XXVII (1926, repr. 1970),
nos. 310, 31-4, .1.15, pp. 225. 227, 2.19.

" Mormori, (iucrra di Candiu, MS. Marc. It. VII, 1563 (7596), fol. 7": "Li scopri Hnal-
mente la matina di 13 Giugno in giomo di Venerdi I'armata in grandissimo numero divelle,
e s'avvanzava alia volta di Ganea da Gapo Spada guidata d'aicuni Malvasioti, che avevano
lungo tempo escrcitato traffico in queste citta, et avevano cognizione delii siti e spiaggie.
. . ." Friday. 13 .lune (O.S.), is also given as the date when the Turkish armada hove into
sight, in MS. Marc. It. VII, 101 (8382), fol. 10, Mormori's original text, but 13 June fell on a
Wednesday in 1645. The twenty-third (N. S.) did of course fall on Friday.

Mormori, Guerni di Candiu, MS. cit.. fol. 8': ". . . L'inimico . . . , fattosi padrone
dclla campagna, comincid ad abbruggiare le blade di gilk segatc, le case, e ie vtOe che gli
riparavano avantt avanzandosi sempre verso la dtti (dl C!anea| perchi la cavaRerla doppo
aver scaramuciato bon pezzo sotto la condotta de Ser Francesco Vizamano Garopulo,
cssendo stato esso ferito d'archibuggiata in un braccio ne potendo piu resistere, solo si
rldrft entro le muni." Gf. the revised and mangled text of MS. Marc. it. VII, 101 (8382),
fbla. i(r~ir.

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The Beginning of the Long War qfCandia

127

(Jbertoni)^ and 117 saTques or ketches (Turk. sing. tfliatlMi) besides other
vessels which also had been seen heading for the bay of Qo^2. Despite

the precautions which Comer had taken and such forces as he could
muster, the Turks quickly occupied the small fortified island of S.

Todero.^^

The fortress had been defended by the Istrian officer Blasio Zulian
who, having command of hardly more than thirty soldiers with some
worn-out cannon, could see only too deariy that the Turks would take
the Islet. After having sunk a few Turkish galleys, Zullan had mines
planted in the little fortress, set them afire, and blew himself, his men,
and the fortress to pieces. The Turks took over the remaining pieces of S.
Todero as their first victory of the war,''® and advanced upon nearby
Ganea both by land and by sea as early as 27 June, encamping on the
hillsides facing the city and taking over the harbor. Unloading their artil-
lery, munitions, and supplies, the Turks began the siege, which lasted
fif^-slx days. On 22 August (1645) Ganea surrendered, and three days
later the cathedral church of S. Nlccol6 and two other churches were
converted into mosques.^^ In November Yusuf Pasha left a garrison of at
least eight thousand soldiers in Ganea with munitions and supplies, and
returned to Istanbul,^ where an unexpected tragedy was awaiting him.

The war had begun which would last a quarter of a century, and prove
almost as great a drain on the Turks as on the Venetians. We cannot here

" ASV, Senato, Frovveditori da terra e da mar, Filza 796 (no. 66), Dispacci di Andrea
Corner, dispatch no. 126, dated "di Ganea. li 26 Giugno 1645."

^ Andrea Valiero, Ilistoria delta guerra di Candia, Venice, 1679, p. 21; B. CecchettI,
"Un 'Pletro Micca' deH'Istria," Archivio Veneto, XXX-l (ann. XV, 1885), 170-72, who
quotes from a letter of Andrea Comer to the doge Francesco Brisso dated 27 Jane, 1645
(Cancell. Seer. Candia, lycttere, fol. 66): "II Capltan Giuliani pero, che vi si trovava con le
sue genti rinforzate di ordine mio [but apparently not very well 'reinforced'), veduto supe-
rato li porto con ringreseo de Turchi, dato fuoco alia municione ha plA tosto vduto morlre
^enerosamente con It snoi et oon parte del medaslml Turohi quail vl erano enttatl die mat
rendersi. . .

^ Von Hammer Purgstall. Gcsch. d. osman. Reiches, V (1829, repr. 1963), 366, 377-83,
trans. HeUert. X (1837), 84, 95-102; Romania, VII (1974), 254-57; Kretsohmayr, Oesch.
von VenetHg, III (1934, repr. 1964), 315, 319-20; R. C. Anderson, Naval Wan in the
Levant, 1559-1853, Princeton, 1952, pp. 121ff.; Mormori, Guerra di Candia. MS. Maro.
It. VII, 1563 (7596), fols. 15'-20'; and on the Venetian surrender of Canea. note the
RaccoUa diplomaHca deUa guerra di Candia, MS. Mare. It. VII, 21 1 (7468), fols. 64-73'.

The Turkish siege of Canea, "sostenuto con coraggio e gran valore de diffensori i1 Hero
assedio per lo spacio de mesi due," the Venetian efforts to defend the city, the precautions
taken to protect the Dalmatian coast and Corfu, the dien current naval and dipkmiatle

news, etc., can also be followed to some extent in Senato, Dellberazioni Costantinopoli
(Seereu), Reg. 28, fols. 183''-197, dispatches dated from 10 July to 2 October 1645,
although details are sparse for the month of August; note also Senato, Frovveditori da terra
e da mar, Filza 932 (Prov. generate Oirolamo Morosini, 1645-1646), dispatches dated 5
and 13 August, 1645.

*° Senato, DeliberazlonI Costantinopoli (Secreta), Reg. 28, fol. 20r, a dispatch to the
bailie Soranzo, dated 25 November 1645. Von Hammer-Purgsull, Oesch. d. oaman.
Reiches, V, 383-84, trans. Hdlert, X, 103-4, provides Canea with a mudi larger garrison.

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Venice,' Auatria, and the Turkt in the Seventeenth Century

pursue the war of Gandia in full detail, but a glance at some of the major
events of the long-drawn-out contest will make clear that, after a feeble
beginning, the Venetians' performance was extraordinary. In the confu-
sion of July and August (1645) Pope Innocent X dispatched rtve galleys
to assist the harassed Venetians; Ferdinand II, the grand duke of Tus-
cany, also sent five galleys, as did the Spanish authorities in Naples. And
after some delay the Maltese sent their six well-known galleys. When
these twenty-one galleys were added to the Venetians' twenty-five, the
Christian allies had a fleet of fair size, which was augmented by four
galleasses and eighteen other vessels. Since the Turkish armada was in
some disarray both at S. Todero and in the harbor of Ganea by the
beginning of September, it was conceivable that an all-out attack upon
the Turks might have rewon Ganea, destroyed a good part of their ar-
mada, and put a stop to any further operations of the enemy on the island
of Crete. The Christian forces, however, were under the cautious com-
mand of the papal captain-general Niccolo Ludovisi, a papal nephew and
prince of Piombino, and in fear of defeat he may have lost an opportunity
for victory. Owing to Ludovisi's indecision or prudence, whichever it
may have been, as well as to stormy weather, the allied fleet made no
attempt to recover Ganea until 1 October. Then the fleet, allegedly con-
sisting of some sixty galleys, four galleasses, and twenty-eight ships,
once more achieved nothing but failure and frustration owing to the
Turks' defense of the harlx>r and the allies' divided command.^' Thereaf-

Von tlammer-l'urgstall, Gesch. d. osman. Reiches, V, 383-85, trans. Hellert, X, 102-
5, on the activities of the Turks; Romanin, &oHd documentata di Venezia, VII (1974),
256-SQ; Anderson, Naval Wars in the Levant, p. 124; Arch. Sc^r. Vaticano, God. Urb. lat.
1 109, fols. 217-218": Mormori, Giierru di Candia, MS. Marc. It. VII, 1563 (7596), fols.
2rff.; and cf. Cal. State Papers .... Venice, XXVII (1926. repr. 1970), no. 288, pp.
215-16. Niccolo Ludovisi, who had married a niece of Innocent X. was the friend and
patron of Gian Lorenzo Bernini, and was responsible for Bernini's receiving the oommis-
sion to do the famous fountain of the four rivers in the Piazza Navona in Rome (of. Pastor,
Gesch. d. Papste, XlV-1 [1929), 292-98, and Hist. Popes, XXX, 402-8).

A detailed report of Girolamo Morosinl, proweditore da mar, to the do^ Francesco
Erizzo, dated at Suda on 10 September 1645, depicts his relations with Prince Ludovisi
and "quest! altri commandanti di squadre ausiliane," i.e., the generals of Malta, Tuscany,
and Naples, and adds the (to Morosinl) encouraging news that "dalla Ganea si hiinno avlsl
continuati dellc debollezze de'Turchi" (ASV, Scnato. Prow, da terra e da mar, Fllza 932,
pages unnumbered). Morosini had learned that "delle 23 galere del regno (di Candiaj 15
erano gii comparse ben alFordine di tutto punto, che le altra si alestlvano parimentl. . .

Morosinl also writes, however, "Delli affari del regno ha tenuto con me reccellentisslmo
Cornaro lungo prcci.so discorso. rappresentandomi specialmente la debolezza di militie, in
che sono constltuiti tutti li pressidll a segno, che in Candifl non vi rcstino pid dl 400 fanti
da servitio oltre li amalati et feriti usciti dalla Canea et in dcbolissimo numero ie altre
guarniggioni! . . ." [ibid., undated dispatch). A discouraging assessment of the Venetians'
situation on the island of Crete, dated at Suda on 8 December 1645, among odier such
gloomy reports, may be found in this "hie" (/Uza), with seven signatures attesting to its
accuracy.

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129

ter naval operations were suspended for the current year, and prepara-
tions were hastened for the clashes which lay ahead/^

After some Hve weeks of ineffectual cooperation the allied com-
manders bade their Venetian friends good-bye, headed for Messina,
which they reached on 23 October (1645), and thereafter returned their
vessels to their own dockyards. The Venetians seemed no longer to have
a safe haven in the Mediterranean. The Signoria sent troops to the Dal-
matian coast and Corfu. Local defenses were strengthened at the Lido
and at Malamocco, and additions made to the fortifications of Candia.
The failure to recover Ganea was due as much to disagreement among
the allied leaders as to the impediment of stormy weather. A captain-
general was required of the highest rank, whose authority could not be
questioned or challenged by ambitious competitors. In the Senate the
name of the doge Francesco Erizzo» then eighty years of age, was pro-
posed; the motion was made and carried to ask him to accept command
of the fleet. To the admiration of the Senate, and indeed of all Venice, the
old man accepted the charge.

Giovanni Pesaro, however, advanced grave objections to the doge's
appointment. Inevitable ducal ceremonies would take time and money,
which could be better employed against the Turks. Perhaps the sultan
Ibrahim would also be inspired to assume command of the Tuikish ar-
mada, which would certainly move the Turks to increased effort. And
what confusion at home and abroad might be caused by the doge*s death
at sea? Nevertheless, the appointment was coniirmed, and two counci-
lors, Giovanni Gappello and Niccolo Dolfin, were chosen to accompany
the aged doge, .se(/ homo proponit, disponit Deus, and Francesco Erizzo
died on 3 January 1646. lie was buried in the church of S. Martino (near
the Arsenal in Venice), where his funeral monument may still be seen on
the wall to the right as one enters the church. Two days after Erizzo*s
death Giovanni Gappello was elected captain-general of the sea to face
the Turks in the year that lay ahead.^

Meanwhile in Istanbul the Turks' successful occupation of Ganea was
celebrated for three days and nights. As the weeks passed, however,
some persons of note were removed from oihce, others received kaftans

On the naval armament available In the Arsenale dl Venecia in October and November
1645. sec V'ericsta e la dtfeaa del Levante da Lepanto a Gandia, 1570-1670, Venice,

1986, pp. 56-57.

**Cl Romanin, VII (1974). 259; Kretschmayr. Oesch. von Venedig, III (repr. 1964),
321; Sen.-ito, Dclibenizioni ("DStaiitinopnli (Sccreta), Re^. 28, fol. 204", ul Ihtili) in Con-
stuntinopoli, dispatch dated 6 January 1646 (Ven. style 1645): "11 dolore di questa gran
perdlta fi.e., the do^ Grizzo's death} habbiamo firocunito mitlgare con Telettione segulta
hieri del dilettissiino nostro Cio. CapcIIo fo di Ser Andrea in capitano general del mare, la
prudenza e la virtu ben conosciuta del quale dovemu sperare secondata dai favor del
Signer Dio a vantagglo della nostra giitstissinia causa."

130

Vtnkx, Auatria, and tkt Turka in cfte Sevenuenth Century

of honor and new appointments. The grand vizir Sultancade Mehmed
Pasha, who had become inimical to Yusuf Pasha, was demoted, but his
life was spared, and he was later given a military command in the con-
tinuing war with Venice for possession of the island of Crete. Yusuf
Pasha, the conqueror of Ganea, declined the grand vizirate, which was
given to the imperial treasurer (defterdar) Salih Pasha, a Bosnian by
blith, who had risen rapidly in the service of the Porte. Musa Pasha, agha
of the Janissaries, succeeded Salih as the defterdar. The customary rules
of advancement were disregarded throughout the reign of Sultan Ibra-
him. Some strange doings at the Porte could be attributed to the in-
trigues of the harem, but it does seem clear that the able Yusuf brought
disaster upon himself with little assistance from his enemies.

Sultan Ibrahim summoned Yusuf Pasha one day, and quite unexpect-
edly ordered him to go bade to Crete with thirty vessels to complete the
conquest of the island. Yusuf stated that the needed vesseb were in the
dockyards. Also it was winter, no time for such an expedition. Ibrahim
reviled Yusuf for allowing the Christian garrison to withdraw from Canea
with all their possessions. As a good Moslem, he should have destroyed
the infidels. Yusuf replied that he had done what he could. It might well
be that the sultan could send someone else to Crete who would do better.
Becoming quite excited, Ibrahim replied that Yusuf could choose be-
tween death and departure for Crete. More of a warrior than a wheedler,
Yusuf remonstrated, as von Hanmier tells us, "Ah, my Padishah, but you
know nothing of maritime ventures. We have no oarsmen. Without oars-
men we cannot run the galleys.''

"Accursed fool," yelled Ibrahim, "are you tr>'ing to teach me seafar-
ing?" And thereupon he straightway ordered Yusuf's execution. Salih
Pasha, the new grand vizir, and Musa Pasha, the new defterdar, both
ideaded with the irate sultan to spare Yusuf *8 life. Hie latter, who had
married a daughter of Ibrahim, addressed a petition to the sultan from
prison, asking to be sent to a post somewhere in the empire as a merciful
gesture to the "sultana" and the sultan's own grandsons. It was no use.
Yusuf Pasha was strangled on 21 January 1646. Such was the mindless,
murderous regime of the sultan Ibrahim."*^

The Venetian Signoria was looking everywhere for money. Three no-
bles who had made generous contributions to the war fund were created
Procuratori di S. Marco. Three large vessels had l>een prepared at Mala-
mocco to send 400,000 ducats eastward to help support the Venetian
fleet. Troops and supplies were also on their way into Levantine waters.

** Von Hammer-Purftstall, Gesch. d. ogman. Retofcec, V, 383-90, trans. HeHert, X, 102-
11. On 10 March 1646 the Venetian Senate addressed conciliatory letters to Sultan Ibra-
him and Salih Pasha (Senato, Oelibenuioni GosUinUnopoU [Secreta], Re^ 28, fob. 225*-
227''), congratulating the latter upon hia devatkm to the grand vltlrate. Poor Saltfi did not
Um long (von Hannner, V, 410-11).

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Hie passageways into Priuli had to be guarded. The sultan was said to be
coming into the Morea with 200,000 combatants. The Tuffcs were round-
ing up soldiers in Syria and Asia Minor; they were supposed to be in
Istanbul by November (1645). One hoped, however, that the building of
warships at the Turkish arsenals was proceeding "slowly enough," be-
cause of the scarcity of materials, to frustrate the ambitious plans alleg-
edly being entertained at the Porte. There were problems everywhere,
and the Slgnorla was looking In all directions to find solutions. Owing
to Illness, Francesco da Molin had been relieved of his command as
captain-general of the sea, but now he was elected doge on 20 Jan*
uary 1646."^

The Signoria had not been taken entirely unawares by the renewal of
war with the Porte. As early as 1639 a levy of 400,000 ducats had been
imposed upon the Terraferma; it was to be paid in four six-month install-
ments. Hardly a village was spared, and even a little town like Bate
(Ateste) in the Veneto, about seventeen miles southwest of Padua, was
to pay surprisingly laige amounts throughout the entire duration of the
Turkish war. Este, the original home of the Estensi of Ferrara-Modena,
had been under V'cnctian domination since 1405, and was to remain so
until the end of the Republic.^*

While the Venetian government was imposing heavy hnancial levies
upon the Terraferma, it was trying vigorously — but without avail — to
enlist the military support of the Poles, Muscovites, Persians, Swedes,
Danes, and others against the Turks, as well as to engage the naval
strength of the Dutch and English to help hold on to the island of Crete.
The Turks were well aware of conditions in Europe, and had reason to
believe they were choosing the right time to attack Crete. The extent of
their naval and military preparations was alarming, as .lean Paul de Las-
caris Castellar, the grand master of the Hospitallers, warned the Vene-
tians in Suda Bay in a letter dated at Malta on 10 January 1646. The
letter reached Suda in early March.^^

As the Thirty Years' War went on, the French had secured control over
the Rhine. Their Swedish allies were victorious in the northlands.
George I Rakoczy (1631-1648) was supreme in Transylvania and, en-

Arch. Se&r. Vaticano, Cod. Urb. lac 1 1 10. fbla. 16-17', dt Roma li 6 Qennaro 1646,
and cf., ibid., fols. 20, 35 (also on the election of the new dofe, Pranoesoo da Molln|,

4.r-44'. 48'. 51. SfZ-S?', 97. and note Cod. Urb. lat. 1111. fol. 157'. to the effect that "in
quel Maggior Ckinse^lo era stato eletto Frocuratore di San Marco I'eccellentissimo Si-
fnore Qio. Ijulgi Plaano, ohe haveva pagato 22 m. scudi ...,** report from Venice dated

18 May, 1647. relating to still another purchase of a Procuratorship of S. Marco.

l.inda Pellini, "Le Contribuzioni di Este a V'enezia durante la guerra di Candia,"
Nuwo ArchMo Veneto. XXXV (1918), 188-205.

*^ ASV, Senato, Prow, da terra e da mar, Filza 932, pages unnumbered. Lascaris ex-
pressed apprehension over "tutti quei grand'apparati che si fanno a (Jonstantinopoli con
Uinta diiiiemni et ardore."

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132

Venice, Austria, and the Turk* in the Seventeenth Century

couraged by the Swedes and French, had advanced into Hungary.^^ Bo-
hemia, Moravia, and Silesia lay in ruins. Saxony had given way to the
Swedes. Bavaria had joined the French. The P>mpire was wearing away,
and Ferdinand III wanted to make peace. The Hapsburgs were the great
enemies of the Turks, but Ferdinand was in no position to aid the Vene-
tians, who had never been popular in Vienna. As for Prance, Cardinal
Jules Mazarin was unfriendly to both Venice and the Holy See, for he
aspired to some measure of dominance in Italy, and as the only two
independent states in the peninsula they were opposed to the French
ambition. Poland was a disorganized monarchical republic, and would
not be ready to venture out against the Turks for another forty years. No
help could possibly be expected from Russia.

Portugal had revolted from Spain (in 1640), put John of Braganza on
the throne, and years of warfare lay ahead. Catalonia had also revolted
from Spain in 1640. Although the Spanish Hapsburgs, like their Austrian
cousins, had long been hostile to the Turks, Philip IV could not help the
Venetians. He could not help himself. The only assistance which Spain
might have rendered Venice would have been by sea (conceivably to
send troops to Crete), but less than a half dozen years before (on 21
October 1639) the Dutch admiral Marten Tromp had almost completely
destroyed the Spanish fleet off the coast of England. Spain was never
thereafter a significant power at sea. Commercial rivals of the English, at
war with Spain, fearful of the increasing greatness of France, the Dutch
would not assist the Venetians, who had also been competitors for the
eastern trade. And, like the English, the Dutch sometimes rented ships to
the Turks. As for England, Charles I was engaged in his fateful struggle
with Parliament. Indeed, the bailie Giovanni Soranzo wrote the doge and
Senate (on 18 October 1645) that the English "would like the Turks to
capture Candia so that they may have free trade there in muscat."*'

*" Cf. Ntaj.i Depncr. Das Fiirsteutum Siebcuhiirficn im Kttmpf f*c^cu Hiibshur^ (IQ.IcS).
pp. 1 J8ff., and Franz Salamon, Ungum im Zeitalter der Tiirkenherrschajt, trans. Gustav
JuHiny, Leipzig, 1887, pp. 340-53.

*'*C<il Suae Papers. . . , Venice. XXVII (1026, rcpr. 1970). no. 388. pp. 215-16. IxinA
since disillusioned with the Swedes, IVutestant Saxony :is well as Catholic Bavaria had
returned to the imperial allegiance; despite the then current negotiations at Munster and
Osnabriick, central Europe was still in turmoil (cf. Arch. Segr. VaUoano, God. Urb. lat.
1109. fols. 35^-36', di Venetiu 28 detto \C,cnnaro] 1645).

With regard to Giovanni Soranzo's observation that the English ''would like the Turks to
capture Candia so thnt they may ha\e free trade there in muscat," an earlier Venetian
bailie in Istanbul, I'iero Fo.scarini. had written the doge Francesco Etx/.zo and the Senate a
decade before (on 27.lune 1635) "that the Fnj^lish devote their attention to depriving our
people of the little trade that remains to them in the mart of Constantinople, as they
imitate Venetian cloth and make borders after the Venetian manner. ... It shows that
they are trying to imitate everything and to despoil our merchants of all the trade they
have left" (Cal. State Papers .... Venice, XXIII, no. 500, p. 408). On che extent of the
English trade In Isunbul, Aleppo, and Smyrna, see the letter of Amolo CSorrer. the Vene-

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The Beginning of the Long War CkauUa

133

F^m whom could Venice hope to receive substantial aid? Only from the

pope and the Maltese. After the peace of Westphalia the Venetians could
renew their appeals for help to the larger states in Europe but, as may be
assumed from what has just been said, little help would be forthcoming
for some time.^" The chief allies of the Signoria would still remain the
Holy See and the Maltese.

From well before the early seventeenth century the Republic had been

losing its hold even upon families of Venetian origin throughout the
island of Crete. As in Cyprus during the later fifteenth and the sixteenth
centuries, Catholicism had been dwindling and giving way to Greek
Orthodoxy,^' owing to the constantly diminishing number of Latin
priests and the prolonged absences of bishops who much preferred resi-
dence in the Veneto or elsewhere in Italy to that on the gloomy island of

tian ambasMdor in Enj^lond, to the do^c and Senate (ibid., no. 553. pp. 461-62, doc. dated

5 October 1635).

As the trade of the Levant Company grew in volume, the English became increasingly
interested in the history of the Turiis, as shown by the popularity of die woriis of Richard

Knolles (d. 1610). The ^cnerall historic of the Txirkes, from the first beginning of that
nation to the rising of the Othoman/amilie. . . . Together with the lives and conquests of
the Othoman kimgfi and empertmn . . . titiKf th^» preaent yea/re J6Q9 . . . , London:
A|dam| Islip, 1603, with various subsequent editions, as well as with revisions and continu-
ations (for the years 1623 to 1699) by Sir I'aul Rycaut (d. 1700), who wrote The Present
State of the Ottoman Empire. Containing the maxims qf the TWMafc poHtie .... Lon-
don: J. Starkey and H. Brome, 1668. with subsequent editions in English, French, Italian,
German. Dutch, and other languages. The first edition of Rycaut's work was published in
1666-67. but almost all copies were destroyed in the "Hre of London." On Rycaut (pro-
nounced Rye-court) see the excellent study by Sonia P. Anderson, An English Consul in
Turkey: Paul Rycaut at Smyrna, 1667-1678, Clarendon Press, London, 1989. A conve-
nient abridgment of theworiisof both Kiioil«saiidRyoautwMpiibiiah«dbyJ(rfiB8av«fe,2
vols., London, 1701.

Although Samuel Johnson, Henry Hallam, Robert Southey, and lx)rd Byron admired
Knolles' Historic of the Turkes, the work is of fhtlcor no historical value. While Dudley
North (d. 1691), treasurer of the Levant Company, was highly critical of the work of
Rycaut who, like North, spent years in the Levant, the Present State of the Ottoman
Empire is still useful.

Certain aspects of the Turco- Venetian war for possession of the island of Crete (1645-
1669) as welt as a survey of conditions in virtually all Burope may be studied in the sources

covered in the Calendar of State Papers and Manuscripts, relating to English A ffairs,
existing in the Archives and (jollections of Venice, and in other Libraries of Northern
Italy, vols. XXVII-XXXVI, repr. Nendelii/Uechtenstein, 1970.

There were apparently offers of assistance from Odoardo Farnese. the duke of Parma,
as well as from Luigi d'Kste and others, but the Italian princelings required funds to sup-
port their recruits. Note the avviso in the Arch. Segr. V'aticano, Cod. Urb. lat. 1 109 1 1 644-
1645), fols. 77''-78, di Roma 18 Marzo 1645: "Le lettere di Venetia danno avviso che il
Serenissimo di Parma si era offerto d'andare al servitio di quella repubblica con 3,000
fanti, che il Signor Principe Don Luigi d'Este faceva levata di 2,000 combattenti, e mille il
HMrchese Malatesta, che detta repuUioa haveva fatto oavare dalPArsenale due galeazse
quail con altri vascetli sarebbono andate In Gandla. . . The Turkish peril and dw direats
coming from Istanbul had spread alarm throughout the Italian states and dM island of
Malta (cf., ibid., fols. 35''-36, 52'-53. 59"'-60, 68, 217-218*. el alibi).
** Gf. Setton, The Papa^ and the Levant, IV. 756-58.

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Venice, ^tiMrfo, and the Turks In the Seventeenth Century

Crete. So-called Latins had long been attending services conducted by
priests of the Greek rite. No few young women of families with Venetian
names had been entering Greek nunneries as they turned to fathers from
the Byzantine past to receive the sacraments.

In a report which Leonardo Mocenigo, archbishop of Gandia (1633-
1644), niide to Pope Uiban VIII (in 1637), he noted that every year
CSiristians were furtively giving way to the tyranny of the Turin. His
deioription of the state of the church in Gandia, i.e., In Grete, was
gloomy. In his archiepiscopal church there were fifteen canonical preb-
ends which brought their holders slender incomes (fructus tenues). In
Gandia there were three nunneries (monialium coenobia), of which the
most important was the Dominican convent of S. Gaterina, where there
were twenty-seven veiled nuns, four novices, four converts, and two
secular sisters who served the others. They had an ami^e ohuroh, whioh
was well equipped. The nuns were all from families of Venetian origin,
following "the Roman rite under the rule of S. Dominio," although their
language was demotic Greek, and they could neither read nor refer to
religious books in Latin or Italian {earum licet graeca sit vernacula
lingua, et nullis possiiit vel latinis vel italicis spiritualibus libris . . .
excitari . . .). Mocenigo was doing his best, his very best, to improve the
sad situation, "but the lack of clergy renders everything extremely
difficult"**

Gian Francesco Oozzadini, who became bishop of Retlmo
(Rethymnon) in August 1641,'*' was presumably well informed on condi-
tions in the Greek islands. He had been born at Naxos, which the Turks
had taken over in 1566.^'' Two years after his accession to the cathedra
of Retime, Gozzadini prepared a report for a congregation of cardinals
(in 1643) relating to the problems he faced as bishop of the see on the
northern shore of Grete. The diocese of Retimo, he wrote, contained
some two thousand families or "hearths'* (/ocutorto), and embraced a
circuit of twenty-five miles. The Latin and Greek rites were confusedly
mixed up in Retimo, as elsewhere, but the ''Latin souls do not exceed the
number of two hundred."

There were six canons with prebends in the cathedral church, but
their total revenues did not exceed eighty Venetian ducats a year, ex-
oept for the treasurer, who received forty ducats, and the archdeacon.

" Marco Pettn, "I>a GhlcM latina di Greta negli ultimi anni del dominio veneto," BoUe-
tino della Badia greca dt Orottajerrata, n.s., XXII (1968), 20ff.. 22, 23. 28-29, with nine
well-chosen documents from the Archivio della S. Congregazione di Propaganda Fide. I
have depended much more on the documenta than on Petta's text. On Leonardo (or Luigi)
Mooenigo, cf. G. Enbd and P. Oauchat, fffefWcMaoacftoffca mcdficc receniiorlaoevt, IV
(1935), 168.

** Eubel-Gauchat, Hierarchia, IV, 295.

**a. Setton. iV, 850. 898-99.

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whose annual income was thirty ducats. In the coastal city of Retime
these sums did not go very far. In fact the receipts of the entire diocese
did not exceed the sum of one thousand Venetian ducats, a certain por-
tion of which went to Venice and to Rome as a papal tithe.

In Retimo there were two Franciscan convents and a third belonging
to the Augustinians *Vith, however, but a small number of friars in each
one of them.** The failure of the descendants of Venetian families to
preserve their ancestral language was the trouble. The Latin priesthood
had not thrived in Crete. "For the conservation of the Latin rite ... no
priest is to be found anywhere in the diocese [of Retimo]; therefore many
Latins, abandoning their rite, hasten off to the Greek; and in the city the
women are especially lured away for various reasons by the Greek
monks [KaXoyrjpoi] of the Order of S. Basil, residents as well as
missionaries.""

In 1659, ten years before the Turkish occupation of Gandia, Giovanni
Querini, archbishop of the primatial see (1644-1669),^^ prepared an-
other report as a sequel to that of his predecessor Leonardo Mocenlgo.
As Latins and Greeks used each others' churches, there was now peace
between them, although of course the Greek had by and large replaced
the Latin rite. It was not surprising that when Querini made a formal visit
to his archdiocese (on 16 October 1659), his formal entry was marked by
a turnout of cavalry and footsoldiers as well as "con 11 deri latino et
greco in hablti sacerdotal!.** He had obviously not established his perma-
nent residence at Candia.

In the cathedral church there was an altar of the Ten Martyrs, who
were held in great veneration by both Greeks and Latins, for it was
widely believed that heresy had never entered the "kingdom" of Crete
because of the intercession of the Martyrs. Also, while Candia was in
grave danger of falling into the hands of the Turks, there were those who
believed they had seen the Martyrs combating the enemy **in their white
habit, upon the walls with a great slaughter of the enemy.**

There were of course signs of Latin ecclesiastical decline everywhere.
There should have been fourteen canons in the cathedral church, but
now there were no more than hve. Once there had been a hundred friars
in the seven monasteries at Candia; in 1659, however, there were only
thirty, "parte di loro inutili come d'Agostiniani e parte de molto scanda-
losi come de* Dominicanl!** Many years before, "in times of peace,*'
there had been four thousand adherents to the Latin rite. Now there were
only about five hundred. In the happy days of yore there had been more
than twenty thousand "souls of the Greek rite," but as Querini wrote (in
1659) their total had been reduced to about ten thousand.

" Peua, art. cit., pp. 5, 33-34, 35.
»* Bobel-GattclMt, Hierarchia, IV. 168.

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Venice, Austria, and the Turks in the Seventeenth Century

To be sure, in the Venetian fortress at Spinalonga, fifty miles to the
east of Gandia, there was a Latin garrison where, according to Querini,
the local church was being maintained by the soldiery "with much devo-
tion."'^ Although one may well wonder how much, if anything, devotion
had to do with it all, the fact remains that when the Turks finally took
possession of Gandia, Spinalonga remained (along with the coastal for-
tresses of Grabusa and Suda) in Venetian hands.

" I'etta, art. cit, pp. 5, 45, 47. 48-49, 50-51.

The TurcO'Venetian War (1646-1653)
and the Turmoil in Istanbul

he resources of the Turks seemed limitless (they were not), and
the Venetians never ceased looking everywhere for money. In-
terest on loans was running at seven percent, which seemed high
for the times. New taxes and imposts were levied. Young men of the

patriciate were admitted to the Maggior Gonsigllo in disregard of the
traditional requirement of age. Offices might be purchased at a price. It
was also proposed that Venetian citizens or subjects who would make
available a thousand soldiers for active duty for a year at the cost of
60«000 ducats would be received into the nobility. Their names would be
inacrlbed in the LIbro d*Oro, the register of the nobility, and ao would
the names of their legitimate descendants to the extent of five families.
Outsiders would also be taken into the nobility, under the same terms, at
the cost of 70,000 ducats to hire twelve hundred infantry for an entire
year. The Avogadori di Comun, the wardens of the state, kept track of
the Golden Book and of young nobles' entry into the Maggior Gonsigiio
at the (usual) age of twenty-five.

Angelo Michiel, an avogadore dl comune, objected strenuously to the
degrading device of ennobling oonunoneni merely to gain money which
he said would do little to relieve the plight of the RepuUio. The ducal
councilor Giacomo Marcello defended the proposal. Fatuous pride must
not be allowed to endanger the state. Mercenaries must be hired, and the
lleet reinforced, it would be more helpful than harmful if one increased

137

138

Venice, Austria, and the Turks in the Sevemeenth Century

the manpower of the nobility, for the holding of an important post should
not be the patrimony of birth, but rather one of the rewards of virtue and
valor. The motion was approved in the Senate.

Nevertheless, on 4 March 1646 in the Maggior Gonsiglio, the supreme
conciliar authority, the motion received only 368 affirmative votes (dc
parte) as opposed to 528 negative votes (de non), with 140 uncommit-
ted votes (non sinceri), and so the motion did not pass.* Later on, how-
ever, it did, and non-noble families were soon enrolled in the patriciate
(some ninety from 1646 to 1669), paying a minimum of 60,000 to
70,000 ducats to have their names inscribed in the Golden Book. There
was no general decree of ennoblement; the concession was requested,
and was granted to appropriate individuals. With the letters N. H. pre-
Hxed to their names (iiobilis homo, nobil huomo), those newly added to
the noblesse now found important offices of state and naval commands
open to them. The wonder is not that there were those who aspired to
noble rank, but that so many persons should have amassed private for-
tunes of such size. Pull payment was supposed to be made within one
month but, if necessary, one might pay one-half to start with, and the
balance within two months. Gandidates for the nobility had to present to
the Avogaria di Gomun proofs that their fathers and grandfathers had
never practiced the "mechanical arts," and that they were "all born of
legitimate marriage." The first families thus ennobled (from 22 July to
28 August 1646) were the Labbia, Widman, Gozzi, Ottoboni, Rubin, and
Zaguri.^ Within the next year or two the scions of such families were
being given commands at sea.^

Very soon after these ennoblements Marforio met Pasquino on the

* Arch, dl Stato df Venezia, Deliberazloni del Maggior Consiglio |Marcus|, Reg. 39, fols.
161-162 (179-1801.

' Bibl. Nazionale Marciana, MS. It. VII, 948 (8958), 232 pp. in MS., giving the ennoble-
ment of some ninety families from 1646 to 1669. Gf. Batcista NanI, Historia delta repub-

lica veneta. II (1686). 72-74; Romanin. VII (1974). 260-63; H. Kretschmayr, Gesch.von
Venedig, III (1934, repr. 1964), 375-76. The Marciana has numerous MSS. listing the
"aggregazioni di famlgile aila noblltfl veneta," especially for the Cretan and Moreote wan,

but also for the Veneto-Genoese war of Chioggia (in 1381) — MSS. Marc. It. VII, 626
(8047). 682 (7891). 683 (7892), 724 (7903), 942 (9014), 945 (7962), 946 (7697), 947
(7429), 948 (8958). 949 (7908). 1539 (7641), and 2470 ( 10,292). On the "aggregations,"
note also .lean Gcorgelin, V t'ln'.se <i» siecle des himieres. Paris and The Hague, 1978, pp.
623ff., and on the divi.sions among the social classes in Venice {nobili, cittadini, and
popolani), ibid., pp. 619ff., 684ff.

The number of such MSS. is testimony to the interest and excitement the ennoblements
caused. In 1381 thirty citizens had had their names inscribed in the so-called Golden Book
as nobles, in payment of their services in defense of Venice against the Genoese, the
Carraresi, and the Hungarians (Setton, The Papacy and (he Levant, I |1976|. 322-23).

Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Cod. Urb. lat. 1111, fol. 395\ di Roma 28 Decembre 1647: "Le
lettere di Venetia in particolari delli 21 'stante danno avviso che quella Republics haveva
elctto 20 nuovi govcrnatori di galcrc sottili. tr.-i quali il Signer Martino Vidman, Andrea
Tasta, Marc'Antonio Oitobono. e Gabriele Gozzi. . . .'*

The Turco Venetian War (1646-1653)

139

road to Venice; the latter was on his way to ^t himself made a nobleman.
Marforio asked various questions, and Pasquino answered him with
some entertaining puns on the family names of all the Hrst new nobles/ A

source of entertainment to the satirists, the ennoblements created an
enduring resentment among some of the older patriciate, who remained
unreconciled to the new members of the nobiltd until well into the nine-
teenth century. Although there was need of Increased manpower at the
level of the patriciate to provide for this office or that command, during a
good part of the year 1646 the Senate hoped that French mediation
might make peace with the Turks possible, especially "per lamutatione
del visir," but nothing came of the French intervention.'*

With the advent of spring the Venetians attempted a blockade of the
Dardanelles to prevent the Turkish armada from putting to sea and to
cause the Turks as much annoyance as possible by cutting off the deliv-
ery of foodstulFs to the capital. Girolamo Morosini, the proweditoro
generale da mar, gave the task to his relative Tommaso Morosini, who set
out from Suda Bay (0nno8 SofUdhas) in western Crete on 20 March
(1646) with twenty-three ships, exacting heavy tolls from the Turkish
islands as he sailed toward Istanbul. Morosini tried to establish a footing
on the Turkish island of Tenedos, but did not succeed, losing his lieuten-
ant Ix)renzo Venier and some two hundred men when their ship caught
hre and exploded. Sultan Ibrahim was incensed by the Venetian block-
ade impeding the departure of his armada to pursue die conquest of
Crete. The new kapudan pasha, Musa, and Mehmed Sulunzade, the
former grand vizir, were in command of the sultan*s naval armament.
Moved by Ibrahim's threat, they tried to leave the Dardanelles with some
seventy-five galleys and five galleasses (on 26 May), but Tommaso Moro-
sini launched an attack upon them with only part of the Venetian fleet,
and after seven hours of continuous fighting drove them back into the
cover of the Sea of Marmara.^

Nine days later, on 4 June, the Turkish armada, now with sixty galleys
and four galleasses, emefged from the Dardanelles on a calm sea. As the

* MS. Marc. It. VII. 948 (8958), fol 2.U\

'Senato, DellberazlonI Gostantinopoli (Secreta), Refi. 28, fots. 206*fF., 223fr., 239*ff.,

24.r. 245'. 2,54. ct alihi.

Senato, Deliberazioni CostanUnopoli (Secreu), Re^. 28, fol. 242*. doc. dated 21 June
1646: "In letcere del Gaptcan de GaleonI Moreaini aorine al Gapltan Generale |Gappello|

habbinmo che sia segiiito combattimento per lo spacio d'hnre sette continue tra parte de
nostri vasselli e I'armata nemica, la quale in Hne ct)nvenne darsi con danno alia retirata.
. . ." A few Turkish galleys did escape Morosini, and went on to C^liios (Anderson, S'aval
\V<irs in the /.cranf, p. 12(>). Cf. Morinori. Gticrra di Candia, MS. Marc. It. VII, 1563
(7596), fols. 29'ff.. also Arch. Segr. Vaticano. Cod. Urb. lat. 1110. fols. 174-175', and cf.
fols. 181"- 182*, 188''-189', 208*, 268-69. Further documentation may be found in the
Senato, Proweditori da tenra e da mar, Filza 932: Froveditor generale Qirolamo Moro-
sini, from 20 August 1645 to 16 March 1646.

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140

Venice, Austria, and the Turka in the Seventeenth Century

oarsmen rowed vigorously, and the Turkish galleys helped tow the gal-
leasses, Tommaso Morosini could neither prevent their exit nor pursue
them, for his square-rigged sailing ships were almost immobilized by the
lack of wind. Morosini followed them as best he could to protect the
Venetian island of Tenos. The Tufkish armada made its way to Chios,
where it was reinforced by vessels from the Barbary coast, and sailed on
to Ganea with heavily armed troops and abundant provisions. The Vene-
tian captain-general of the sea, Giovanni Gappello, although within
range of the Turks, as they approached Crete, apparently did not dare to
attack them. He was an old man, then seventy-three years of age, timid
and fearful of suffering defeat. Musa Pasha's fellow commander, Mehmed
Sultanzade Pasha, died of a fever two months after his arrival at Crete/
Old Giovanni Cappello's performance had been far from commend-
able. Attending to personal affairs of small importance apparently, he
did not sail from Venice until 25 March (1646); his voyage to Suda,
where he arrived on 21 June, took even longer than his departure. He
lamented the strong winds that held him back and the epidemic aboard
his licet, the usual typhus fever. He was said, however, to have wasted a
good deal of time inspecting fortiricalions and taking stock of the garri-
sons as he made his way to Crete. Cappello complained that now the
wind failed the fleet entirely. The ships could not keep up with the gal-
leys, and then violent storms kept him confined in ports along the way.
Insecure within himself, Gappello could not reach a decision to take
action against the Turks, but he was not alone at fault, for the other
commanders of the fleet were at frequent odds with Andrea Comer, the
provveditore gencrale of Candia. The orders which the Signoria sent
Gappello were sometimes vague,^ sometimes inconsistent with previous

' Von IIatnmer-Purg.stalI, Geach. d. oanutn. Reichea, V (1829, repr. 1963), 400ff., trans.
Hcllcrt. X. 1 2.lff.: Komnnin, Vll (1974), 263ff.; Mormori, Guerra di Candia, MS. Marc. ic.
VII, 1563 (7596), fol. 31'.

" As for the vagueness of various instructions which Gappello did receive from the Si-
gnoria. the d())4e and Senate obsencd to the bailie Soranzo in a dispatch of 24 May 1646
(Senato, Deliberazinni Costantinopoli |Secreta|, Reg. 28, fol. 239'): "E perche per la di-
stanza de luoghi e per la varicti delli accidenti. non e conveniente o possibile prescrivere
certa rcgoia, con la quale .si possano senr.a alteratione mancggiare ncgocii di co.si alte
consegiienze. rimettemo alia virtu vostra dell' incontrare quelle aperture che se vi andas-
sero scoprcndo, hnsandovi in libcitil net farlo e nel tempo e modo dell' esseguirlo. . . ." If
changing circumstances made it necessary for Soranzo to use his own judgment in seeking
to deal with the Turks rather than to adhere to a "certa regola," it was even more incum-
bent upon (Gappello to do so as he maneuvered with the Turks at sea.

We are kept abreast of the news by an interesting awiao in the Arch. Scj^. Vaticano.
Cod. Urb. lat. 1 1 10, fols. 112-1 13', di Roma ti 7 Aprile 1646: "Le lettere particolari di
Venctia delli 31 passato danno avviso che si era inteso il paMaggio che havcva fatto il
generalissimo Cappello per li mari d'Istria, navigando con una huona squadra di ^lere
verso Corfu. Che conoscendosi il pericolo che poteva un giomo apportare a quella citti il
taglio che per le fortiHcationi si faeeva al Lido mentrc nellc buraschc haverebbe il mare
potuto romperc gl'argini et estendcrsi per quelle lagune con gran danno dell'istessa citta
era stato sospeso I'ordine di lavorarle piu. dhe il Prencipe D. Luigi d'Este era ritomato da

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The Turco-Venetian War (1&46-1653)

141

instruetlons. The crews of the ships and galleys were laid waste with the

plague and incensed by the arrears in their wages.

After the failure of an attack upon the Turks ensconced in Ganea Bay
in mid-August (1646), Cappello was no more successful in trying to stop
a Turkish convoy carrying munitions from Nauplia to Ganea (in Sep-
tember). Thereafter he undertook to break the Turkish blockade of Re-
timo {Rithymnon)t but received no help from Comer, who wanted him
to keep the Tufks out of Suda Bay. As a consequence, therefore, the
Turks took the town of Retimo on 20 October and the castello on 13
November ( 1 646). Cappello was soon removed from his command, being
replaced by Giovanni Battista Grimani, to whom he surrendered the
fleet on 1 8 February 1 647. Going on to Corfu, Gappello had to wait until
late May for a ship to take him to Venice, where he was imprisoned for
mismanagement of the fleet, but he was soon absolved of the charge on
the grounds that the plague had done more damage than he had.*

The Venetians had received but slight assistance against the Turlcs,
i.e., only the six Maltese galleys plus five provided by Pope Innocent X.

Modena e si diceva sarebbe andato In FHuil per essereltare la oarica dl generale detia

Cflvallcria.

"Che ivi era comparsa una fregata dal Zante con lettere deU'armaui veneta in conlimia-
Clone del aoooorao enmito nella Ganea, dove erano Mate slMiroate 4 m. stara dl frano, et

chc una saicca Turchcsca rcstata indietro fosse stata presa da vascelli vcneti. Che della
gaieazza Cornara, la quale per burasca di mare si era separata dall'altre senza sapersi dove
foaae andata, si era poi Inteao al fdsae salvata al Cerigo. Che per II frand'adananiento
deirarmi che si fa nclla Bossina si scopriva ll disegni del Turcho cssere d'invadere per la
parte di terra la Dalmatia ct attaccare Zara, la cui citta veniva pero proveduta d'ugni cosa
necessaria. Et tanto piu si accresecva il sospetto, vedendosi havere II Baaai di Buda levato
moiti pezzi di cannnni da diversi luojiihi. Fa chc anco ncl Friuli si temeva dl qualche inva-
slone de Tartari per essersi saputo che un chiaus era stato mandato al I'rencipe Ragozzi a
ch iedere ll |MMo III nome dl esBl Tartari per la Traiallvaiiia, Unihcria, Croatia, et dl tt nel
Friuli

"Sug^iongono le medesime lettere che in Venetia fossero gionte lettere di Gonstantlno-
poli, per le quail si era intesa Tallegrezza che havevano li Turchi havuta del soccono
cncnito nella Ganea. Che prima il Turcho pareva dene oreochle a qualche tratuto all'aooo-
modamento, ma ohe dopo la miova del della C!anea al era anal InsnpeiMto. Che se

bene esso Turcho si portava spcsso nclI'Arsenale per sollecitare la fabrica dellc galere,
nondimeno per quest'anno non haveria messo insieme piu di 140 galere, delle quali doven-
done mandare un numero lid Mar Nero, aarebbe rluadta pid debole dl qocfla <ta vmira ml
Mar Bianco, e pcro si crcdcva che havcrebhe atteso solo al mantenimcnto della Caneacon
risolutione di non venire a battaglia e di procurare per terra ia diversione deiramil de
Signori veneti," and note, tMdL. fob. 125'. IZT-^P, 136. 14r-144', 15r-lS8, 165'-
166, 174-175'. 277-278'.

** On the loss of Retimo, cf. Senato, I)elil)erazioni Costantinopoli (Secreta), Reg. 28. fols.
2S6''-257'. doc. dated 8,lanuary 1647 (Ven. style 1646); von Mammcr-Purgstall, Gesch. d.
omnan. ReicheH, V, 402-3, trans. Hellert, X, 126-27; Kretschmayr, Geac^ von Venedig,
III, 322; Anderson, ATotMif Wtum fn the Levant, pp. 1 26-30; Mormorl, Ouerra di CaruUa,
MS. Mara. It. VI!. 156.1 (7596). fols. 3.V-J4\ .17'ff.; and note the letter of the Turkish
commander at Retimo to the Creeks of the city of Candia, offering them freedom (if they
aaalst in the surrender of Candia) and riavery (If they do not), Roccoho df pfomartca deUa
guerra di Candiu. MS. Maro. II. VII. 211 (7468), fol. 102. On Giovanni Cappello's career,
see G. Uenzoni, in the DUtkmario bio/^rq/ico degli Italiani, XVIII (1975), 783-86. Cap-
peUo died at eighty on 21 December 1653.

142

Venice, Austria, and the Turks in the Seventeenth Ceruury

For some time GardinalJules Mazarin, the prime minister in France, had
been promoting intrigue and causing unrest in the Spanish kingdom of
Naples. In May 1646 a French fleet had occupied the ports of Talamone
and S. Stefano, and tried to take Orbetello on the Tyrrhenian shore of the
Tuscan Archipelago; thereafter another fleet seized Piombino, where
the French remained for some four years (1646-1650).^^ As Mazarin
sought a foothold in Italy, the grand duke of Tuscany, Ferdinand II,
became alarmed. He had sent five galleys against the Turks the year
before, and so had the Spanish authorities in Naples. In 1646, however,
neither Ferdinand nor the Spanish sent any galleys at all.**

Current reports regularly brought bad news. According to an awiso of
21 July (1646), a special courier sent from Venice to Alvise Gontarini,
then the Republic's ambassador in Rome,^^ had arrived posthaste with
word that the Turks had captured the fortress of Novigrad fifteen miles
northeast of Zara (Zadar). Having left a sizable garrison at Novigrad on
the Dalmatian coast, the Turks had set out for Spalato (Split) "per impa-
dronirsi di quella citta come metropoli della Dalmatia." Gontarini had
immediately sought an audience with the pope. Novigrad had fallen on 4
July. Its capture was all the more distressing, because it had been re-
garded as "almost impregnable." On 30 June the Turks had encamped
under the walls of the fortress; on 2 July they had put one heavy and two
lighter cannon in place; and after one day of bombardment the Venetian
commanders were ready to discuss the terms of surrender.

The inhabitants of the village of Novigrad, who had obviously taken
refuge within the walls, were prepared to defend the fortress. But the
commanders had allowed a Turk to come into the fortress, and had sent
out a Venetian captain, to negotiate with the pasha, who promised the
besieged generous terms. The pasha sent the commanders a caftan of
cloth of gold as a pledge of his good faith. By about 11 :00 a.m. of the sixth
day of the siege Turks were being admitted, most unexpectedly, within
the walls to the distress and confusion of the garrison, which had wanted
to resist. No sooner, indeed, did the Turits get into the fortress than the
pasha ordered the seizure and execution of allegedly some eight

On the French occupation of Talamone, 8. Stefano, Piombino, and the failure at Orbe-
tello, note Pastor. Gesch. d. Pupate, XfV 1 (1Q29), 48-49. and Hist. Popes, XXX, 60-61.
Since Innocent X had given way to Mazarin, and pardoned the Barberini family for pecula-
tion, Niccolo Ludovisi was allowed to retain Piombino under French suzerainty.

" Cf. Senato, Deliberazioni Costantinopoli (Secreta), Reg. 28, fol. 237', a dispatch
dated 24 May 1646 from the doge and Senate to the bailie Soranzo in Istanbul: "Le galee
del Papa e di Malta gil si sono mosse per unirsi et incaminarsi verso Levante. Quelle dl
Spagnn e Fiorenza [i.e., of Ferdinand II| sospcse ancora per la sopravenlenxa in Italia
dell armi Fr.-incesi . . . ," and cf., ibid., fols. 24r-242'. 247".

On this Alvise Gontarini. Venetian ambassador to the Holy See from 1645 to the
spring of 1648 (and obviously not the Republic's emissary in Westphalia), see G. Benzoni,
in the Dizionario biograjico degli Italiani, XXVlll (1983), 91-97.

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The Turco Venetian War (1646-1653)

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hundred persons — soldiers and peasants — ^whose heads were cut off one
by one 'Vwith barbarous savagery." A few persons managed to escape.

The Turks had promised to allow everyone to go free.

The lives of the commanders were spared, according to the report, and
so were those of the bombardiers and the surgeons. Thus the Turks had
acquired another point de depart for an attack upon the Itahan coast or
some other enterprise on the Adriatic. They now possessed all the Dal-
matian oountryside up to Zani, liaving already taken the important is*
lands of Veglla (Kifc) and Gherso (Gres) as well as that of Pag and other
places roundabout. Their recent success had netted them eight large
cannon, fourteen small cannon, arms and munitions of all sorts, and of
course an increased capacity to impede Venetian vessels tailing aid to
the Republic's L<evantine ports.

Cod. I'rb. lat. 1110, fcil. 227'. di Romu li 21 Luglio 1646: "Gionse qua sabbato sera iiii
corriere straordinario di Venetia spedito a questo signor ambasciatore di quella Kepu-
Uksa, quale la matcfna sefaence fa all'aadlensa df NoMro Slgnore, dandoll parte come II
Turco per via di assalti si era impadronito di Novegradi, fortezza posta su la marina 7
miglia lontana da Zara, e che dopo haver' lasciato un softiciente presidio per difesa dl
quella plasia •! era hwaminato alia volta dl Spalato per impadronlrsi dl quella olttil oome
metropoli dclla Dalmatia."

A dispatch from Venice, dated 14 July (ibid., fols. 228''f¥.), correctly locates "la fortezza
di Nove^radi lontana 15 e non 7 miglia da Zara," and notes that "resa quasi inespugnablle
dalla qualitn del sito tanto piu grave riesce il dispiacere dclla sua miserabilc caduta alii 4
del corrente in mano dc Turchi, quali il sabbato ultimo del passato [30 June) vi si accam-
porono lotto con ressercito. ct il luncdi seguente |2 Julyl vl ptantorono tre cannotii, Il
maggiore da 50 ct gli altri due da 1 4, e dopo havcria cannonata per un giorno inticro senza
far freccia di .sortc alcuna. il ("ontc Soardo Bresciano, commandantc delle armi, che si
haveva In gran concetto di vnioroso soldato et il podcsta o proveditore Ixiredano eomin-
dorono contro il volere delli habitanti, che si volevano defendere coragiosamente, a trat-
tare del modo di rendersi, essendo stato a questo effetto introdotto dentro un Turco e
mandato fuori un oaplUino a negotiare con il Bassa, che promctteva larghi parttti. Quest!
rlmandasse dentro una vesta d'oro in pegno della sua fede, onde alle 14 here |1 1 :00 a.m.|
del sesto giorno deirassedio furono quasi improvisamente Introdotti li Turchi per la porta
del soccorso con molta confusione del presidio, che voleva fare resistenza.

"Entrati li Turchi, il Bassa fece condur' fuori della fortessa in una villa vicina tutto il
presidio dl 800 [written over *400*| peraone tra soldati stlpendlatl et alcunl paesanl. ■ quail
fece ad uno ad uno con barbara fcrita tagliarc la testa, salvandosi alcuni pochi con la fufta
con altri delli borghi sopra di certe barchctte, restandone molti annegati per la fretta di
salvaral dalle man! di quel barlMri, ohe sul principio havevano fatto larghe promesse di
lasciare ogniuno in libcrta. Furono poi salvatc le persone del Conte Soardo e Ixiredano,
delli bombardier! e chirurgi. altri dicono di 3 capitani che sono restati prigionieri de
Turchi.

"l» perdita di questo luogo riesce per diverse circostance di grandissima considcra-
tlone, restando aperto a Turchi piu vicino allMtalia un'altro buon porto nel Golfo |the
Adriatic], dove per la commodita de legnami vicini possono tenere un'arsenale. Restano
similmente padroni dl tutta la campagna sine a Zara, sottoposte alle loro invasloni I'isoie dl
Veilla, Pafo, Gheno, ec altre convlctne oltre lliavervl aoquiscato 8 peni dl eannoni, 14
petricre, A^an quanCltil d'armc d'ognt sorte e monitione, e potere con maggior faciliti
infestare il transito de nostri legni per il soccorso di Levante . . (fols. 228*-229\ and of.
fols. 237-38, 26r-262, 324'-325', 353*-354'). The Tuths were also exerting themsehfes
to take the fortress town of Suda on the island of Crete (fols. 298, 301. 306-307', 339').
References to the seriousness of the loss of Novigrad continue to appear in dispatches of

144

Venice, Austria, and the Turks in the Seventeenth Century

According to a dispatch from Venice of 12 January 1647, as reported
in Rome a week later, the Signoria had imposed new taxes to raise the
funds necessary to send more troops to Gandia, "seeing that every day
things were going from bad to worse, lessening their hopes of being able
any longer to defend themselves against the Turkish forces." Soldiers
were dying on the island for lack of adequate food and clothing. The
Signoria had, therefore, had four large vessels put in order, loaded with
ship's biscuit, 200,000 scudi, and 4,000 soldiers to send to Crete."

Another dispatch from Rome dated 19 January (1647), citing an av-
viso from Venice (also of a week before), contained information from
Dalmatia to the effect that (after the Turkish success at Novigrad] the
Gran Turco had sent a chavush to the pashas of Clissa (Klis) and Buda
with a dire warning. If within four months they had not besieged and
taken the Venetian stronghold at Zara, he would remove them from their
posts, and cut off their heads. The Turks were said to have 30,000 troops
ready for action, with which they apparently planned to attack Spalato.
To meet such a challenge the Signoria was apparently able to do no
better than send off two thousand soldiers with munitions and provisions
to the threatened area.''^ Zara and Spalato were strong fortresses, but
they were clearly in danger.

The Curia Romana followed the exploits of the Tuilcs with no less
apprehension than did the Venetian Signoria. The Curia, however, had
trouble in the West as well as in the East. As the ambassador Alvise
Contarini wrote the doge and Senate, while Innocent was concerned that
"Christendom is oppressed by the Turks and the heretics," the Scots and
English had united to subdue the "Catholic kingdom" of Ireland.'^ Con-
tarini wag hoping for more assistance from the Holy See than the Repub-
lic had received in 1646, but Innocent could be depended upon to do
what his slender resources would allow. In any event, as the year came to
an end, the pope granted the Venetians permission to recruit "another
thousand soldiers in the papal states for service in the war against the
Turk."^^ From Spain no help could be expected when the Neapolitans

the time (ecf*.. Cod. Urb. lat. 1111. fol. 44. citing a report from Venice dated 2 February
1647, and fol. 1 18", another report from Venice dated 13 April), and on the surrender of
Novigrad, note Girolamo Brusoni, Historia deWultinm guerra tra VeneMiani e TurcM,
nelUi quale si cnntcnfionn i successi (telle passute guerre nei re^ni di Candia e Dalma-
ziu dalianno 1644 Jino al 1671 .... 2 vols., Venice, 1673, I, bk. v, pp. 100-4. Brusoni's
work is a detailed year-by-year account of the Turco- Venetian war, with the inclusion of
some of the pamphlet literature of the time.

Cod. Urb. lat. 1111, fol. 20, from an (ivviso di Roma li 19 Gennaio 1647, and cf., ibid.,
fols. 75, 130.

" Cod. Urb. lat. 1111, fols. 20"-2r, til Roma li 19 Gennaio 1647, and on the Turkish
threat to Spalato, note, ibid., fols. 52*, 67".

Cal. State Papers .... Venice, XXVIl, nos. 430, 487, pp. 282, 305, docs, dated 6
October. 1646, and 9 March, 1647.

" Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Cod. Urb. lat. 1 1 10, fol. 389", di Roma li 15 Decembre 1646.

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rose in revolt in 1646-1648,'* and Mazarin preferred to use French naval
forces to harry the Spanish rather than to aid Venice against the Turks.

13y the beginning of the year 1647, as hopes were rising at Miinster and
Osnabriick that the Thirty Years' War might indeed be coming to an end,
the Venetian Senate was looking toward a change of fortune, a possible
union of the Christian princes, which would moderate the Turits* ambi>
tion.** But rather than continued warfare with the Turks and the conceiv>
able defeat of the Porte, the Venetians wanted (as the Senate reminded
Giovanni Soranzo) the reestablishment of peace and a resumption of the
Turkish trade. In the meantime the war dragged on in Piedmont and the
Milanese, in Flanders and Germany, but there was a slackening of mo-
mentum. The Venetian Signoria sent out the usual appeals to the
princes. One must defend Candia, the Dalmatian coast, the Adriatic is-
lands, and the cities and towns in Priuli. While in the northlands the
Austrians must try to put a stop to the Turkish Drang nach Westen, the
Venetians had to keep watch on almost fifteen hundred miles of border-
land with the Ottoman empire. If Candia should fall, the barrier would be
breached. Always eager to extend their sway, always covetous of terri-
tory, the Turks would attack the Italian peninsula. The safety of Europe,
the well-being of Christendom were at stake. Such at least was the Vene-
tian claim.

The year 1647 began with a dramatic encounter between the Turits
and the Venetians. Toward the end of December Gianbattista Grimani,
now the captain-general, had moved into the Cyclades with some twenty
galleys, three galleasses, and fifteen ships. On 3 ,Ianuary the Venetian
Heet met up with two ships from Barbary on the way to Algiers from the

.1. V. IN.Iiscnsky, The Thirty Years' War ( 1 97 1 ). pp. 241-42. has placed the NeapoliUin
revolt in the background of the war of 1618-1648.

'* Word was current, however, that the sultan had ordered that almost all his troops be
rendy for scr\ ioc hy the sprfniH of 1647, and that the arsenals produce m«>re "galleys and
other ships" — "il tiitto per mnndare contro Christiani" ((^od. Urb. lat. 1 1 10, fol. 388, tit
Venetia 1 Dccemhre 1646).

'''Senato, Deliberazioni Costantinopoli (Secreta), Reg. 28, fol. 255, a dispatch of 8 Jan-
uary 1647 (Vcn. style 1646) from the doge and Senate to the bailie Soranzo in Istanbul:
"L-i furtuna pure, che sempre varia ct gira il suo corso, potrebbe con I'assistcnza del Signor
Dio portare una volta qualche respiro alle nostre arml con alcun buon successo che potria
rendere le loro pretension! pfd moderate. Tanto ptu che la pace universale si trova viclnis*
sima alia conclusinne con spcranze anco d'aiuti considcrabili, come vedretc dell' aggionte
copie de capitoli in lettere delli ambasciatori nostri de Miinster e Francia, per la quale gran
stima potrebbe far la Porta dell' unione de Prindpi, et pid vigorose sarebbero le nostre
force, Ic quali ognt giorno si vanno accresoendo per renderle sempre pi A valide e
susatetenti.

"Tuttavia, se bene considerabili siano le promcsse e con tant' altre consideration! ben
note alia vostra prudenza, potrete pero dire esser noi portati da un' special dcsiderio di
voler la pace col Re [i.e.. Sultan Ibrahim] et rcstabilire la quiete con la piu cordiale et
amorevole corrlspondensa tra sudditi dell' una et I'altra parte. . . ."

146

Venice, AuatHa, and the Turk* in the Seventeenth Century

idand of Chios. The Venetian galleasses attacked the two Moslem ships,
the orews of which sought refuge on the island of Kea (Zea), but were
captured three weeks later. On 8 January the Turkish commander-in-
chief Musa Pasha set forth from Canea on his way back to Istanbul with
fifty-one galleys, two ships, and fifteen smaller vessels, but running into a
stoim he lost six galleys, the two ships, and five of the small boats. By the
twenty-fifth he had reached the island of Makronisi, just off the south-
eastern shore of Attioa, when he learned that Orimani's fleet had seized
the two Barhary ships. With the advent of another storm on 27 January
Tommaso Morosini, commander of the sailing ships in the Venetian fleet
{capitano delle navi), was blown toward Negroponte (Euboea), where
he was sighted by the Turks, who bore down upon him quickly, all forty-
five galleys.

Morosini*8 ship was a large square-rigger, the Nave Afuooo. Since he
could not outrun the Turkish galleys, he fired his broadside cannon at
them when they got within gunshot range. For a while the Tuiiu seemed

to draw back, but presently they moved in for another attack. A number
of them boarded Morosini's vessel, even climbing the mainmast to cut
down the lion banner of S. Mark and replace it with the crescent. A
Turkish arquebusier, bracing himself at a porthole in the captain's cabin
{aUafinestra delta camera del capitano), shot through the doorway.
The bolt struck Morosini in the head; he died immediately, but his men
continued to fight, not yielding to panic. Presendy the captain-general
Qrimani, whom the first roar of the cannon had summoned to the scene,
drove the Turks into retreat. Morosini's broadside cannon had taken a
heavy toll of the Turks. Even Musa, the kapudan pasha, had fallen. Tak-
ing over the Nave Nuova, by this time a wreck, Grimani made prisoners
of the Turks on board. The banner of S. Mark was again raised to the
masthead, and Grimani sailed back to Gandia to refit the fleet. Hie Sen-
ate decreed a public funeral for Tommaso Morosini, and all the shops in
the city were decked out in black. ^'

When Sultan Ibrahim had learned of the extent to which Morosini's
single ship had caused damage to his fleet, he gave vent to the anger that
seemed to obsess him at every setback. To punish the failure of Musa
Pasha, who had lost his life off the coast of Negroponte, Ibrahim deprived
the pasha's heirs of their inheritance. Impelled by the sultan's impa-

^^Battista Nani, Historia della reptAlica veneta, II (1686), 102-4; Romanin, VII
(1974), 266-67; Anderson, Naval Ware in the Levant, pp. 130-31; Mormori, Guerra di
Candia, MS. Marc. It. VII, 1563 (7596), fol. 44; Raccolta diplomatica della guerra di
Candia, MS. Marc. It. VII. 211 (7468). fob. 99*-100': "La Merciaria et tutte le botteghe
della eltti si adomano dl nero . . . ," and cf., ibid., fols. 98*-99', a mandato of die cap-
tain-general Grimani, dated "di galcazza all'Argentiera a VIII Febraro 1646" (Ven. style,
i.e., 1647). On the death of Tommaso Morosini, cf. Girolamo Brusoni, Historia dett\iUima
guerra tra Venemiani e TurcM (1673), 1, bk. vi, pp. 155-56.

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tience, the Turks directed their forces upon Suda, which had recently
received reinforcements from Venice. French adventurers had joined
the Venetians in opposition to the Turks. The plague had been ravaging
both the Christian and the Moslem troops, lessening their effectiveness.
Although by April it had largely ceased at Gandia, it was still serious at
Ganea. The captain-general Grimani had been refurbishing his fleet at
Gandia, and was now ready for renewed action.^ Neither side was mak-
ing much progress at Crete, however, when about the middle of June
(1647) under the very walls of Gandia a large company of horse and foot
in Venetian employ, "gia avendo la vittoria in pugno," suddenly and
inexplicably turned and fled before a smaller body of Turks, who looked
as though they were defeated.^'' A month or so later Hussein Pasha,
Sultanzade Mehmed*s successor as **serdar" or general of the Ottoman
troops in Crete, took the first step toward laying Gandia under the siege
that was to last for more than twenty years.

The defeat of the Venetian mercenaries in mid-June enabled the Turks
to extend their sway throughout the eastern half of the island. They
overran the plain of Mesara to the south of Gandia, and occupied the
seaport of Hierapetra (lerapetra) on the southeast coast as well as the
village of Mirabella (Merabello) on the northeast coast. The nearby town
of Sitia (Seteia), on the little gulf of the same name, held out. The Vene-
tian captain-general Gianbattista Grimani and his fellow officers Alvise
Leonardo Mocenigo, the proweditore generale, and Bernardo Morosini,
who had replaced his deceased brother Tommaso as capitano delle
navi, were always on the lookout for Turkish vessels from the northern
Sporades to the southern Gyclades. While the Turkish armada was as-
sembling at Mytilene, Grimani attacked the port of Ghesme (^esme),
capturing some vessels, and moved from place to place until in mid-July
(1647) his fleet was strengthened by the addition of five papal and a
half-dozen Maltese galleys. He also received further reinforcements from
Venice. As the months passed, however, the Christian casualties
mounted throughout the island of Crete, and Emmanuele Mormori puts
them as high as eighteen thousand, "il ch'e verisimile," for by and large

" A dispatch from Rome of 4 May 1647, summarizing an awisn from Venice dated 27
April, makes known the fact that 4,000 Venetian infantry and abundant supplies had
reached Candia, where the captain-general Grimani had just retitted his (leet, which (ac-
cording to the dispatch) consisted of 28 light galleys, four galeasses, and 12 ships. About
11 April he had sailed northward "per sorprendere qualche fortezsa o porto, et ivi tratte-
nersl per impedire airarmata Turcescha, che ancora si trovava In Negroponte per con-
durre le genti alia Canca, dove tuttavia vi continuava la gran peste, la quale all'incontro era
affatto cessau in Gandia" (God. Urb. lat. 1111, fols. 134''-135', di Roma li 4 Maggio 1647,
and in geneTvl cf., fWd, fols. 163. 166, 174''-175', 182', 183"-! 85', 193'. 197''-198. 208*.
218, 239. 25b\ 270, 278''-279'. 303, 31 \\ et alibi, 388).

" Nani, Historia della republica veneta, II (1686), 105-7, and note Romanin, VII
(1947). 267.

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Vetifee, Auatria, und tkt Turks in the Seventeenth Century

some forty percent of all the islanders had perished in two years or so of

warfare.^"*

The Venetians accomplished little by their naval maneuvering in
1647, although Kretschmayr notes that Alvise Leonardo pursued the
Turkish armada, now under the command of another kapudan pasha
named Musa, from March to June from one port in the Aegean to an-
other, and then from June to September blockaded the Turiu first in the
channel of Chios and thereafter in Monemvasia. When Musa Pasha went
from Crete to the Morea to raise more troops, he was caught in another
Venetian blockade, which led the Turks to take over all Christian vessels
in Ottoman ports. It was not a good year for the Venetians, at least not at
sea. Their efforts seemed all in vain, for Grimani and Moccnigo could not
prevent the Turks from conveying troops and supplies to the sultan's
army in Crete, which was getting ready to put the capital city of Gandia
under siege.

In the meantime the Venetians did much better against the Turks on
the Dalmatian coast, where Leonardo Foscolo took from the Turks the

villages of Obrovac, Nadin, Zemonico, and Vrana in western Croatia in
the area of Zara (Zadar). At Wana the Venetians acquired the "ban" or
caravanserai which the kapudan pasha Yusuf had built about three years
before. It is one of the few Turkish buildings which still exist in present-
day Yugoslavia. Foscolo also recovered the village of Novigrad, and
seised Scardona (Skradin) some six miles north of Sebenico (Sibenik).
He failed to take the town of Sii|j, Just east of Spalato (Split), but was
able to make secure (at least for a while) Venetian possession of the
great fortress at Knin. The fortress was soon lost, but the Venetians were
to recover it in 1699.^' Meanwhile the Venetians were eqjoying some

^* Mormori, (iucrm di Cundiu, MS. Marc. It. VII, 1563 (7596), fols. 40''-4 1', is eloquent
on the plight of the Cretans, "non si potendo massime ritirare dalla prattica de' feriti per
non consentire Tuso de Turchi, sicch^ non meno in clni che nelle ville ove si dilato fece
^nindissim.-i stragge, ma piu nclle donne, particolarmente ^ravide, delle quali niuna
campo, e ne' putti, siccome s'inoltrd in tutte le rimanenti parti del regno, e massime nella
citti di Gandia, dove ai dice che It morti di tutte le condizioni ascendevano a 18 m., il ch'i
vcrisimile, perche aniversalmcntc parlando non sono rimaste le due delle cinque porzioni
delle anime che abltavano detta isola, sebben anco in alcuni luoghi non e restata meno la
qnintfl . . (and cf. the almost iHegible text of the original in MS. Marc. it. Vli, 101
|8382|, fol. -48"). Pestilence was adding to the Cretan mortality.

" Nani, Histuria della republiea veneta, 11 (1686), 93, 112. 114ff., 144-46; cf. von
Hammer^Purgatan, Oesclk. d. oeman. Reichea, V, 408-10, trans. Hellert, X, 132-35, who
says, "Kin AnschlagderVenczianerauf Scardona misslanjj" (V, 400); Kretschmayr, Gesch.
von Vcnedig, III, 323-24; Anderson, Naval Wars in the l^evant, pp. 131-33; and note
God. Urb. lat. 1111, fol. 142, di Roma li 11 Ma/Utio 1647: "Di Venetia delli 4 'stante
scrivono che quella Republiea havesse di nuovo ordinato le Icvate di genti delle quali
continuamentc se ne mandavano in Candia e Dalmatia, di dove in Venetia era venuta la
conHrmatione della scritta presa al Turcho dcllc citta di Vrana e di Nadin con li luoghi di
Carino et Durazzo, havendovi fatti schiavi moiti Turchi con acquisto di ricchi bottini e da
500 cavalli, et li Veneti al numero di circa 10 m. si erano incaminati alia volta di Sebenico

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success, for on the morning of 28 September (1647) the Te Deum was
being sung in all the churches on the lagoon in thanks to the Almighty
because the Turks had been obliged to abandon a month-long siege of
the important Adriatic port of Sebenico and the adjacent Fort S. Gio-
vanni. The Turks had lost some 6«000 men "between death and flight" as
well as a large number of wounded. The Venetians had lost only eight
hundred men in the siege. The local inhabitants of Sebenico and the Port
had celebrated the Republic's success with **molte feste" and were now
looking forward to the replacement of cannon on their walls and burying
the bodies of the Turks "che in buon numero si trovavano per la cam-
pagna. . .

Early in 1648 the Venetian fleet embarked upon a sea of troubles.
Althou^ Gianbattista Grimani recovered Mirabella on the east end of
Crete, and headed for the Dardanelles to block the exit of the Turitish
armada, he ran into a violent storm in mid-March, losing sixteen or so of

twenty galleys off the island of Psara. Grimani and most of the crew of his
flagship ended their lives in the storm, but the provveditore Giorgio
Morosini and his brother Bernardo, the capitano dellc iiavi, decided to
bring back what was left of the tlcet to the island of Standia and the city

per scaccinrc cl:i quei uontorni, come havevano fauo li Turchi con In prcsn di Ciirdonn e di
2 altri lunghi, e che poi marcinsscro con ^ cannoni ail'acquisto dclla fortczza di Clissa per
tentare anco per I'lmpresa di quclla piazza, e che in Venetia eranu gionte lettere di I>evante
con avviso che il j^cneralc Grimani perveniito con I'armata veneta a Ncftroponte si fosse
impadronito de forni et magazzini posti fuori di quella citti con saccheggiarii et brugiarii,
havendo con tale occasionc proveduto essa arniata di gran quantita di biscotti, et che
detto Orimani havesse anco preso nel potto di Milo 6 vascdli Turchi che caiichi di viveri
andavano per servitio de la Canea.

"Soggionftono le medesime lettere che In Venetia si fosse attaccato fuocho nell'Arse-
nale, dove per II biioni ordini di quella Repiiblica non havcva fatto altro danno che abbru-
giarc il magazzino dci rcmi, facendosi gran dlligenza per venire in cognitione del autore, et
che nel serrate delle lettere fosse arrlvato un caico dl Dalmatia con awlso che II generale

F«)sec>l(» fncevii f.-ibrioare un fortino per tencre cli lA delle niontaSne II Turelil, havendo in
oltre fatto un ricco bottino di piu di 20 ni. capi d'animali tra grossi e piccoli," and note,
ibid., fols. Hr-lSO', 192\ 232', 27.V. 313, 326''-327, 357'.

Foscolo took the important fortress of Clissa on 31 March 1648 (Rdccnitu diplomatica
delta gucrra di Cundiu, MS. Marc. It. VII, 211 |7468|, fols. 124''-133, esp. fols. l.llff.).
Quite understandably, Foscolo became one of the heroes of his time {Lettere c onition in
commendation deW eccellentissimo Ser Lunardo Foscolo, procurator di San Marco,
general di Dalmazia et cupitan general da mar, MS. Marc. It. VII, 340 |7779|, 71 fols.,
with letters and commendations ranging from 1646 to 1653). Girolamo I^rusoni gives a
good deal of attention to Foscolo in his history of the Turco-Venetian war (2 vols., Venice,
1673).

Cod. Urb. lat. 1111, fol. ^]^. di Rnmu li 5 Ottohcrc 1647. and cf., ibid., fol. 319.
" Mormori, Guerra di Cundiu, MS. Marc. It. VII, 1563 (7596), fols. 53*-54''. Grimani
was succeeded as captain-general of the Venetian forces by the provveditore generale
Alvise Ix?onardo Moeenigo (ibid., fol. 55*'). On (Irimani's death, note the dispatch of 8
April, 1648, which dates the disaster on 18 March (MS. Marc. It. VII, 211 174681, fols.
134-1360.

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150

Venice, Austria, and Ute Turks in the Seventeenth Century

of Gandia. They soon received the reinforoement of a squadron under

Giacomo da Riva, however, and while Gioi^o Morosini continued on to
Candia with a half-dozen ^^alleys and as many ships, Bernardo Morosini,
Riva, and Antonio Bernardo, capitano delle galeazze, proceeded to the
Dardanelles to prevent the Turkish armada from entering the Aegean.
After refitting his galleys and adding others at Candia, Giorgio Morosini
also set out for the Dardanelles, where he arrived on 11 June, having
captured a TuriUsh galley off the island of Kea some two weeks before.
The Venetian naval force now consisted of seventeen galleys, three or
five galleasses, and some forty five sailing vessels.

The Turkish armada did not emerge into the Aegean for almost a year.
In the meantime the then kapudan pasha Ibrahim was put to death for
alleged corruption and treachery as well as for his failure to effect the
release of the sultan's armada from the Sea of Marmara and the strait
below Qallipoli. The next kapudan pasha, Voinok Ahmed, saw no point
in risking his inferior galleys in an encounter with the Venetians. He
moved his troops, munitions, and supplies by land to the mainland
promontory-^ opposite the island of Chios, where he assembled galleys
enough to carry the men and materiel to Canea.^* The Venetians divided
their forces to try to intercept the transport of the Turkish soldiery and
provisions, which they failed to do, as well as to continue the blockade of
the exit from the Dardanelles, which they succeeded in doing all the long
winter of 1648-1649.^

The summer of 1648 brought serious losses to the city and govern-
ment of Istanbul. The Christians* plundering of a rich convoy might have
been a matter of great concern except for the fact that a terrible earth-
quake struck the city in mid-July. It severely damaged the famous
mosque of Sultan Ahmed 1 (built between 1609 and 1616] on a Friday at
the very hour some four thousand Turks had gathered to say their
prayers. Pour campanili were ruined at Hagia Sophia and certain other

2" Gf. Mormori, Guerra di Candia. MS. Marc. It. VII. 156.1 (7.S96). fol. 56': "Quando alii
1 8 Giugnu 1 1 648| arrive alia Ganca una galera d'un Bei con avviso chc attrovandosi con le
conserve al numero di 22 a Scio fossero stati cavlati dall'armata Venesiana, che oon 3
galeazze, 17 galore, e 4 bertoni li seguivano, ma essendo risorto un temporale I'avevano
perduti di vista, c perche li ferri ch'esso getto per sorgere non fecero presa diede le velle al
vento e si ridusse in dettu porto. dove di memento sarebbero giunte !• aitre 21 galere con
alquanti minatori e spahi di Anatolia, e con 200 m. reali per dare una paga all'esercito,
awiso anco che il Re avesse fatto levar la vita al nuovo Capitan Passa imputato d'aver
ricevuto danari da Veneziani per non sortire a Mustafa Fassd, perch^ corrotto s'avesse
Panno antecedente rinchiuso a Napoli e per diverse altre cagloni a 6 altri e creato Capitan
Passii Volnic Agmet Passd con ordine di sortire, ma perche per IMmpedimento dell'annata
Gristiana cio riusciva impossibile, aveva condotto li dinar! per terra sopra le galere pre-
dette accioche li portassero in regno . . (the text being slightly altered on the basis of
Mormorl's original in MS. Maro. It. VII, 101 |8382|, fol. 690.

The Turk.s made little or no progress in the siege of Gandia during the year 1648 (von
Hammer-Purgstall, Gesch. d. osman. Reiches, V, 416-18, trans. Heliert, X, 141-44;
Kretschmayr, Oeach. von Venedig, III, 324<-25).

The Turco-Venetian War (164&-1653)

151

temples. A huge number of houses were destroyed, and more than thirty
thousand persons were said to have perished. The chief aqueduct of the
city had been demoUshed, causing a shortage of water, which was selling
at a whole reale for a single liquid measure, with suffering to many and
death to those who could not afford the price, all of which had produced
dire predictions as to tlie future.^

Earthquakes did not produce confusion enough, however, and heads
continued to fall in Istanbul. One never knew where he stood with Sultan
Ibrahim. Annoyed at being impeded by wagons in the city streets, Ibra-
him had ordered the grand vizir Salih Pasha to see that no more wagons
of any sort should come within the walls. Having then met up with a
wagon on 18 September 1647, Ibrahim summoned Salih into his pres-
ence, and straightway ordered his execution. Ahmed Pasha, then the
highest civil official (a katmakam), managed to displace a rival for the
grand vizirate, and thereafter attempted to destroy the family and the
supporters of the late Salih.*'' Absurd appointments were made at the
Porte, where astrologers helped to determine foreign policy. The Otto-
man court was ruled by the favorites, the "sultanas" and khassekis, of
the harem, to whom the prompt delivery of snow for sherbet counted for
more than a military command. Sultan Ibrahim lost touch with all reality
beyond the harem; his idiotic cruelty seemed to be mounting into mad-
ness. The Ottoman government was falling apart. Distress was inevitable
and widespread. Here and there the fearful and the discontented rose in
revolt.

While the sultan drowned himself in debauchery and extravagant dis-
play, the grand vizir Ahmed Pasha mismanaged the affairs of state with
self-seeking savagery. The sultan's idea of taxation was tantamount to

"Monnori. (hierru di Candia, MS. Marc. It. VII, 1563 (7596), fol. 58": "Tomava la
caravana dal CaiTo per la parte di Rodi e di Scio a Costantinopoli, quale fu incontrata
daH'armata (]ristiana, dalla quale a piu potere procuru di fuggirsene, ma non gli sortl,
perchc sopraggiunta dalle galere scittil restd In un momento disfatta c prcsn con danno
notabile de' mercanti di Costantinopoli, c con non pooo utile de' Cristiani. Ma questo fu un
niente in riguardo del danno e del presaggio sinistra che un gran terremoto fece in Gostan*
tinf)poli. perclie avendo atterrato con la sua violenza la famosa Moschea di Sultan Amurat
[sic\ in giorno di Venerdi neU'ora appunto che oravano appresso da 4 m. Turchi, et avendo
nivinato 4 campfnili dl quelli di Santa Soffia ed altri tempii e numero grandlssimo di case,
uccisc oltrc M) m. e piu anime e perchc la stessa violenza aveva dirocato I'aquedotto
maggior della citta riusci cotanto penuria di acqua che fu venduta un reale I'utrio |? litro ?|
oon patimento di molti e morte di alcuni che non avevano il oommodo di oompraria a
prezzo s) oaro. onde It giudizlosi fecero diversi pronostici di future rillevantisslme turbo-
lense nella citta e d'immincnti ruinc e disaggi" (with an incomplete text in MS. Marc. It.
VII, 101 (83821, fol. 72).

Von Mammer-I'urgstall. (icsch. d. nsman. Reiches, V, 410-1 1. 419ff.. 442. trans. Hel-
lert X, 135-36. 144ff., 169. Several Ottoman ofticials bore the title kai'makam {ka'im ma-
kam), the highest being the ka'imakam pasha, who remained in the capital to exercise the
authority of the grand vizir when the latter was absent on a military campaign. The
kalmakam was not permitted to intrude upon the military. Gf. the notice by E. Kuran in The
Bncydoffaedia oflOam, new ed., IV (Leiden, 1978), 461.

152

Venice, Austria, and the Turks in the Seventeenth Century

confiscation. The grand vizir sold offices of state like merchandise. At
length a cabal of Ahmed's enemies, largely composed of the aghas or
chief officers of the janissaries, whom he had failed to destroy, took a
firm stand against him. They enlisted the support of the mufti and the
ulema, and declared Ahmed deposed from the grand vizirate. The rebels
did more than effect his deposition, however, and soon had him put to
death. Turning their attention to the sultan, they complained of his ty-
rannical thievery and the hopeless corruption of the court, where the
dissolute women of the harem held sway. The peoples of the Ottoman
empire had been ruined. The infidel Christians had taken forty castles in
Bosnia, and now they were blockading the Dardanelles with eighty ves-
sels while the padishah gave himself over to lust and pleasure, extrava-
gance and corruption. The learned ulema had gathered, and issued a
fetva authorizing the sultan's deposition and the accession of his seven-
year-old son Mehmed [IV].^^

The mufti Abdurrahim, the new grand vizir Sofi Mehmed, the ulema,
the [twol kadiaskers or chief justices, and the aghas had a throne set up
before the Gate of Rapture, the entrance to the harem. The little
Mehmed [IV] emerged from the inner chambers of the Seraglio and, as
the reigning sultan, he received the obeisance of the vizirs and the
ulema. The mufti Abdurrahim was the moving spirit behind it all. After a
period of distress and doubt, however, even Sultan Ibrahim's mother,
Koesem, the Sultana Valide, accepted the accession of her grandson and
the deposition of her worthless son. An irate and indignant Ibrahim was
given formal notice of his deposition. When he protested that he was the
padishah, he was told: "No, you are not the padishah, for you have held
justice and faith for naught. You have ruined the world. You have wasted
your life in frivolity and lust. You have squandered the imperial trea-
sury on nothingness. Corruption and cruelty have everywhere ruled in
your stead!"

Ibrahim was imprisoned that day (8 August 1648), and when ten days
later it was feared that the sipahis might rise up on his behalf, the mufti
Abdurrahim, the grand vizir Sofi Mehmed, the kadiaskers, and the other
involved officials at the Porte decided that the aberrant Ibrahim must be
put to death. The mufti had reached the solemn conclusion that it was
right and proper to do away with a padishah who bestowed the responsi-
bilities of law and the sword not upon those who earned them but upon
those who bought them. When the mufti, the grand vizir, the kadiaskers,
and the other disaffected officials entered the Seraglio, the slaves and
servitors fled, for no one of them wanted to be on hand when the sultan

Von Hammer-Pur^tall, Oesch. d. osman. Reiches, V, 442, 448, trans. Hellert, X, 169,

176-77.

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was done to death. Even Kara Ali, the chief executioner of the Porte,
tried to hide, and then threw himself in tears at the feet of the ^and vizir
who, strikinj^ him with a cudgel, set him to the task.

The grand vizir and the mufti, followed by "black Ali" and the latter's
assistant, the porter Ali Hammal, went to the two-room apartment where
Ibrahim was imprisoned. They found him clad in a rose-tinted and red
garb, reading the Koran. He appealed to them, and reviled them. Tliey
had lived on his bounty, and now they had betrayed him. He recalled that
Yusuf Pasha had once advised him to put Abdurrahim to death "as a
mischief-maker without faith — but I did not kill you, and now you want
to kill me. See here the holy writ, the Koran, the word of Allah, which
condemns the cruel and the unjust." When the executioners laid their
hands upon Ibrahim, he burst into curses and invectives, reviling the
Turkish people for their faithlessness toward their ruler. Putting the oord
around his neck, the two Alls strangled him into enduring silence (on 18
August 1648). He was buried in the tomb of Sultan Mustafa I (1617-
1618, 1622-1623) by the entrance to Hagia Sophia.^ The young

On the deposition and death of Sultan Ibrahim, note Knolles and Rycaut, Turkish
History, ed. Savafe, II (1701). 108-9; see especially von Hammer-Purtstall, Oescfc. d.

ornnan. Reiches, V, 429-54. trans. (lellcrt, X, 156-84; and cf. Mormori. ducrra di Can-
dia, MS. Marc. It. VII, 1563 (7596), fols. 59''-63', who describes the renewal of Turkish
assaults upon Gandia after the death of Ibrahim (ibid., fols. 64*ff.). Although the works of

Knolles and Rycaut have long been linked together, only Rycaut's work still retains value
(S. F. Anderson, An English Consul in Turkev: Paul Rycaut at Smyrna 1 1989], pp. 229ff.,
239-41).

On the near revolt of the sipahis after the deposition and death of Ibrahim, note Mor-
mori, MS. Marc. It. VII, 1563 (7596), fols. 73''-75': "Gaminavano le cose di Constantino-
poli con non snido piede, perche doppo la deposizione e morte del Sultan Ibraim venivano
machinate di continuo novita et Amurat Aga, che n'era state potissima causa, doppo fatto
per Aga de' Giannizeri aspirava alia suprcma carica di primo vizir, quello che avendo
addossata a Mccmet Hassa la colpa d'aver licenziati li prenominati 14 bertoni, che si
rittrovavano alle Smime con lo esborso di 90 m. reali, ond'era seguita la fazion cosi dan-
nosa e disonorata per lore a Fochies, fu deposto li 20 Maggie, e creato esso successere
delta dignit.i di vizir Atom, e data la cnricn di Gianizcra^a a Mustafa oharsohiaus uno
delli (4] congiurati alia deposizione e morte del Re. . . .

"Ardevane i tumuiti In questo tempo In Gostantinopoli perchi non potendo soppottar H
spai I'ingiiiria fatta senza loro participazionc al Re erano rissoiti alia vendetta, alia quale
piu ardentemente aspiravano doppo il combattimento tra essi [et] giannizeri, come si
scrisse segolto In Gostantlnopolf, e per5 uniti sotto II comando dt Oengis Deibi si condus-
sero in numero di 50 m., e s'attendarono vicino a Gostantinopoli a Scutari, da dove man-
darono a chieder al Re la testa di 45 |che| n'erano stati delle dette rivoluzioni cagionate,
mtnacclando In altra nMniera dl pener il tutto a ferro et a fuooo. Gonoscendo Amurat Bassi
che questa tempesta minacciava particolarmente il sue capo volse far mossa contra di
loro, ma non potendo farlo senza espressa commissione in scrittura dal Re [Mehmed IV|
lo rioerod di quello con prettesto che mafanenassero I snoi sudditi, e che rioeioassero
sua madre.

"Rlspose II Re ch'esse non vedeva alcun sudditte a dolersi contra di lore, e che quanto
all'istanza che faccvano. esso era pronto a cempiacerii non solo nella testa della madre ma
in quelle di ogni altre che gli avessero rioeroato, perche li suoi schiavi non si uocidessero
tra di loro, di che sent! sommo dlsi>laoere nel ow»re. Cfliiamd sublto da Babllonia 5 m.

154

Venice, Autria, and tha IWto in the Seventeenth Centwy

Mehmed IV, who became known as "the Hunter," now began a reign of
almost forty years, toward the end of which the Turks were to sutfer the
mi^or misadventure of their history.

The fall of Sultan Ibrahim and the accession of his little son Mehmed
IV helped give rise to near chaos in Istanbul and in Anatolia. The janis-
saries suppressed an uprising of the sipahis and the attendants of the
Seraglio.^ The grand vizir Sofi Mehmed had a hard time maintaining
himself in authority, and in the spring of 1649 the news came from Crete
that the Turks had had to raise the siege of Gandia for want of men and
munitions. Sofi Mehmed and the then kapudan pasha Voinok Ahmed
were at odds, but on 6 May the Turkish armada emerged from the long
channel south of Gallipoli, sailing toward the port of New Phocaea (Yeni-
fo9a on the Gulf of Gandarli). In the meantime the dwindling fleet of the
Venetian commander Giacomo da Rlva had been reinforced by a half-
dozen or so ships from Gandia. Steering clear of the shore batteries on

Giannizeri e due altii dalle parti di Natolia, ma quest! conoaoendo 11 loro tvantaiglo si

unirono con li Spai a Scutari.

"Fece pcro strozzar il deputato visir, il suo chlagia, et II suo imbroghar [o] mastro dl
stalla, che vugliamo dire, e depose dalla carica il mufti, restituendo il gia deposto nel suo
se^lo per mitigare I'animo de' spai, che sommamente s'erano contra di essi sdegnati per
aver oonsuluu, data, e eseguita la sentenza contro esso Re, ma per questo 11 spai non si
Bono aoquletati, e II rimanenti TurchI st aono sdegnati contro dl lui per aver privato di vita
un deftcrdar per non averii dato luoco nella loro meschita mentre quella nazionc conserva
stile di dar luoco a' magistri nella chiesa o nei bagni" (and cf. MS. Maro. It. VII, 101 18382),
Ma. 93, 94*-95', on the basis of which I have emended the above text). On die deposition
and execution of the sultan Ibrahim, note also (among numerous oontemporaiy SOUroes)
Di^dev, Awiai di Ragusa (19J5), nos. ax-cxff., pp. 122ff.

von Haniniep>Porg8tall , Oeech, dL oetnan. Reiehea, V, 466-83, trans. Hellert, X,
197-217. Almost all Europeans (and especially the Venetians) were interested in the
Seraglio, of which there is a well-known Descrizione del Serruglio di Costuntinopoli
attributed to Ottaviano Bon in MS. Mare. VII, 923 (7800), fols. 1-33 (unnumbered), but
this aaOM manuscript, fols. 3R'^ff., also assigns the Deacription of the Seraglio to the bailie
Giovanni Soranzo (// Serruglio del Gran Signore descritto daU'eccellcntiftsimo Signore
Senatore Soranzo, bailo Vencto in Constantinopoli neU'anno 1646). MS. Marc. VII, 1083
(8531), names Ottaviano Bon as the author, and Pletro and Giulio Zorzanello, Inventari
del manoecrittt rfeffe Mbfforeche d'halta, LXXXV (Florence, 1963), pp. 143-44, give Bon
as the author of the Description of the Seraglio in MSS. Marc. VII. 976 (7966). and VII,
977 (7631). Of these two latter MSS., 7966 with 103 pp. of text gives some addenda to the
Breve Deacriexione cfef SermiHo del Turco in ConetantinopoH, and MS. 7631, Deact-
tione del Serraglio de' Turchi, has an interesting addendum describing the ceremonial
involving ambassadors to the Holy See in Rome, but I tind no indication of authorship in
•ItlMf of these two MSS. AH these descriptions of the Seraglio have essentially the same
tncipits and ejcpficit.s, all copies of the same work.

NIoold Barozzi and Guglielmo Berchet, Le Relazioni degli stati europei lette al Senato
da^ amdmadiatmri venemiani nel secolo dectmoaettimo, series V (Turchia), I (Venice,
1866), 59-115, have published the Description of the Seraglio, which they ascribe to
Ottaviano Bon, adding, ibid., I, 116-24, the Massime essenziali dell'lmpero Ottomano
notol* dol bailo Ottaviano Bon. Bon had been the bailie in Istanbul from 1604 to the
beginning of 1608. Maybe Bon was the author of the work on the Seraglio, but I keep
thinking of Giovanni Soranzo in this connection.

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the European side of the Dardanelles, Riva was ill-prepared to try to
block the exit of the kapudan pasha. Riva's force would seem to have
consisted of no more than 19 sailing ships, which could not be effectively
maneuvered on the calm, windless sea, which had assisted Voinok
Ahmed's departure from the straits with (it is said) some 65 galleys, six
galleasses, and a number of sailing ships. Different figures are given, as
usual, for the size of the Turkish armada.

Taking refuge in the harbor of Old Phocaea and along the neighboring
shoreline, for the janissaries objected to combat at sea, the kapudan
pasha Voinok Ahmed had to meet an attack by Giacomo da Riva on 12
May (1649). The janissaries cut the cables binding their galleys to the
anchors, and sought to flee. The Venetians are said to have captured a
galleass, one ship, and a galley but, more importantly, they succeeded in
setting fire to three galleasses, two galleys, and some nine ships. The
Venetian losses were much less heavy, but Riva apparently decided not
to press his luck unduly, and withdrew south to the Gulf of Smyrna (Izmir
Korfezi). The kapudan pasha regrouped his forces, sailing for the island
of Rhodes in early June. There his losses were more than made good by
the addition of some eighteen ships from Egypt along with ten galleys
and as many galleons from the Barbary coast. After stopping at Tenos
and Melos, he set sail for Ganea with ample reinforcements to renew the
siege of Candia. Although he had encountered the Venetians at Melos,
they did not attack him, nor did they impede his disembarkment
at Ganea.^

^' Von Hammer-Purgstall, Gesch. d. ostnan. Reiches, V, 484-85, trans. Hellert, X, 218-
19; Kretsohmayr, Geach. von Venedig, III (1934, repr. 1964), 326-27; Anderaon, Naval
Wurs in the Levant, pp. 1 36-39; and note Mormori, Guerra di Candia, MS. Maro. It. VII,
1563 (7596). fois. 72-73':

"Pathrano in Candia grandissima oarestia di biscocio e di panne li cittadini, perche aili
sold^iti non c mni mnncnto nsscgnamento sufliciente, ma giunsero 8 vascelli. e fii condotto
un caramusal con formenti preso a' Turchi da' Maltesi, che si oonsolarono. Arrivarono
medemamentc alia Caiica alcuni vatcelli barbari carichi di formento et altre vittuarie dall*
Egitto, e fornirono abbondantemente la cittik e tutto Tesercito. . . . Gionsero intanto 18
vascelli In Candia con vettovaglie e soldati et altre munlzionl da guerra e provviddero a
sufticienza la citta. Gionsero in oltre alii 21 Marzo 11649] alcune galere alia Suda.

"S'erano riddotte le galere di Cosuntinopoli In numero di 73 e 10 grosae con 12 vascelli
alle bocohe del stretto |the Dardanelles) per sortire dalH castelli, dove tatto rinvemo
|1648— 1649] ernno stati li beitoni e galere deH'nrniata Cristiana ad attenderle ed impedire,
et oaservando ogni opportuniti conobbero li 14 Aprile (1649] che per I'absenza delle
galere e galeazze Venete, e perchd non dlmoravano pid di 18 bertoni die bocohe, e quelli
s'attrovavano in bonazza. potevano senza ostacolo con la correntia del mare sortire co-
mandate pero all'uscita da Voinic Agmet Bassa, che (come si disse) era stato eletto ca-
pitano bami in luogo dello stroszato previo oapitano bassi, come persona d'auttorltik per
la dij^nita di visir, (In) conftionzione col Re (Mehmed IV). e come soggcttodi gran bravura et
esperienza. Uscirono senza alcun ostacolo, e s'avviorono verso Meteline. . .

Although the Turks met with some slight interference from the Christians, "velleggiando
piu presto Tarmata Tiirca, come piu leggiera, non fu raggionta da Cristiani, che pero
stimando fossero per fare il viaggio a Scio, si riddussero al porto di Foches, e s'avrebbero

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Venice, Austria, and the Turks in the Seventeenth Century

da 23 galerc de bci, parte delle qtiali mandorono alle Foches Vccchie per remuicbtare e
convogliare 4 saiche cariche di munizioni da gucrra, dove in capo di due |o trel ^ionil
arrivoFono anche li predetti 18 bertoni, e dato fondi alia bocca stettero fermi fino ohe ool
benefficio del vento potessero miiovcrsi. Stimorono li Tiirchi che per mancamento di aria
non avessero progredito, ne facendo gran conto de' Cristiani per il loro picciol numero non
prestd men at castellan del luoco orecchie il Bassa, che lo anunoniva a dover per sua
sicurezzfl far poner alciini cannoni alle bocche di detto porto, e schierasse Tarmata In
modn che restando nel mezzo un canale dasse adito alii pezzi del castello di giocare quando
ToccHsioiie in ricchiedesse. Ansi Tiniiurid, e feoe 8ok> awanzare le galleasxe a dettl vm-
scclli alle bocche.

"Sorse intanto il vento. e levandosi 7 bertoni guidati da Giacomo da Riva si scostorono
alquanto per prcndcrlo a loro vanta^io. e quando meno li Turchi lo credevano entrorono
li sci nel porto. L'uno si fermo alle bocche, et avvanzando cheti per mezzo de' nemici, fra
quali uno s'inoltro notabiimente. diedero fondo e serrate le vellc oltrc la chebba del trin-
chetto per poter glrare apcrsero li portelli deH'artiglieria. scaricando addosso li nemkri
tenipesta di cannonate con (loro) danno e terrore indicibile. S'avanzo il capitano Bassa con
la rcale seguitato dalla patrona, ma riccvcndo (tantoj danno dalle cannonate che avendo
perso I'arbore e I'antene 133 Turchi e 17 schiavi fu gansato da un vascello, e correva
rischio di perdersi, essendo massime fuggito in terra lo stesso capitan bassa, se Chischeti
Pascagli a forza di rimurchio non I'avesse staccata e libcrata. Non successe gia cosi alia
patrona perche affatto rimessa fu abbruj^i^iata con perdita di molte cassette de reali, che in
essa erano state caricate. Veduto cio dalle genti delle altre galere, sortirono tutte in terra,
abbandonando II icgni perch^ le cannonate non feoero esente alcuna galera, uccidendo
grandissimo numcro sicche per comun consenso de* Turchi, quando in compagnia de'
vascelli vi fossero trovate 10 galere averebbero al sicuro rimurchiau fuori del porto tutu
Tarmata Turchesca, e a suo talento dl quella disposto acquistorono nulladinieno una delle
galeazzc nuove. che furono in Costantinopoli fabbrieate, presero un vascello, acquisto-
rono una galera sottile per essersi li schiavi sollevati, abbru^iorono 6 altri vascelli et una
galeazza e liberorono da circa mllle schiavi che dall'altre maone e galere sottili fuggirono a
quelli con la sola perdita di un bcrtonc che per aver toccato in terra fu spogliato di quanto
fu possibile da Cristiani ed arso. Si stima che li Turchi tra morti e fuggiti abbiano perso 4
m. uomlni, gran summa di denaro carlcato sopra detta maona e patrona detta Oedechio e
tutta la riputazionc per csser .stati in cosi >«ran numero strapazzati e malmenati da 6 soli
bertoni Cristiani nello spazio di tre ore di giorno ed alcune della notte subseguente. Giunse
pertanto una fregata porta ndo awiso ai Cristiani che li barbari in numero dl 25 bertoni
d" Airier, compreso un' inglese prcso sopra Sapienza, e di 5 da Tunes! c di 16 [o 6) fialere da
Tunesi e Biserta e li Alessandrini in quantita di 29 vascelli, 9 Francesi, 4 Inglesi et iin
Piammengo, e il resto de* Turchi venivano, per il che subico si levarono dando respiro a
nemici e tempo di racconciar I'armata. Racconcin al mcno [meglio] che pote il capitan
bassa la sua armata. lasciando per mancamento di ciurma per inabilita due galere sottili et
una maona a Fochies, e porta tl a Solo lasold Ivl due altre galere sottili, e mand6 alle Smime
ad ammassar a forza de' soldi quanto maggior numero de leventi che pote per surrogarli in
luoco de' morti e fuggiti, non potendo senza detto aiuto proscguir il viaggio o pero anco
che tre |o tredicij vascelli Inglesi et un Fiamengo che si rittrovavano in detto Inooo dl
Smime, e che prima con Tesborso fatto di 90 m. reali in mano del primo visir erano stati
licenziati si contentassero dl ricevere alcune (i,crn\ e ridurse seco di conserva in Candia, e
sebbcne ricusorono quanto potero, piegorono tinalmente il collo alia forza, facendo ac-
cordo di condurli in prima a terra del regno, et occorrendo combattere per viaggio co'
Cristiani, ricevuto di mercede 8 m. reali per uno, compresl II soldi datill per la campagna, e
promcsse d'esenzione e privileggi sicche con 87 galere, 8 maone, e 73 bertoni si mosse da
Scio, tirando verso Napoli di Romania per levar il berlierbei Mustafa Bassa, che con alcune
^nti si trovava ivi per passare in campo sotto Candia In luoco del morto Ohassan Bassi,
avendo espedite le altre con fregate e con le squadre di Napoli in due viaggi in numero di
1,500 Inclrca" (and cf. MS. Marc. It. VII, 101 18382|, fols. 90''-92*, also fols. 117''-120', on
the basis of which I have made some obvious corrections in the text).

On Riva's victory at Phocaea. "In Asia ncl porto de Focchies a di 12 Maggio 1649," see
also the Ruccolta diplomatica della guerra di Candia, MS. Marc. It Vli, 211 (7468), fols.
142-144: "81 vlddero la mattina se^uente le genti dell'abbaUttta armata {Turoa) hiitfite
alia montagna disperse e vagarono abbandonate le restanti galere, morti dl 2,000 ToroMf

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The Venetians' burning of the Turkish vessels at Old Phocaea kindled
a flame of intrigue at the Porte, in which Mehmed IV's grandmother, the
Sultana Valide, and Kara Murad, the agha of the janissaries, brought
about the fall of the grand vizir Sofi Mehmed, who was banished from
Istanbul, and thereafter put to death.^ Kara Murad succeeded him as
grand vizir but, like all the grand vizirs during these years, he did not last
long. With trouble brewing in Anatolia, where a revolt soon broke out, on
1 July 1649 Kara Murad accepted a renewal of the twenty-year peace of
Zsitvatorok (of 1 1 November 1606), according to which the rulers of the
Holy Roman and Ottoman Empires were to recognize each other as "em-
peror." Although in 1606 the Emperor Rudolf had agreed to give the
sultan 200,000 florins in cash, the annual tribute to the Porte was forever
annuUed.^^ According to the treaty of 1649 the Emperor Ferdinand III
agreed to make the sultan a once-for-all gift of 40,000 florins to be deliv-
ered to the Porte within ten months of the Turkish ratification of the
peace {tranamittetur infra apatium 10. mensium . . . sponte promis-
sum Ulud munus valoris 40.nLjL pro hac vice et imposterum non
amplius . . . Imperatori Turcarum . . .).^^ It is perhaps superfluous to
add that, on the whole, the peace would not be kept.

gli altri malcontenti ritomati alle loro case, et rarmata tutta fracassata e disfatta" (fol.

144"), and note the Relatione della vittoria ottenuta dalle armi delta Serenissimu Re-
publica di Venetia sotto il commando dell'illustr. et eccellentiss. Sig. Giacomo da Riva,
capttan delle navi, cmuro I'armata turchesca in AaUt nel porto di Fochie 1649 adi 12
Maggio, Venice, appresso Gio. Pietro Pinelli, stampator ducale, 1649.

Giacomo da Riva made his own report (relazione) to the doge and Senate on 10 No-
vember 1653. See ASV, Ck)llegio, V (Secreta), Relazioni, Busta 80. He began the report
with the statement that "il regno di Gandia mirabile per il sue sito et insigne per la gran-
dezza et per tanti opportuni commodi, come tale celebrato nelle memorie deirantlchita,
reso in questi calamitosi tempi theatro infelice de i piu memorabili accidenti, o combatuto
dal Gielo con le pestilenze o angustiato dalla fortuna con la fame, e per il oorso d'anni nove
oggi mai invaso in gran parte, et impugnato dairarmi prepotent! del Turco sari il sogetto
della mia sincera et breve relatione (and contrary to the practice of many of his fellows, da
Riva did make his report brief] commandatami con parte espressa deU'eccellentissimo
Senato. . . ."

On the fall of SoH Mehmed, see von Hammer-Purgstall, Oesch. d osman. Reichea, V,
485-88, trans. Hellert, X, 219-22,

" On the treaty of Zsitvatorok, of. Setton IV, 1097; despite the high hopes of 1606, the
treaty had not estaUlshed a full peace between the Hapsbuigs and the Porte (iUd, p.

1098).

An important event in the history of imperial-Turkish relations, the treaty of 1 July
1649, was negotiated and signed by the imperial internuncio Johann Rudolf Schmidt von
Schwartzenhorn. It was to run for twenty-two and one half years: "Cumque excellentissi-
mus dominus supremus vezirius Murath Bassa ex sua absolute plenipotentia solito sigillo
et subscriptione munitum instnimentum horum tractatuum Juxta consuetudinem in lingua
Turcica mihi Caesareo Intemuntio tradiderit, ego vlcissim pro more veteri Latino idio-
mate instrumentum juxta articulos sequentes (nine articles define the terms of peace]
sigillo et subscriptione mea consueta roboratum ad ratiticationem tamen Augustlssimi
Imperatoris Domini mei clementissimi praedloto exceUentisslmo Domino Vezlrio exhibal
..." (.1. Oumont, Corps universel diplomMique, Vi-1 (17281, no. OOJUV, pp. 521-22, and
cf. von Hammer-Purgstall, V, 492-93).

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Venice, Austria, and the 7%irk» in the Seventeenth Century

Shortly after his arrival in Crete the kapudan pasha Voinok Ahmed
was killed by a cannon ball at the time of a Turkish attack upon Suda. He
had had his disagreements with Hussein Pasha, the serdar or general of
the land forces on Crete. The Turkish troops were mutinous, refusing to
return to the trenches at Gandia until the gunsmiths and sappers, who
had often been requested, were sent to help in the siege. Hussein's ene-
mies had encouraged the mutiny until they feared their own lives and
interests were in jeopardy. When the commanders of the Tuikish armada
made available to Hussein the needed sappers, sailors, and corsairs to
take a firm stand before Candia, the siege was resumed for two months.
More than seventy mines were exploded. The Turks lost more than a
thousand men, and the besieged lost their valiant commander, Count
Giovanbattista Colloredo."'^ Orders now came from Istanbul, however,
recalling 1,500 janissaries in whose place another 3,000 Janissaries and
1,000 sipahis had (it was said) been enrolled for service in Crete. But
when would they actually come to the island? It was only too clear to
Hussein, whose enterprise and daring had evoked the jealousy of his
competitors both on the island and in the capital, that once more dwin-
dling manpower would bring a halt to the siege of Candia.

Hussein Pasha had declined to serve with the kapudan pasha who had
been appointed as Voinok Ahmed's successor, and so the dignity of
grand admiral was given to Haideragazade Mehmed Pasha. The grand
vizir Kara Murad Pasha was pleased with the thought of Haider's going to
Crete, for he suspected that the latter had his eye on the grand vixirate.
Little would be done for a while, because the Turkish troops now went
into winter quarters. Meanwhile Istanbul was a welter of intrigue which
von Hammer-Purgstall has tried to depict, as the little sultan's grand-
mother Koesem, the Greek Sultana Valide, was engaged in an unending
struggle for supreme authority with the younger Sultana Valide, Tar-
khan, the sultan's Russian mother. Grand vizirs did not last long; Kara
Murad soon lost the paramount post, and was sent off as governor
of Budafpest]. He was to be replaced by Melek Ahmed Pasha in late Au-
gust 1650.

The Turks kept the V^enetian garrison at Gandia in close confinement
although in July 1650 the provveditore Alvise Mocenigo recovered the
small island of S. Todero off shore from Ganea.'*^ The divan in Istanbul

On Collorcdn's career, sec the article by G. Benzoni, in tlie Dixionario biogrc^ico

degli Ituliani, XXV 11 (1982), 80-82.

^ The "reacquisition" of S. Todero is described in the newsletter Riacquiato di S. Teo-
dnro dalle mani de' Tnrchi seHiiiin soffo j7 commando dell'illnstrii^simn et eccellentis-
simo Signor Alvise Mocenifio II, provcditor- deU arnuitu dclla Sereiiissima Republica di
Venetia, Venice, appresso Gio. Pietro Pinelli, stampator ducale, 1650.

The numerous signed dispatches of Alvise Mocenigo are to be found in the ASV, Senato,
Prow, da terra e da mar, Fiiza 1091, extending (in so far as they are dated) from 16

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ordered the conscnictioii of three strongholds In the area of Gendta, one
hard by the husaretto, another near the little fort of Castro, and the third
at die place where the Turkish troops usually disembarked for assaults
upon the city. The kapudan pasha Haideragazade had left Istanbul with
the sultan's armada in May (1650), but he could not get out of the Dar-
danelles owing to the Venetians' vigilant blockade of the exit with (it was
reported) 32 galleons, seven galleys, and two galleasses. Haider had trou-
ble with the Janiasariet, who detested naval warfare and travel by sea. As
the blockade went on, they found solace In ravaging both the European
and the Anatolian shores of the Dardanelles.

To help insure a better perfomumee of the Turks at sea the govern-
ment of the Porte ordered the arsenals on the Black Sea to build 29
galleons. The ships' carpenters were to use seasoned timber, for freshly
cut wood tended to crack as it got older. There was an increase in taxa-
tion. In the late fall of 1650 Hozamzade Ali Pasha of Rhodes was ap-
pointed kapudan pasha. Toward the end of the year he took on board
eight galleys and some ships of his own a thousand sipahls, four regi-
ments of janissaries, and odier troops, aalllng In the dead of winter from
the Dardanelles with no opposition from the Venetians, who had given
up the blockade on the assumption that the Turks would not take to the
sea at that time of year. Hozam Ali stopped at Chios, and went on to
Crete, where he arrived in a week with all his troops, provisions, and
munitions. For such extraordinary service to the Porte he was offered
elevation to the vizirate, but since the three horsetails that went with the
honor would have cost him 400,000 plasters, he decUned the costly
dlstinotloii.^* In any event the siege of Gandia went on, and Hosam All
had strengthened the Tuildah fbroes.

The grand vizirate of Melek Ahmed Pasha lasted only a year (1650-
1651). His was the second of ten appointments to the Ottoman presi-
dency within the scarcely more than a half-dozen years to come until the
appointment of the rugged Mehmed Kopriilii in 1656. Melek Ahmed
tried with straitlaced sincerity to solve the state's imperial deiicit. He
began with the bedeU thnar, a special levy on fiefs, which Is said to have
taken from the tlmarlota about half their income, cauaing rebellion In

September 1650 to 18 Pebmaiy 1651, Sjtilo) N|ovo1. The contiiroatfon of his dispatches
from 9 March to 15 October 1651 are bound, ibid., in Filza 936. Into both these "files"
misoellanies of other texts have been stuffed, most of them in a sad state of decay. Many of
the dispatches are gh^ pardy (or even wholly) In a namerlcd dpher; thay ara written la a
rather rapid secretarial hand which reveals little or no trace of calll/»raphic training Thesa
Hies also contain texts other than Mocenigo's detailed reports to the doge. The papar
doewnaals of the seventeenth eantaiy have succumbed to time and moisture to a far
greaiar extent than the parchmanc Mxca of eariler eras, but Mooaaifo's diapatohaa ara on
die whole in good condition.

Von Hammer-Purgstali. Ocacfc. dL oamon. Reicftca, V, 49»-501, 514-17. tnuw. Hal-
lert, X. 233-07, 250-&3.

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Venice, Auatria, and the Turka in the Seventeenth Century

Anatolia and in Crete. Although he was opposed to the sale of govern-
mental offices, Melek Ahmed sought to relieve pressure on the treasury
by allowing self-seekers to purchase their posts, setting up an accounting
office to keep track of the income, which hardly amounted to one-tenth
of what had been expected. Next he caused consternation in the divan or
council of state when he suggested that all the vizirs should give up for
two years the revenues they received from the imperial domains. It
might be a way of paying the troops, for the treasury had already col-
lected and disbursed the next two years' taxes.

The vizirs were distressed, however, at the thought of their incomes'
being diminished. After all, if the grand vizir sold an office at a good
price, he was likely to keep forty percent of the return. He could afford to
do without the revenues accruing from the imperial domains. But the
lesser vizirs lived on such income. Indeed, yes, explained Yusuf Pasha,
the second vizir: His assignment from the imperial domains amounted to
no more than a million aspers which, when added to the gift at Balram (a
festival after Ramadan), did not suffice to pay his expenses. It looked as
though the vizirs' costs of living would be going up as their incomes went
down. The third vizir, old Kenaan Pasha, a true Moslem, remained quiet
when his turn came, but the grand vizir pressed him to speak up with full
freedom. Well, said Kenaan, the janissaries' wages amounted to 800,000
piasters a year, but of that sum the aghas appropriated 300,000 piasters
for themselves. The aghas ought to help provide payment for the sol-
diery. If one seized the relatively small sums which hardly sufficed to
maintain the vizirs and their families, would the proceeds help the trea-
sury very much?

Kenaan's speech shocked the aghas, and Beshiktash remonstrated in a
soft voice, "But 1 have no income beyond my four hundred aspers a
day." That was all he had to say. It was clear that the grand vizir was not
finding the solution to the huge Ottoman deficit. The burden which the
vizirs and the aghas shifted from their own shoulders was thus to fall the
more heavily upon the poor, die ulema, the sheiks, the widows, and the
orphans by taking away all or part of their state pensions. The treasurer
or defterdar Emir Pasha recommended the complete cancellation, for
the current year, of the 17,000,000 aspers which was the overall cost of
the pensions.

When the old Sultana Valide, the wise Greek widow of Ahmed I (d.
1617), was informed of these deliberations, she summoned the guard-
ians of the state. **So you are taking the bread away from thirty thousand
pensioners. On whom do you want them to put the curse?" Sarikiatib,
the young Jackanapes of a scribe, had the impudence to reply.

Ah. dear lady, since the world began, no one has ever heard tell that fortresses
were taken by the prayers of mullahs and dervishes. If one asks who won this
batde, who took that fortress, the answer is Ibrahim Pasha the Drunkard or

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Someone Pasha the Bore. The prayers of the poor and the dervldies are of no
more use to us than chefar ourse is harmful. With no hesitation I wlO take their
ourse upon myself!

And so Melek Ahmed seemed to have found the solution to the deficit.
Thirty diouMnd pensions were allegedly suspended for a year. The pen-
sioners had no vote, no voice in the government.^

No, Melek Ahmed Pasha had not solved his fiscal problem, but he had
added to the social unrest both in the capital and in the provinces. His
next move was to corrupt the coinage, issuing at Belgrade a debased
asper with only about a third of the silver of the former asper. It now
required 150 — no longer 50 — aspers to vie with the Hungarian ducat.
The bedeli dinar, the levy on fiefs, was producing rebellion in Anatolia,
which extended into Syria and reached the Persian borders. A revolt
broke out in Smyrna (Ismir) when the local governor, in obedience to
orders from Istanbul, closed the warehouses to cut off die exportation of
wheat. Rivalries, fears, and suspicions in the capital almost caused a
serioua break between the grand vizir Melek Ahmed and the aghas. Ow-
ing to a corrupt coinage and an unstable government inflation was on the
rise, and yet dress and cookery were both attaining ludicrous levels of
luxury. As usual in Islam there was religious controversy, the fundamen-
talists storming against the liberals who condoned the smoking of to-
bacco and the consumption of coffee. Yielding to pressure from the
fundamentalists, the grand vizir forbade the dances and chants of the
dervishes and then, yielding to other advice, he forbade anyone to inter*
fere with their dances.

Melek Ahmed did, however, rather dexterously get rid of the mufti
Behayi, who annoyed him. Claiming that he had more important matters
to attend to, Melek Ahmed turned over to Behayi the resolution of cer-
tain demands the English consul in Smyrna was making of the Porte,
liked by the consul's daims and exasperated by the attitude of the En-
gliah ambassador, whom he summoned into his presence, Behayi heaped
insults upon the latter, and had him locked up in the stable. Insulting
everyone who remonstrated against his high-handed conduct, Behayi
evoked the ire of the aghas who succeeded, to Melek Ahmed's satisfac-
tion, in bringing about his dismissal and replacement by Aziz F^ffendi.
Getting rid of the bothersome Behayi doubtless gave Melek Ahmed some
satisfaction, but he had troubles evenrwhere (in the provinces as well as
in the capital), and was proving unable effectively to deal with them.

Von Hammer-Pur^uiil, Qeach. d. oaman. Reiches, V, 518-21, trans. Hellert, X, 255-
58, wiw gives the tocal of Che amivsl Occofimi penskm (sfetoekti kHHkmen Aapem) es

"soixante-dix millions d'asprcs," and takes the usual liberties with von Hammer's text. On
the old Suiuna Valide, note Mormori, Guerra di Candia, MS. Marc. It. VII, 156J (7596),
foi. 66.

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Venice, Austria, and the JSirkB in the Seventeenth Centwy

Having debased the asper, Meiek Ahmed proceeded to coin piasters
with a reduced silver content in the Ottoman mints at Belgrade, in Al-
bania, and in Bosnia. When he tried to force acceptance of this coinage,
at the rate of 118 aspers to the piaster, upon the mercantile corpora-
tions, he stirred up what became apparently the first irrepressible revolt
of the oorporadons In Turidsh history. The difficulties of merchants and
artisans were insurmountable when they had to exchange the sounder
western coinage for the cheap Ottoman mintage. In a great and boister-
ous nnreh upon the Seraglio the chiefs of the corporations, supported by
the masses of merchants and artisans, loudly demanded the removal of
the grand vizir. They claimed to have paid some forty taxes in the course
of the current year. The boy sultan and the old Sultana Valide had to give
way. Melek Ahmed fell from ofhce on 21 August 1651, and for a brief
period Si'ush Pasha replaced him. In the meantime the Porte had paid a
heavy price for the apparently well-meaning but certainly ineffectual
rule of Melek Ahmed.^

The war had been dragging on in Dalmatia as well as in the Aegean.
The years 1649-1650 had been a prolonged hardship, as Leonardo Fo-
scolo wrote the doge from Zara on 28 June 1650. Famine and pestilence
had beset the Venetian naval station at Zara, even invading Foscolo's
own household.^^ During these two years, owing to the war of Castro,
Innocent X's galleys had not joined the Venetian fleet Unsetded condi-
tions in Italian waters and in the peninsula had meant that the papal
galleys were needed to protect pilgrims going to Rome for the Jubilee
year.'*^ The Maltese had come, but iitde or nothing had been accom-
plished in these two years.

Venetian and Turkish galleys, galleasses, and sailing ships cruised
back and forth in the northern Aegean and among the Gyclades without a
serious encounter. Profidng by the experiemse of the past few years the
Turics had been adding larger sailing ships with broadside cannon to
their galleys and "mahones" (mawufiaha) or galleasses. The Venetians
still thought that their concentration upon the fleet rather than upon an
army was the way to save Crete from the clutches of the Turks. Their
annual blockade of the Dardanelles, however, had not prevented the
Turks from reinforcing their armament on the island by the transport of
men, munidons, and provisions to Ganea year after year. The Venetians

Von Hammer Purgstall. V, 521-39, trans. Ilellert, X, 258-76, with alterations in von
Hammer's text.

MS. Marc. It. VII, 340 (7779), fol. 22: "La guerra. la carestia, la peste, che per unanno
continuo atiligge questa citta, et che s'inoltro gia pure ncl mio palazzo, si posson chiamare
oompendii di tutti i mali. . .

Pastor. Oesch. d. P&pate, XIV-1 (1929). 136-39. 265-66. and HiaL Popes, XXX, 180-
85. 363.

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had certainly been assisted by the rebelliousness induced by Melek
Ahmed's grand vizirate. Six weeks before his downfall the Turks had
suffered a notable defeat in the first large-scale naval engagement of the
Cretan war. The Turkish setback had helped cause Melek Ahmed's
undoing.

Yielding to the high cost of leasing (and sometimes insuring) foreign
vessels, especially English and Dutch ships, the Venetians gave up the
blockade of die Dardanelles early in the year 1651, although they would
resume it at a later date. Despite the instability of the Tuildsh govern-
ment and the general disquiet in Istanbul, work had gone on in the arsen-
als, and on 21 June the kapudan pasha Hozambegzade Ali sailed from the
Dardanelles without interference. Melek Ahmed and the old Sultana Va-
lide had hoped for some success, for Hozam's armada was said to consist
of 53 galleys, 55 ships, and six mahones. The Venetian captain-general
Alvise Mocenigo seems to have had on hand and ready for action no
more than 24 galleys, 28 ships, and six galleasses. Actually this was a
large fleet for the Venetians, whose vessels were well built and sea-
worthy, as the Turkish vessels often were not. Anchored off the southern
shore of Negroponte (Euboea) at the beginning of July, Mocenigo was
informed that Hozam Ali's armada had sailed on 29 June from Chios to
the island of Patmos.

Anxious to stop the Turkish armada before it could reach Crete, Mo-
cenigo went on to the volcanic island of Santorin, which had been rav-
aged by a terrible eruption the year before. He reached Santorin late on
5 July (1651), and two da^ later the sultan's armada under Hozam Ali
Pasha was sighted on the eastern horizon. On 8 July the Turks attacked
part of the Venetian Heet in determined fashion. Five ships under Giro-
lamo Battaglia had to carry the brunt of the onslaught until relieved by
Luca Francesco Barbaro, Riva's successor as capitano delle navi. When
Alvise Mocenigo approached the scene of action, the Turks withdrew
toward the north. By the morning of 10 July the Venetian fleet caught up
with them between the islands of Pares and Naxos. The brothers Tom-
maso and Lazzaro Mocenigo, commanders of the two galleasses on the
left wing of the fleet as it approached the Turks, tried to attack some of
the pasha's galleys still taking on water at Paros only to find Hozam Ali
himself bearing down upon them with his six galleasses and some galleys.
Tommaso was killed, Lazzaro wounded, and their men and vessels were
in peril until Francesco Morosini, the capt'tano delie g/cMecuxe, relieved
them. Later on in the century Morosini was to emerge as the major figure
in Venice's wars with the Turks. There was another Francesco Morosini,
captain of the Gulf, i.e., the Adriatic, who was to be killed (as we shall
see) in the first "battle of the Dardanelles" in mid-May 1654.

After Morosini's rescue of the Mocenigos' galleasses the Venetian
right wing and battaglia broke the Turtdsh line, the center of which had

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Venice, Austria, and the Turks in the Seventeenth Gentury

been dislodged by Hozam Ali Pasha's descent upon the Mocenigo
brothers. The Turkish galleys took to flight, leaving those aboard the
sailing ships to fend for themselves. With the Turks in almost hopeless
disarray the fast-moving Venetian galleys closed in upon them, seizing
one mahone and ten or eleven ships. Setting tire to another tive Turkish
ships, the Venetians took some 965 prisoners."** It was a good day's work.

Alvise Mocenigo withdrew with the Venetian fleet and with his cap-
tured vessels to Gandia. He was soon joined by four papal and four
Maltese galleys, but there was no further action of importance for the
rest of the year 1651. Hozam Ali Pasha sought refuge at the Turkish
naval station of Rhodes, and thereafter sailed with forty galleys to Ganea,
encountering no obstacles along the way. In mid-September Alvise Mo-
cenigo gave up the captain-general's baton to his successor Leonardo
Foscolo, who spent the autumn pillaging the Sporades from Samos to
Kos, achieving nothing but the enmity of the Greeks. When Foscolo
returned to Gandia, Hozam Ali sailed back to Istanbul with 22 galleys,
five ships, and his remaining five mahones or galleasses.^^ He was re-
moved from his position as kapudan pasha or grand admiral about a year
later, on 3 October 1652, owing to his failure to achieve any success
against the Venetians.

In the meantime conditions at the Porte had been deteriorating. Al-
though the new grand vizir Si'ush Pasha checked the revolt of the mer-
chants, assuring them of the abolition of the excessive taxation which
had been levied on them, troubles were brewing in the Seraglio, which
had become the center of Ottoman government. The merchants nur-
tured an abiding hatred of the aghas of the janissaries, who had forced
them into submission. The aghas remained hostile to the merchants, who
had demanded their lives. For years the aghas had got along well with the

^ The Venetians' defeat of the Turkish armada between the islands of Paros and Naxos

on 10 .luly 1651 is described in the Raccoltu diplnmatica dclla ^iierra di Gandia, MS.
Marc. It. VII, 21 1 (7468). fols. 16(r-164'. dispatches dated "in the waters of Paros \Paris\
on 13 July 1651." Owing to a typographical error, the date appears as 1650 in Setton, IV,
1101a. There is a brief account of the battle of 10 July 1651 (based upon the later literary
sources) in Gino Damerini, Morosini, Milan, 1929, pp. 66-69, who also notes, pp. 69-73,
the dissension within the Venetian high command after the battle.

In a dispatch to the doge and Senate dated 15 July 1651, one of Mocenigo's longest
dispatches, he has described the batde of Paros of five days before (ASV, Senato, Prow, da
terra e da mar, Filza 936, pages unnumbered). Following Mocenigo's report of 15 July,
Filza 936 provides us with a list of the more than fifty Venetian commanders of the gal-
leasses, galleys, and ships which won the battle: "Notta de illustrissimi cap! da mar, gover-
natori dc galcazzc, galce, sopracomiti, et govcrnatori di nave trovatisi al ultimo combati-
mento con gloriosa victoria contro I'armata nemica, seguito li dieci luglio 1651, SltiloJ
N[ovo|, net Canal de Paris! e Nixia sotto la diritlone et commando del Ulustriatlino et
eccellentissimo Signor Alvise Mocenigo, rrocurator, capitan general da mar."

*^ Anderson, Naval Wars in the Levant, pp. 142-45.

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"sultanas,*' as the westemen oaUed them, In the harem, but now two
hostile parties had grown up in the Seraglio. One had gathered around
Koesem, the old Sultana Valide, who at times had all but ruled the Otto-
man empire under her husband Ahmed I, her sons Murad IV and the
sex-mad Ibrahim, and now her little grandson Mehmed IV. The other
party had ralhed around Tarkhan, the young Sultana Valide, the mother
of Mehmed IV. Koesem depended upon Begtash, agha of the janissaries;
Tarfchan upon the black eunuch Suleiman Agha. Suleiman had gradually
wrested power from the old Sultana Valide, and was therefore at serious
odds with the aghas. Twelve days after Melek Ahmed had had to step
down from the grand vizirate, the enmity between Koesem and Tarkhan
reached the point (on 2 September, 1651) from which apparently no
return was possible to the superficial sufferance of the past.

Loath to see authority slip from her hands the old Sultana Valide, wise
and kindly as she was, undoubtedly did encourage the aghas of the janis-
saries to intervene on her behalf to remove Suleiman, the chief eunuch
in the Seraglio, and to reduce to nothingness the now large Importance
of her rival, the young Sultana Valide. Von Hammer-Purgstall assures us,
however, that there is no evidence to support the charge that the elderly
Koesem planned the assassination of her grandson Mehmed IV in order
to undo Tarkhan and her partisans in the Seraglio. Koesem might well
have preferred to see Mehmed's brother Suleiman on the throne, for the
letter's unambitious mother would have been easy to manage. Whether
or not there was such a plot against the litde Mehmed's life, a slave
named Meleki Is said to have informed TaiMian that her enemies were
going to feed her son a poisoned sherbet, which gave Taridian the idea
that she had better do away with the old Sultana Valide.

Working with the old Sultana Valide, the aghas of the janissaries had
asked the grand vizir Si'ush Pasha to enroll more troops, and getting
together at the janissaries' barracks, they had sent word to the divan that
they wanted the black eunuch Suleiman and two of his fellows, the young
Sultana Vallde's strong partisans, to be banished forthwith to Egypt.
TaiUwn's spies had kept her supporters well Informed, however, and die
eunuch Suleiman realized that die time had come for decisive action.
Assuming perhaps that he was more likely to be slain than banished,
Suleiman vowed with fourteen other eunuchs to kill the old Sultana
Valide, whom they held responsible for the janissaries' address to
the divan.

It was night time. The pages of the Seraglio had gone to bed. The
eunuchs were sitting up to guard the sultan. Suleiman is said to have
armed a hundred and twenty white eunuchs who would do as he charged.
Going to the window of the first chamber of the pages, Suleiman cried
out to them that while they slept, the janissaries were invading the Se-

166

VctUCe, Awtrkh and the Turka tn the Seventeenth Century

nglio, planning to put them all to death. The janissaries also intended to
strangle the little Padishah, and set on the throne the agha Begtash, who
was going to marry the old Sultana Valide!

It was a rousing call to arms. The pages responded with alacrity, and
were straightway joined by the pages of the other chambers. Those of the
first chamber were more than ready to do batde with the janissaries,
whose chief agha had closed on them the door which led to advance-
ment, bestowing upon others posts which they regarded as rightfully
theirs. After slaying the chief officer of the first chamber, the pages
pushed on under the eunuch Suleiman's leadership to the old Sultana
Valide's apartments. She was being guarded by her own eunuchs, some
of whom were killed while others fled. Suleiman and his followers burst
into the Sultana Valide's antechamber. She was expecting the janissaries
to invade the Seraglio and solve her problems. Hearing all the commo-
tion, she cried out from behind locked doors, **Have they arrived?"
Suleiman answered, "Yes, they have. Now you come out!"

Yes, they had arrived, but she did not come out. She realized who had
arrived, and she fled to the farthest comer of her apartment, seeking
refuge in a wardrobe. Her assailants broke down the doors, invaded the
apartment, and shattered various wardrobes, quickly discovering the old
Sultana Valide's hideaway. As they pulled her out, she tried to buy them
off, scattering gold and jewels among them. It was no use. One of the
attacking mob cut the cords from a curtain. He strangled her with them.
A vigorous old woman, it took her some time to die, as blood streaming
from her nose and ears stained the garments of those who held her. They
had killed the great philanthropist of their time, a builder of khans and
mosques, a guardian of widows and orphans, a benefactor of those in
hospitals and prisons. The partisans of Tarkhan, the young Sultana Va-
lide, and of her chief counselor, the black eunuch Suleiman, had indeed
triumphed over the leading hgure at the Porte.

Widi surprising rapidity the janissaries, who had little confidence in
their aghas, were becalmed. New leaders and other officers were as-
signed them. The three chief malcontents, including the old Sultana
Valide's friend Begtash Agha, received appointments as provincial gover-
nors to remove them from Istanbul. Begtash was to go to Brusa, the
others to Temesvar and Bosnia; the latter went off to their posts, but
were overtaken and put to death along the way. Begtash, who doubtless
knew what lay ahead, never set out for Brusa, but sought to hide in the
city, hoping that the wheel of fortune might turn once more in his favor.
It did not do so, for he too was soon caught and strangled by alleged
order of the boy sultan Mehmed.

Several others paid the price of their ambition; prominence was a
risky business at the Porte. Within two weeks the whole cast of govern-
ment had changed in Istanbul. As for the old Sultana Valide, twenty-four

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houra after she had ordered the Janissaries to oome to the palace to do
her bidding her body was taken to the old Seraglio, with all the court in
attendance, and thereafter she was buried near the tomb of her husband

Ahmed in the mosque which the latter had built in the capital/*

Peace seemed to descend upon the Porte, but a grave unease contin-
ued. The grand vizir Si'ush Pasha escaped the trials of September 1651,
having exercised a good deal of skill in the management of affairs. Litde
was done, however, and litde was to be done for some time to advance
Ottoman interests in the war against Venice. Turkish and Venetian ships
and galleys still sailed back and forth in the Aegean, but hardly anything
of note occurred during the year 1652 despite another Venetian blooli-
ade of the Dardanelles and the kapudan pasha Hozamzade Ali's unsuc-
cessful attempt upon the Venetian island of Tenos.'*^ Until mid-August
the captain-general Leonardo Foscolo had the assistance of seven Mal-
tese but no papal galleys. Although active through most of the year, he
was unable to strike an effective blow at the Tuiks. In 1653 Foscolo
again moved here and there in the Archipelago, being Joined at the island
of Nisyros in June by the seven Maltese galleys, but once more litde was
accomplished. The Turks delivered provisions and munitions to their
forces on the island of Crete, took the little fortress of Selino on Suda
Bay, and repaired the shattered fortifications on the island of S. Todero.
By this time the aging Foscolo had rendered the Republic years of bold
and devoted service. He had become tired of it all,^ and who could
blame him?

The apparent peace at the Porte did not last long, for the rivalry be-
tween the black kislaraga Suleiman and the grand vizir Si'ush Pasha soon
developed into extreme hostility. The young Sultana Valide lacked the
sound judgment of the late Sultana Koesem. She was also less decisive
and, quite understandably, relied unduly upon the self-seeking Sulei-

^ Von Hamni«r-PurS*t*H< Oemch. d. omtnan. Rcicfc**, V. 539-52. tram. Helleit, X.

276-91.

Von Hammer-Purgstall, Oesch. d. osman. Reiches, V, 564, 590, trans. Hellert, X, 305,
332. Hozamzade All was removed from office because of his failure to take Tenns.

^ Glimpses Into Foscolo's naval activities during the spring of 1652 and the fall of 1653
may be found in MS. Marc. It. VII, 340 (7779), fds. 43-50, the texts being awM of
March, April, and May 1652 and a signed dispatch of Fosoolo lO the doge Francesco da
Mdin dated at Candia on 29 October 1653. Note also Anderson, Nmxil Wars in the Le-
tMMif, pp. 145—46.

As for Foscolo's increasing fatigue, three years before (on 28 June 1 650) he had written
the doge, "Cinque anni sono hormai che senza rcspiro assisto a questa laboriosissinu
oarica, vertendoMmpre ne' rnaggfcni disaggi, agitatinni, e patimenti lierisslml.perqnallse
non si fussero estenuate le forze, sarebbe un miraculo della divina omnipotenza, come e
gratia sua particolare, che tanto v' habbia potuto ressisterc e sussista tutt' hora nelle
proprie languidezze aggravate da un peso di sessanUI doi anni" (MS. Marc. It. V'll, 340
|7779|. fol. 22*). a. Nani. Historia della rejnMica veneto, II (1686), 241-42, 253-54,
265-67.

168

Venice, Austria, and the Turks in the Seventeenth Century

man. Although she did not accede to the latter's demand for Si'ush's
head, the grand vizir's property was confiscated, and he was sent into
exile. To guarantee his own possession of power Suleiman secured ap-
pointment to the grand vizirate of an old fool, allegedly ninety years of
age, who promptly appointed his brother, another old fool, as provincial
governor of Damascus.

The new grand vizir, Guiji Pasha, embarked upon a new series of exiles
and confiscations, imprisonments and executions. Before Guiji's eleva>
tion to the second post in the empire the Sultana Valide had asked her
kiaya, the architect Kasim, who had witnessed the ups and downs of
Ottoman government for years, about Gurji's ability. Kasim thought it
would be far better to leave Si'ush as grand vizir. Gurji was an imbecile.
Kasim's choice for the grand vizirate would have been Mehmed Kopriilii.
When the Sultana Valide suggested to the kislaragi Suleiman that it
might be well to have Mehmed KdpriilQ work with Guiji in the grand
vizirate, Kdprfilii was soon sent into exile. His sponsor Kasim was im-
prisoned in the Seven Towers, and thereafter banished to the now sleepy
island of Cyprus. Such was the Ottoman government.

Efforts of the Venetians to negotiate what they regarded as a reason-
able peace with the Porte were getting nowhere at all, but the grand vizir
Gurji Pasha was happy to receive the imperial internuncio von
Schwartzenhom, who brought him Ferdinand Ill's ratification of the old
treaty of Zsitvatorok. One war at a time was enough for the Porte, espe-
cially since the shah of Persia had just established diplomatic relations
with .John Casimir, the king of Poland. Hut if the Venetians were making
no progress in their search for peace, the Turks were making no progress
in their prosecution of the war. The kapudan pasha Hozamzade Ali's
failure to achieve any worthwhile success against the Venetians led, as
we have seen, to his removal from the grand admiralty, to which Dervish
Mehmed Pasha was appointed. Considering the distractions and enmi-
ties which filled the minds and took the time of the chief officials at the
Porte, would Dervish Mehmed do any better? Hozam Ali had been
brought back in chains to Istanbul, fined a hundred purses for failure,
and then was released and given a lesser naval command.

When the extent of old Gurji Pasha's incompetence had become pain-
fully conspicuous, he was removed from the grand vizirate, which was
given to Tarkhunji Ahmed Pasha after long consultations at the divan.
Tarkhunji accepted the post with the understanding that he would see to
the proper equipment of the sultan's armada (over which the insistent
Dervish Mehmed Pasha now presided), continue the war for the con-
quest of Crete, and levy the required imposts to raise the necessary
funds. Like many grand vizirs in the past, Tarkhunji was an Albanian by

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birth, with • long administnitive experience, bat hit harsh and tanpracti*
cable efforts to raise the reveMies necessary fmr the Ottoman treasury

proved unsuccessful. For a decade expenses, increased by corruption
and Inefficiency, had grown with every year until now (in 1 653) the costs
of government allegedly exceeded income by some 120,000,000 aspers,
but no one had devised acceptable means of reducing the deficit. Some
things were accomplished, however, during Tarkhunji*s grand vislrate,
among them the banishment of the kislaragii Sufeiman, the black eu>
nuch. There seems to be no evidence that the Sultana Valide missed him.

Theological dissension came to the fore again for a while. An earth-
quake caused widespread ruin in Asia Minor in late February 1653.
Something always seemed to be going awry. Tarkhunji Ahmed was using
available funds to pay the wages of the restless sipahis, which exasper-
ated the ambitious kapudan pasha Dervish Mehmed. On one occasion
this led to a quarrel when Dervish found himself at the Arsenal with
Tarkhuqji and the defterdar Sumasen. Dervish told the grand vixir, *Tou
simply must give me money!** After all, Tarfchuq|l had taken the grand
viziratc with the realisation that he was to prepare Che annada for action.
The defterdar observed that they could not extract money from the
stones, which remark led to a heated quarrel between Dervish and the
defterdar.

When Tarkhui\ii tried to introduce a note of quiet into the violence of
their dbpute, Dervish turned on him In anger. The grand visir had been
playing fast and loose with him, he said, and henceforth he would not
accept a draft to be drawn on the treasury, the payment of which was

always being postponed. He must be able to count on three hundred
purses of ready cash. It is not hard to see why the Turks should have
avoided any large-scale encounter with the Venetians during the years
1652-1653. A serious defeat of the sultan's armada would have made its
rebuilding difficult. By weaving in and out of the sealanes, however, the
Turks had managed to elude Leonardo Po8Colo*s sailing ships and galleys
and to reinforce their hold upon Crete by transporting men, munitions,
and provisions to the island.

The dispute at the Arsenal had unfortunate consequences for Tar-
khunji Ahmed Pasha. When informed of the wrangle. Sultan Mehmed IV
summoned Tarkhunji and Dervish Mehmed to appear before him. The
latter made clear he had received but a paltry sum to maintain the ar-
mada. Tarkhui^l declared that the drafts to be drawn on the treasury
were In every way the equivalent of money. If Dervish oould not wait,
however, for the dates on which they fdl due, he still had no problem.
Dervish was rich enough to assume the responsibility of paying the
troops from his own pocket. Reimbursement would obviously be made
at an appropriate time by the treasury. Tarkhui\ji's sarcasm was ill-ad-

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Venice, AuBtria, and tht Turks in the Seventeenth Century

vised; the sultan was offended by iC Indeed, it was doubtless at this time
that Mehmed decided quickly to remove Tarkhunji from office. When-
ever a grand vizir made a false step, his enemies were sure to come
together to undo him.

Tarkhunji's bluntness and the harshness of his administration had
given him the full quota of enemies that the grand vizirate was likely to
produce. They seem to have convinced Mehmed IV, who was quite will-
ing to listen, diat Tarfchunjrs fallout with Dervish Mehmed was owing to
the fact that Dervish would not Join him in a conspiracy to replace
Mehmed on the throne by his younger brother, the prince Suleiman.
When Mehmed now showered praise and gifts upon the grand vizir, Tar-
khunji realized that such gestures were intended to deceive him. His
time had come, as he acknowledged to certain friends. To serve the
sultan, he had turned the worid against him. Death had long been the way
the sultans repaid their servitors. And It was not long before Tarkhunji
was summoned Into the Imperial presence, and strangled (on 20 March
165vl), Dervish Mehmed being made the grand vizir in his stead.

Dervish Mehmed's accession to power was the prelude to several more
executions, some of them apparently not undeserved, and of course to
numerous promotions and removals from ofhce. Surnazen, who had ac-
quired Dervish's enmity, was sent off as governor and defterdar to Te-
mesvir, and was soon fined two hundred purses. Some persons, as usual,
sought retirement with as ample a pension as they could obtain from the
Porte. Despite Dervish*s elevation there were long delays in rebuilding
the Ottoman armada In the Arsenal at Istanbul. The Turks at court found
some encouragement, however, in the fact that Fazli, the enterprising
pasha of Bosnia, sent Mehmed IV in March 1654 two hundred Christian
heads and some 220 prisoners as evidence of his success against the
Venetians In the disputed area of Knin in western Croatia.

The dubious financial operations of the kiaya of the Arsenal as weU as
the discord which soon arose between Dervish Mehmed and Kara Murad
Pasha, the new kapudan pasha, who had himself been the grand vizir
three years before, had slowed the pace in the Arsenal. The arrival of a
squadron of so-called corsairs from Tunis and Tripoli, however, now
quickened work on the Turkish ships and galleys. The Barbary beys were
received several times by the sultan, who gave them money and riggings
which the reluctant klaya was obliged to produce.

Murad Pasha and the Turkish commanders decided to adopt the cus-
tomary order of battle (if they met the Venetians on the open sea) with
the Tunisian vessels in the right wing and those from Tripoli in the left.
The galley of the kapudan pasha would sail with the battaglia or center
squadron. After the usual distribution of kaftans to the officers Murad
assembled the armada at Beshiktash near the tomb of Khaireddin Bar-

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barosM, promptly moved toward the Seven Towers, and despite the

objections of the kiaya continued on to GallipoH. The former kapudan
pasha Hozamzade Ali sailed out of the Dardanelles with three galleys,
apparently opening up a way through the Venetian ships and galleys
under Giuseppe Dolfin, who was tr>'ing to blockade the straits. Hozam
Ali landed at Tenedos, where the beys of the Archipelago had brought
toother their forces," and now certain events were about to take place,
in which the Venetian populace and the nobility would long take pride.

" Cf % on IIaminer-Pui«»taU. V. 553-60. 566-^. 598-99. trans. Hellert, X. 292^300.

307-27, 339-40.

Naval Battles at the Dardanelles
(1654-1657), the Cretan War,

and Papal Aid to Venice

he first of four important naval combats now lay just ahead.
Although the Hnal outcome would be another victory for the
Turks, the Venetians' performances at sea during the years
1654-1657 remain among the more notable events in the eleven centu-
ries of their history. The first of the famous "battles of the Dardanelles'*
took place on 16 May 1654. Although the Venetians were loath to admit
it, they lost the encounter. We shall deal with the event in some detail,
and pass more rapidly over the Venetians' engagements with the Turks
in 1655-1657. What seems to be an eyewitness account of the first
battle of the Dardanelles is preserved in a bulky manuscript in the Mar-
ciana. While the report appears on the whole to be accurate, it was
prepared by a Venetian, and is strongly slanted in favor of the forces of
the Republic. Having apparently been printed, it was presumably used
as propaganda when Venice was seeking aid from the Christian princes.

According to this account, in early May (1654) the kapudan pasha
Kara Murad moved south toward the Dardanelles, the "Gastelli," with an
armada of 79 vessels — 33 sailing ships, including four from France and
two Barbary pinchi, 40 galleys, and six mahones or galleasses. South of
the Dardanelles, "at the point of Greece," the beys of the Aegean had
assembled 22 galleys, and opposite them "at the point of Troy'* the

172

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173

Barbary corsairs had brought together 14 ships, giving Murad a naval

force of some 115 vessels. We are informed that as Murad reached the

narrows, the heys and the Barbary corsairs were supposed to attack the
Venetian Heet under Giuseppe Dolfin, capitano delle navi, who had
been maintaining a blockade of the strait. As Murad came south, DolHn's
vessels were stationed to the south of the narrows, i.e., the channel
between the modem towns of Cenakkale on the east and KUltbahlr on
the west. Dolfin had at his command two galleasses, eight light galleys,
and 16 sailing ships, some of which were not in good condition. In view
of the numbers of the Moslem vessels and the positions they had taken, it
was clear that "we were surrounded within and without, but the appear-
ance of so great an armada brought us no fear — because our hearts were
given over to service of the faith and of the fatherland, it was not easy to
intimidate us."

CSonsidering, however, the situation in which the Venetians now foumi
themselves and the inadequacy of their fleet, our source does acknowl>
edge that not all the captains of the vessels facing the Turks were confi-
dent of a favorable outcome. In fact that infamous wretch, captain Zoni
de' Bianchi of the ship Margarita had deserted his fellows, and fled to
the Turks, informing them of the weakness of the Venetian forces. Murad
Pasha had left the waterfront area of Beshiktash on 10 May (1654). He
moved toward the Castelli at the mouth of the channel on the fifteenth.
Early the next morning he came upon the Venetian fleet within the Dar-
danelles. Murad, clad as a common sailor, had left his flagship, boarded a
small frigate, and then run through the Turkish lines, bow and arrow in
hand, giving an example of enterprise and encouraging his forces. Also, if
the Venetians aimed at his flagship, they would not find him aboard.

The Turks came on rapidly with a strong northerly wind "con gran
fondamento/' their ships and galleys so numerous that our informant
thought the Venetian fleet would have been lost without the intervention
of the Almighty, truly *'un patente mlraoolo." He says it was generally
rumored that the grand visir Dervish Mehmed had come down to see the
battle, along with some thirty thousand people who had gathered on
both the Anatolian and the European sides of the strait. Turkish boats
and brigantines left the shores bringing Murad Pasha's forces still further
reinforcements. The Venetian commander Giuseppe Dolfin had sent
written orders to the captains of aU his ships and galleys to keep their
vessels at anchor when the first assaults of the enemy came, "chi doves-
sero ricever li primi assalti dellMnimico combattendo al ferro." When the
northerly wind and the current had carried the bulk of the Turkish ar-
mada beyond the V^enetian fleet, "as must inevitably happen," then they
were to cut the cables, and fight with the wind behind them as their ally,
attacking the Turks from the rear.

The captains of a dozen ships, however, failed to obey Dolfin*s orders,

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Venice, Autria, and tkt Turka in the Seventeenth Century

"whence of 16 ships only four remained (at anchor] to meet the furious
attack of so great an armada." Whether the tragic error began with the
disobedience of a few captains, and the others followed because they
thought Dolfin had changed his tactics, it is impossible to say. At any
rate instead of following the dozen ships which were soon seeking an exit
from the channel, the Turks believed it more to their advantage to try to
capture Dolfin's flagship, "giudioandolo molto glorioso." "Thus very
quickly tlie flagship was surrounded by the entire armada, heavy vessels
and light, at the stem, at the prow, on the port and starboard, and
everywhere."

Without inquiring into the possibility of 79 vessels surrounding a sin-
gle ship, we may note that Dolfin invoked the name of the Almighty and
of the Blessed Virgin, urging his men to follow his example. Standing
conspicuously on deck without annor, he seised a scimitar, and said in a
loud voice that true Christians and faithful subjects of the Republic must
now make known their loyalty to the state. He was determined to have
the enemy pay deariy for his death. He was answered by massive cries of
agreement. The seamen and soldiers would rather die than fail in their
duty to Christendom and to Venice. Dolfin was much loved by his men,
according to our source, because of the good treatment they had re-
ceived from him. And now the battle started with a fierce attack upon
Dolfin's flagship {capitana), as the Tuiks streamed aboard from the
flagships of the kapudan pasha and his second-in-command, the two
Turkish vessels being loaded with an astonishing range of musketry,
**due sultane cariche di tanta moschettaria che facevano stupire."

Dolfin's men fought so vigorously, according to our informant, that the
flagship of the kapudan pasha (he was not aboard) was knocked out of
the battle, "whence our men went aboard her, and seized all che ban-
ners.** Two hundred Tuiks lay dead on deck, **one on top of the other;**
the rest of them took such cover as they could. ''Continuing the combat
in this way we became aware of the fact that our ship had got so dose to
shore that we thought ourselves lost." Dolfin dropped an anchor,

and the enemy believing us to have gone ashore came upon us with ail tlieir
mahones, galleys, and ships. Some came aboard by the stem, otheis by the
starboard or port side, still others by the prow, and on all sides we put up a
stalwart defense of ourselves with the aid of the Messed Lord God.

Despite the constant intervention from heaven it did look as though
Dolfin and those aboard his flagship had reached their end.

But the lord captain Dolfin with his own sword cut down many Turks as they
came aboard our vessel. Finally the enemy resolved to retreat to their own ships,
nor did they want lo try to oome aboard us any more, but thereafter they fired at
us inoessandy wldi their cannon, the result of which torment was that all the

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yards of the topMlls were broken, all the ropes and rigging which the big masts
carry were shattered. And they struck the big masCS with such cannonading that
one suspected they would fall. Moreover, as a result of the cannon Hre the ship
was hit at the water line, making holes which admitted water with the danger of
sinking. The h>rd oapcain, however, running the length of the ship, did everydiing
he could to make possible repairs, promising rewards to this man and that, as it
seemed to him they deserved them. Before the Hghting was over and done with
he had given away more than live hundred reali of his own money.

Having exhausted their martial "art and ingenuity,*' further resistance
to the Tufks seemed beyond their strength. They had lost a hundred men
between the dead and wounded. Dolfin decided to cut the cable and drift
with the wind and current. He therefore summoned the captain of his
flagship, telling him to cut the cable.

"But we are too close to land," the captain replied, "we'll go ashore!"

"We're already lost," was Dolfin's answer. "It is true, but what can we
do? Gut the cable, because if the Lord God guides us out of here, we may
have some hope of saving ourselves. If we go ashore, we'll both make it
bravely to the powder. We'll light it, and up into the air we'll go!'*

Dolfin was more than determined to do or die. The captain did as he
was ordered. Taking an axe in hand, he leapt up onto the prow, and out
the cable. Suddenly — O miracolo grande! — a northerly wind began to
blow. It was carrying the flagship toward the sea. Making a little sail of
cloaks and sheets, they pulled away from the shore, found themselves
again in the very midst of the enemy armada,

and making our way, we emerged from the channel, always fighting and firing

with a great slaughter of Turks. . . . Thus this (flag]ship escaped from the Turk-
ish labyrinth, towing along with us their flagship, which we had taken and shat-
tered. When, however, those aboard the fourteen vessels from Barbary saw what
was happening, they gave themselves to the wind, throwing themselves upon us
with terrible cannon shots. With great and prompt force they seised the ship
from us without attempting anything els* against US, and wididrew to Join the
rest of ttieir armada below Troy.

As Dolfin's flagship rounded a headland, the dosen vessels and others,
which had gone off on their own, had now regrouped, and veering toward
the flagship became reunited with it. The Venetian fleet, now in less

disorder, kept together all that night, facing the Turks in order to see
whether they intended to launch another attack. Since the Turks did not
do so, our source assumes they had suffered heavy losses (^randernente
dannejicati). We are told that Dolfin would have been glad to resume
Che offensive if he had had some way of keeping a sail alofi and If the
north wind had allowed it.

The Pesara and the OtMlniela, the two galleasses in Dolfin's fleet, as
well as the sailing ship MargftrUa commanded by Antonio Zeno, had met

176

Venice, Austria, and the Turks in the SevetUeenth Century

with courage the enemy's first blows. Having cut their cables, however,
the galleasses were conveyed out of the channel by force of the current.
The eight light galleys, every one of them following the lead of the dozen
ships that had failed to obey Dolfin's orders, had also withdrawn from the
scene of action. They had all been carried off to safety, except for the
galley Paduana which, having become separated from the others, fell
into the midst of the enemy. She put up a brave defense, but was finally
sunk.

The Turks found their chief contestants in Dolfin's flagship and Fran-
cesco Morosini's galley. Morosini was captain of the "Gulf," i.e., the
Adriatic. His galley had been tied to the stern of Dolfin's flagship when
attacked by two Turkish vessels. The galley received a fearful battering
from its attackers. Part of Morosini's men were killed by the Turks, and
part were drowned, including Morosini himself, who had been hit by a
musket shot.* About a hundred officers, soldiers, and galley slaves were
saved, but some of these also perished as the conflict continued. The
galley remained afloat. The Turks could not take it despite their best
efforts. When Dolfin saw, however, that it was partly submerged {mezza
a fojido), and that it could not be salvaged, he had it set afire in several
places. When the fire reached the galley's store of munitions, "it flew
into the air."

We lost two ships, namely the Aquila d'Oro and the Orsola BonavetUwa, the
first being commanded by Andrea |Danielc) Morosini (son of the most excellent
lord Andrea), who held the post of admiral (armirantel. The captain Raffaele,
truly a worthy and valorous subject, was his second in command. They both
showed remarkable courage, but were overwhelmed by four other vessels. At
first they had got the better of a sultana, but not being able to hold out against so
great an attack, in the end they set Hrc to their own ship along with the sultana
rather than surrender, consecrating their lives to God and bequeathing immortal
glory to their names.

The Orsola Bonaventura was a small vessel in quite poor condition, but it was
defended with passion and bravery. Finally, however, this one also went up in
smoke with the death of its commander Sebastiano jda] Molin. The rest of the
fleet has all been saved without further loss except for some dead and wounded
aboard the ships involved in the combat. If everyone had been able to do his
duty, ... we might have gained a complete and glorious victory despite so great
a disparity between the forces.

Our "eyewitness" knew for certain — or so he says — that the Turks
had suffered heavy losses. One of their galleys had been sunk. A galleass

* In the account of the first battle of the Dardanelles in MS. Marc. It. VII, 21 1 (7468), fol.
223', we are informed "che il capitan del Golfo Francesco Moresini colpito da moschettau
vi rimanesse estinto. . . ."

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had run ashore, having collided with the sultana which was burned along
with Morosini's yAt/m/d d'Oro, and a Barbary vessel also went down. The
Turks would have to reckon with still greater losses, since there was no
doubt that many thousands had been killed and many of their vessels
badly damaged. . . .

The sergeant major Gianbattista Sessa had made himself immortal
because, besides his other courageous actions, he had been the first to
board the Turkish flagship, from which he had carried off the Ottoman
banners to take them to Dolfin. Sessa deserved some appropriate re-
ward, as did those members of his company who had emerged from the
fray alive. As for Dolrtn himself, according to our source, he would never
know any peace of mind until he could again confront the Turk, espe-
cially if he could have eight or ten Flemish ships to help him in the
encounter, being certain that the Flemings would face no end of peril
without abandoning their leader.

Although wounded and badly shaken, Dolfin was alive and in good
health. His fleet was soon united with that of the captain-general Leo-
nardo Foscolo in the Gyclades. As a postscript to his account the writer
later added that a report had reached Venice to the effect the Turks had
lost some six thousand men in the combat, the kapudan pasha had been
wounded, and the Turks themselves looked upon the encounter as a
defeat, "a fact which is even confinned by the news which comes of the
armada, because it is said that at Chios the kapudan pasha has disarmed
ten of his galleys in order to reinforce the others."*

After his victory at the Dardanelles the kapudan pasha Murad went
south to Mytilene, which he reached on 20 May (1654), and then on to
Chios, where he arrived on 26 May. Here he added further vessels to his
armada. They had come from Egypt, the Barbary states of Tunis and
Tripoli, and the Turkish islands in the Aegean. Although he found it
necessary to disarm ten of his galleys to help equip the others, when he
resumed his voyage, he had *'at his obedience" 54 ships (vaaceUi), 65
galleys, six galeasses, 30 brigantines, and 10,000 infantry besides the
4,000 which he believed were ready for him at Nauplia. Thus reinforced
Murad Pasha proceeded to Psara (on 6 June), Skyros (on the eleventh),

' Raguaglin del comhattitnento ae/fuito a DardanelU tra le navi Venetiane comandate
dnl twbil homo sifinnr Iscppo Dolfin de Nivoln del 1654 a 27 di Mafifiio et I'armata dei
Turchi, in the RaccoUa diplomutica della guerra di (Jandia, MS. Marc. It. VII, 211
(7468), fols. 183'-187', an account dated 27 May, 1654. After the postscript the statement
is made that "la relatione sopra fu come I'altre stampata." Other accounts of the first
battle of the Dardanelles may be found, ibid, fols. 2J7'-240', and Nani, Historia della
reptMica veneta, if (1686), 278-41 , whose account differs In some details. NanI dates the
battle on 16 .fiily (ibid., p. 27*)). While lamenting the dead and wounded, he states that
"nondimeno il danno si compensava con la gloria di si celebrato cimento, non mai combat-
ttttosi con minor forza e con magglor anlmo . . (p. 281).

178

Venice, AuatrtOt and the Tttrka in the Seventeenth Century

Caste! Rosso on the island of Negroponte (on the twelfth) and, following
instructions from Istanbul, he reached the Venetian stronghold of Tenos
(on the sixteenth).

Two days of Turkish plundering on the island of Tenos were ineffec-
tively countered by the Venetian fleet under Alvise Mocenigo, who had
replaced Foscolo in the high command, with six galeasses, 22 galleys,
and 33 sailing ships. On 21 June (1654) a minor engagement took place
just west of Melos, near the tiny islands of Andimilos and An&nes. Al-
though Murad Pasha's naval force was obviously much larger than Mo*
cenigo's, he apparently had no desire to risk diminution of the reputa-
tion he had gained at the Dardanelles. Outmaneuvering Mocenigo, the
kapudan pasha sailed off to New Phocaea (Yenifo9a), where he cast
anchor on 24 June. Mocenigo moved westward to the Venetian island of
Gerigo, where his fleet was strengthened by the arrival (on 5 July) of five
papal and six Maltese galleys.

Leaving Phocaea the day after his arrival, Murad Pasha made a three
weeks' excursion through the Archipelago, again avoiding the Christian
fleet and returning to Phocaea on 20 July. Tarring his keels and putting
the armada in order, Murad sailed from Phocaea (on 30 July), and was
back at the Dardanelles on 10 August. Now he sailed southward through
the Aegean islands again, reaching the Cretan waters off Candia (about
10 September). He had to abandon plans for an attack upon Spinalonga
on the northeastern shore of Crete, however, and went on to Rhodes,
Patmos, Chios, and Smyrna, then back to Phocaea, and on to Mytilene,
where he learned that at S. George of Skyros there was a Christian ship
which he might seize. But the janissaries had become restless, "che per
non disgustarli prosegui il suo viaggio, giongendo a' 28 [Settembre] ai
Castelli, e di la a Galipoli, poi a Marmora, nel qual luoco licentio li Bei.
. . .** Thus he was back at the Dardanelles by the end of September
(1654), having released the Barbery beys about the same time as the
papal and Maltese galleys were homeward bound. Murad had eluded the
ailing Mocenigo all the way. He had turned in an impressive perfor-
mance. As the author of the Viaggio delVarmata Ottomana del 1654
concludes his account, "Questo e state il viaggio dell'armata Ottomana
di quest'anno, il capitan bassa della quale minacciava non solo impa-
tronlrsi di Candia, ma volleva soggiogar Tisole, sottometter Parmata
Veneta, e oondurla in Costantinopoll . . .

Relatione del viaggio delVarmata Ottomana del 1654 col fatto delle urmi seguito ai
CaateUi di Costantinopoli con VIII gctlere Venetiane, duegaleoMxe, et XV (sic) vascelli et
incontro della delta armata con la Veneta sopra Millo con tutto il seguito sin al ritorno
delta medesima in Costantinopoli, MS. Marc. It. VII. 211 (7468), fols. IW-ZiT, esp.
fols. 225'ff. The account in this MS. does not record Murad Pasha's arrival at the Dardan-
elles on 10 August {A 30 di luglio partita con I'armata da Focchies passo a . . . (i.e., ai
DardaneUi, which the copyist, fol. 233', apparently could not read], dove gionse al dice-
efmo de Agoeto . . .).

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179

Leaving his ships at Tenos and Gerigo as a safeguard against Turkish
attack, Mocenigo went back to Candia, and there he died. Francesco
Morosini, who was now embarked on one of the most notable careers in
Venetian history, assumed command of the Republic's forces in the Le-
vant. Stormy seas and wintry winds now lay ahead, however, and naval
operations were suspended for the rest of die year.

Morosini began the campaign of 1655 with a destructive attack upon
the Turkish fortress on the island of Aegina, a supply depot for the sul-
tan's troops at Crete. Thereafter he sailed with the galleasses and galleys
through the northern Sporades to the Gulf of Volos, landing at the forti-
fied town on the northern shore at nighttime on 23 March. Morosini
burned the town of Volos, destroyed the fortifications, and seized 27
cannon (tormerua beUica) and a lar^ store of ship's biscuit. In die
meantime he had sent Lazzaro Mocenigo, prcu^fectua naviunif to the
Dardanelles with the sailing ships. From Volos Morosini went on to the
Dardanelles, where six Maltese galleys arrived on 4 June for joint action
against the Turks. The sultan's armada, however, showed no signs of
seeking to enter the northern Aegean. On 12 June, therefore, Morosini
sailed from the Dardanelles southward into the Cyclades to do the Turks
such damage as he could and to receive Girolamo Poscarini, who had
been named Alvise Mocenigo's successor as captain-general of the sea.
Upon his arrival Poscarini died at Andros, which still left Morosini in
command.''

The Turkish armada had not come down to the Dardanelles. It was not
ready for action owing to the continuing chaos in Istanbul. In the fall of
1654 the grand vizir Dervish Mehmed had suffered a paralytic stroke. He
was replaced by the arrogant Ipshir Mustafa Pasha, who had been the
governor of Aleppo (Haleb) at the time of his appointment. In a trium-
phant journey from Aleppo to Scutari, Ipshir Mustafa had done away
with his enemies and advanced the fortunes of his followers, causing
fears and giving rise to nerve-racking rumors in Istanbul. At the outset of
his grand vizirate Ipshir had spoken belligerently of settling the troubled
affairs of Syria, Egypt, and Anatolia, as well as ridding the capital of the
corruption of the court intriguers. Everyone on the Bosporus was afraid.
Everyone was corrupt.

Ipshir Mustafa Pasha entered Istanbul with great pomp, and continued
to mow down his enemies and his opponents, earning the enmity of the
kapudan pasha Murad, who gradually formed a cabal against him, and
helped to foment a revolt of the janissaries and sipahis. When the situa-

* Giovanni Graziani {Joannes Gratianus /Jer^omejisis), Fruncisci Muuroceni I'elo-
ponnesiaci, Venetiarum ftrincipia, geata, Padua, 1698, pp. 38-44, and cf. Antonio
Arrighi, De vtta et refriM geatla fWmcfscf MauroceiU P^oponnestacU princtpiB Vene-
torutn ...» Padua, 1749, lib. i, pp. 36fF.

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180

Venice, Auetria, and <Jbe Turks in the Seventeenth Century

tlon got entirely out of hand, Che young Mehmed IV appointed M urad the
grand vizir, ordering the strangulation of the overbearing Ipshir (on 10
May 1655). But three months of confusion and failure convinced Murad
that he could not handle the grand vizirate and hold on to his life. He
asked to be relieved of his duties, and allowed to make a pilgrimage to
Mecca. The grand vizirate was then conferred upon the aging Suleiman
Pasha, who now became married to the Sultana Aische. This was in
mid*Augu8t of 1655,' however, and we must ^ bacli two months, and
return to the Dardanelles.

When Francesco Morosini had sailed into the Gyclades In mid-June, he
had taken with him 18 Venetian galleys, two galleasses, two sailing ships,
and the half-dozen Maltese galleys, leaving Lazzaro Mocenigo with four
galleasses, six galleys, and some 26 heavy sailing ships to block the
Turks' exit from the Dardanelles. A week after Morosini's departure from
the straits the new luipudan pasha Mustafa l>e^n to move south into the
DardaneUes (on 19 June). His armada was a formidable array of ei^t
galleasses {maone), 60 light galleys, 30 large sailing ships (navi groase
daguerra), and 45 galliots. Some of his vessels were presumably in poor
condition, to judge from the consequences of the second battle of the
Dardanelles.

Also, on this occasion, the kapudan pasha was to receive no assistance
from the Barbary corsairs, for the attacks of the English admiral Robert
Blake upon the Tunisian coast and his threat to Algiers earlier in the year
had kept the so-called corsairs at home. And now, deploying his forces in
the same order as the kapudan pasha Murad had done the year before,
Mustafa began his descent toward the exit from the straits on 21 June
(1655) with the sailing ships in his first line, the galleasses following
them, and the light galleys in the third line, each division stretching
almost from shore to shore as it reached the narrows.

Lanaro Mooenigo awaited the Tuikish armada, planning to employ
the same stratagem that his predecessor Dollin had failed to put into
effect the year before. The Venetian forces were to cut their cables only
after the Turks had got deep into the straits, and had begun their attack.
Now it was Mustafa Pasha's intention to launch his galleasses and light
galleys against the Venetian right wing, which consisted of the galleasses
under the command of Alvise Foscari. He had been misled into believing
that this was the weaker part of the Venetian fleet. As the Tuikish gal-
leasses and light galleys, now moving to the forefiront of the armada,
encountered the heavier Venetian galleasses, they were thrown into a
confusion which they transmitted to the galleys and heavy ships behind

' Von Hammer-Pur^tall, Gesch. (L osman. Reiches, V, 610-33, uans. Hellert, X, 350-
75. Ilotad, die former iMpuden pwhe, died on liis Journey to Mecca.

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181

them. Heeding Instructions despite the disarray of the Turkish armada,
the Venetinn oommandors held thoir line*?. Aj? the Ttiritish vesseU veered
to the starboard, trying to get past them, the Venetians cut the hawsers
securing their vessels, and launched their own attacks.

The outcome of the six-hour battle was a near disaster for the Turks,
nine of whose ships were burned, three captured, and two driven ashore
and sunk. A Turkish galleass was also sunk, and a galley burned. A large
number of Turks were taken captive as well as two captains of flagships
(sultane) and a Neapolitan renegade named Garlino, who had also com-
manded a flagship. A contemporary reporter assures us that no one
could deny the Venetians had had the blessings of the Almighty in this
famous encounter which had instilled terror in the minds of the Turks.^

Withdrawing as best he could from the area of the Dardanelles, Mus-
tafa Pasha made his way with his battered vessels to Phocaea, where he
set about overhauling the armada. Meanwhile Morosini met the papal
commander Stefano Lomellino at Gerigo on 22 June (1655); Lomellino
had brought five galleys to add to the Christian armament against the
Turks. Having been informed of Mustafa's entry into the Dardanelles,
Morosini set sail for the straits, but got no farther than Delos in the midst
of the Gyclades when on 24 June Mocenigo arrived to recount his defeat
of the Turks. Seeking to profit from the plight of Mustafa's armada, on 3
July Morosini began an ill-advised siege of the fortress town of Monem-
vasia (Malvasia) on the southeast coast of the Morea. The garrison of
Monemvasia was said to be weak, and to lack supplies and munitions,
although it could obviously be reinforced by troops from other Turkish
strongholds at Corinth, Nauplia, Tripolis (Tripolitza), and Kalamata.

Although Mustafa I'asha was active in the Aegean before the end of
July (1655), he put a higher premium on wisdom than valor, and avoided
any attempt to relieve the Venetian investment of Monemvasia by sea.
Owing to an alleged explosion aboard the Maltese capitanat however,
the Hospitallers had withdrawn from Monemvasiote waters (on 9 July),
and when Morosini had to give up the futile five weeks' siege on 18
August, the papal galleys under Lomellino embarked upon their return

* Ragudfilio del vnmbiittimenti) seguito ai Durdanelli trti rarmutu veneta ct I'otto-
tnana a 21 Zugno 1655 aotto la direttinne dc Lazaro Mocenigo, capitan delle navi
venete, \n the Raccolta diplomatica delUt ^uerra rff Cnndia, MS. Marc. It. VII, 211
(746S). fols, 1 ')()'- 1<)4', ;i ciispjitch J.-ited "from the fiiillciss on 36.hinc lO.S.S:" The writer
observes iti closing that "tion si puo negate che questo combattimento non habbia havute
tutte le benedltioni del Signor Dio, pcrch^ nove sono stati vascelll abbrugifati, tre presi, et
due investiti in terra ohre hi tn.iona soniers.T et la ftalera incendiata. Gli schiavi sono stati in
molto numero oltre due capitani di sultane Turche et un rinegato Napolitano nominato il
capitan Garlino. ... In somma la vittoria i riuscita considerabile mentre i danni inferiti, le
navi prese ed incendlate, I'lnimico spaventato, non v'e cosa che non rcnda jjloriosa Tim-
presa et memorabile e grande la direttione deirarmi venete . . ." (t6td, fols. 19J''-194', at
which point the text is disintegrating).

182

Venice, Auatria, and tht ThHu in the Stventeenth Century

to the papal naval station at Civitavecchia on the TyrrhenUm ooast. Fi-
nally, about the end of September, Morosini left to take command at
Candia, leaving Barbaro Badoer, who was replacing him as provveditore,
in command of the Republic's ships and galleys until the advent of Lo-
renzo Marceilo, the late Girolamo Foscarini's successor as captain-gen-
eral of the sea.' The Tuilts as well as the Venetians befan to retire their
galleys for the coming winter but, despite the Venetians* constant vigi-
lance, the Tnihs oMnaged to transport foodstuffs and munitions to their
forces at Canea, from which the siege of Candia was being maintained.

With the advent of spring in 1656 the captain-general Lorenzo Mar-
cello sailed from Candia with a fleet of six galleasses, 24 galleys, and 13
ships. His purpose was to resume the blockade of the Dardanelles. If the
Turkish armada could not get through the straits, obviously there would
be no significant reinforcement of the sultan*s army at Ganea. Pausing
for a while at Andros In the northern Gyclades, Maroello received further
men and munitions from Venice on 6 May, and thereafter sailed north to
Skyros, east to Mytilene, and thence to the little island of Imbros (Imroz)
hard by the mouth of the Dardanelles, where he dropped anchor on 23
May. About three weeks later he was joined by seven Maltese galleys
under Gregorio Carafa, who in later years (in 1680) would become grand
master of the Hospitallers.*

Lorenxo Marodlo had been hovering over the exit to the Dardanelles
for a full month when on 22 or 23 June (1656) the Turitish armada under
the kapudan pasha Chinam, a Russian renegade, began to approach the
Venetian fleet with nine galleasses, 60 galleys, and 28 or 29 heavy sailing
ships {poderose Jiavi). Marcello's fleet was smaller — seven galleasses,
31 galleys, and 29 ships — but, as usual, the Venetian vessels were of
heavier, more solid construction. The Turiis came down the straits under
cover of gunfire from cannoneera on the shores. Undeterred by the
Turkish cannon, Maroello's forces advanced to meet them in the area of
^anakkalc.

It was Monday, 26 June, at the fourteenth hour, i.e., it was about 1 1 :00
A.M. As the wind shifted from north to the west (maestrnle), the Turkish
vessels became crowded against the Anatolian shore. They suffered se-
verely from the clash of arms and the bursts of Venetian gunfire. Chinam
Pasha, aided by the westerly wind, got back up stream with 12 or 14 light

' Cf. Orasfanl, Franetsct Afouroceni . . . gesta (1698). pp. 45ff., who refers to Monem-

vasia as Epidaunis |Linicra], as does Arrighi. De vitd et rebus /iestis Francisci Maurnctnii
(1749), lib. 1, p. 36, whose brief account exaggerates the effects of Morosini's efforts at
MonemvMia. See Alberto Ouglielinottl, Storia detta marina pontificia, VIII (1893), 136-
41; Anderson, Naval Wars in the Levant (1952). pp. 153-56.

* On Gregorio Carafa's career, note 1^ Bertoni in the Dizionario biogrqfico degli Ita-
Hani, XIX (1976). 576-78. with re&.

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Nuvat lkutle» at the Iktrdanettea

183

galleys to the safety of the Turkish forts on cither side of the Dardanelles.
It was the worst naval defeat the Turi^s eoiild remember since Lepanto.'

There were minor encounters on the following day, but the Turks lost
heart. Indeed, they had lost a good deal more, for the Venetians had
captured five galleasses, 13 galleys, two small pinchi, and four large
sailing ships. They had also sunk or set fire to four galleasses, 34 galleys,
and 22 ships. As was to be expected, however, the Venetians did not
emerge from the contest unscathed, for they counted several hundred
dead and wounded as well as a number of oarsmen missing. Lorenzo
Marcello, the captain-general, was killed by a "colpo di cannone." Laz-
zaro Mocenigo, the victor of 1655, lost an eye as a result of a musket
shot, and the Signoria lost three sailing ships, which the Turks had set
afire. Garafa's Maltese forces had also suffered some casualties in dead
and wounded. In comparison with the Turldsh casualties, the Venetian
losses could be reganled as small, while a large number of Christian
slaves, allegedly 5,000, were freed from the Moslem galleys: **Gosi
s'e ultimata la piu bella vittoria che habbia gia mai havuta la nostra
patria. . .

Marcello's death left Barbaro Badoer, the provveditore, in command
of the Venetian fleet, but Gregorio Garafa, pleased with the Ghristian
success, now decided to return the Hospitallers* galleys to Malta. He
could not accept orders from one of lesser rank than a captain-general.
Also he regarded the campaign as over and done with for the year;
Chinam Pasha could neither attack the Venetians in Gandia nor rein-
force the Turks at Ganea. Garafa had distinguished himself in the battle,
having been largely responsible for Ghinam's withdrawal beyond the
Turkish fortress of Anatolia. He had also apparently captured eleven of
the Turkish galleys which the allies had taken, and now he claimed them
as the possessions of his Order. Some of the Venetians, especially An-
tonio Barbaro, the captain of the Gulf, objected to Garafa's carrying off
most of the galleys seized from the Turics as well as the rich booty that
had fallen into Maltese hands. The bulk of the Christian force was Vene-
tian. The Signoria should get a corresponding share of the captured
galleys.

Garafa had been a Hospitaller all his life; a Neapolitan noble, his family

' Cf. Graziani, Fnincisci Maurnccni . . . fiesta (1698). pp. 51-52.
Lettera del Signor Marcello 8U la vittoria ottenuta de Turchi ai DarcUmelli a 26
Zugno 1656, In the Raccofra diplomatica delta fiuerra di Candia, MS. Marc. It. Vlt, 21 1
(7468), fols. 104-1"J7'. a dispatch "from on board ship at Tenedos on 27 .lune 1656," and
tee also, ibid., fols. 210-215: Relatione delta vittoria navale conseguita dell'armi Venete
a 26 Zugno 1656 notto la direttione del 4<d capitan generate Lorenzo Marcello, according
to which the Venetian fleet consisted of seven galleasses. 24 light galleys, and 28 sailing
ships. Both sources give the same figures for Chinam Fasha's armada, and their accounts of
the battle are similar if not the same. Gf. AnderBon, Naval Wars in the Levant, pp. ISStl.

184

Venice, Atutria, and the Turks in the Seventeenth Century

was notoriously pro-Spanish. The Venetians had never entertained any
affection for either the Hospitallers or the Spanish, but they needed all
the help the Order could give them against the Turks. Antonio Barbaro's
quarrel with the Hospitallers might have proved damaging. The provve-
ditore Badoer, therefore, jrielded to their demands, and on 29 June Ca-
rafa sailed off with his Turicish galleys and loot to Malta, where he re*
ceived a grand reception. Meanwhile Antonio Barbaro had been so
obstreperous in his objections that Badoer sent him back to Venice
under arrest, although he was soon released for further service against
the Turks in 1657 and for more trouble (this time with the captain-gen-
eral Francesco Morosini) in 1660.

Meanwhile the Venetians were rejoicing in their overwhelming defeat
of Ghinam Pasha in the narrows of the Dardanelles (on 26 June 1656),
and the proweditore Barbaro Badoer had not failed to take full advan-
tage of die success they had enjoyed with the help of the Hospitallers.
Posting two galleasses, four galleys, and five ships at the straits to keep
an eye on the Turks (on 4 July), Badoer sailed for Tenedos, seizing the
island from the Turks (on 8 July). Six weeks later he also ousted the
Turks from Lemnos (on 20 August). The latter island was generally
known as Stalimene, and was famous for its reddish earth (Lemnian
bole), "terra sigillata," which was used as an astringent to treat snake
bites and numerous other afflictions. It was pressed into small cakes,
stamped with the seal of the Gran Signore, and widely used in the Otto-
man empire. little of it, however, was allowed to go westward into Eu-
rope. To the Venetians, therefore, Lemnos would seem to have been a
boon to physicians as well as a base for subsequent operations against
the Turks.

" In antiquity the collection of Lemnian earth was accompanied by a religious cere-
mony, "e jsi] la foimava in girelle picciole e Timprontava col sigillo di Diana, e questa era
detta terra sigillata, terra Lennfa e sacra. Questa h quella terra sigillata che tanto k stata
celebrata dagli antichi medici e specialmente da Galcno nel iibro nono delle facolta de
'semplici' come quella che sia ottimo rimedio a salvar ferite, a Hussi del sangue, a mali
pestilentiali, a mors! d'animali velenosi, a far vomitar i veleni gfi presi, et ad altra infirtnitll.
Questa term hoggi vicn tenuta sotto grande custodia, et e suggcllata col suggello del Gran
Signore de Turchi, e poca ne viene portata in Christianita" {Presa di Stalimene .... in
Racc(Ata diplomatica detta guerra di Candia, MS. Marc. It. VII, 21 1 17468|, fol. 216). On
the magic qualities of Lemnian earth, note Rrusoni, Histnrin (1673), I, bk. Xlll, p. 306.

My colleague Professor Christian Habicht has called my attention to the large impor-
tance of Lemnian earth as illustrated by the following texts: Vitmvlus, De architectura,
VII, 2, ed. F. Krohn, Leipzig: Teubner, 1912, p. 163; Dioscorides, De inateria medica, ed.
Max Wellmann, 5 bks. in 3 vols., Berlin, 1907-14, 111, 97, pp. 67-68; English version in
Robert T. Gunther, The Greek Herbal o/Dioacoridea, Oxford, 1 934, pp. 638-39; Galen, in
K.G. Kiihn, ed., Medicorum graecnrtim opera quae exlant, 26 vols, in 28, Leipzig, 1821-
33. XII (1826), 169-78, and cf., ibid., XIV (1827), 8; note also Carl Fredrich, "Lemnos,"
Mitteilungen des Kaiserlich Deiitschen Archdolo^ischcn Instituts, Athenische Abtei-
lung, XXXI (1906), 72ff., 254-55. and F,W. Hasluck, "Terra Lemnia," Annual oj the
British School at Athens, XVI (1909-1910), 220-31.

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185

The campaign of 1656 had indeed been remariuiblet for the two is-
lands, at the very mouth of the Dardanelles, were the antemtirale of
Istanbul. Providing* a foothold in the midst of Turkish waters, they were a
further step toward maintaining the blockade and preventing the ship-
ment of men and munitions from the Turkish capital to Ganea and to the
8u!tan*s forces encamped around Gandia. Furthermore, with such a
stronghold off the coast of the Dardanelles an attack upon Istanbul itself
was not inconceivable. It is no wonder, therefore, that at this critical
juncture the Porte turned to the redoubtable Mehmed Koprulii, who now
accepted the grand vizirate on his own terms. In fact from mid-Sep-
tember 1656 Mehmed Kopriilii was the virtual ruler of the Ottoman
empire."

Leaving sailing ships to block the exit from the Dardanelles, and garri-
sons to hold his island conquests, Barbaro Badoer sailed to Delos and
thence to Paros, where in February 1657 he yielded command of the
fleet to the one-eyed hero Lazzaro Mocenigo, the newly-appointed cap-
tain-general. In March a Turkish armada of some 32 galleys and some
smaller vessels emerged from the Dardanelles, where the Venetian
blockade was inadequate. Their objective was to retake the island of
Tenedos, but they made no attempt to do so, for the Venetians seemed
well prepared to deal with them. In April and May Mocenigo enjoyed
some success in the waters and among the islands off the coast of Ghios,
including the occupation of Suazich (on 18 May).^^ He thought of at-
tempting the conquest of Chios, but gave up the idea in view of the
danger which loomed over Tenedos, for (says one of our informants) the
island was threatened by the Turks "con poderosissimo esercito da terra

Sultan Mehmed IV now sequestered the Bn)|lish ships in Turiclsh waters to force them to

serve with his own arninda n^ninst the Venetians, as we learn from a plea whieh reached
the English government on 8 January 1657 (Public Record OHice, State Papers 97, XVII,
fols. 135-<)6): "The Ottoman being exasperated and inraged at the advantages gained this
yeare upon his states by the armes of the most serene Republic of Venice, who besides the
totall destruction of a most powcrfuil fleet have had the favour of (jod to free from the
Turiclsh yoke Tenedos and Stalimene. otherwise called Lemnos, principall islands and of
great consequence, making themselves masters of them with small resistance and In a
short space of time, |the Ottoman) doth now practise all diligence to render his forces for
the next service vigorous, formidable, and capable to recover what he hath lost and to
conquer the kingdom of Candia, for which he hath laboured in valne and troubled himselfe
soe many yeares.

"Besides the orders imposed upon all his Arsenalls for the rigging up of a quantitie of
vessells, he hath begun to offer violence to the English that are in his Porte, pretending to
draw them by force to his owne service, and for that purpose doth deny them that at
present are in his harbours leave to depart," to which (the writer declared) Oliver Crom-
well should make a vigorous objection rather than "to sec his ships subjected to soe great a
violence as to be constrained contraric to their own will to joyne with the Turite agninst a
Christian prince |the doge of Venicel. an awncient and affectionate friend. . ,

'Ml. Kretschmayr, Gesch. von VeneUig. Ill (1934, repr. 1964), 330.

" Gf. Brusoni, HittorUt (1673). il, bk. xnr, pp. 7-8.

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e con una fortissima armata di mare." In mid-.Iune Mocenigo was joined
by the papal squadron under Giovanni Bichi, a nephew of Pope Alex-
ander VII, and by that of Malta under Gregorio Carafa, the prior of Roc-
cella. Bichi and Carafa had met at Messina (on 18 May), and sailed east
together. Since they could not agree on which held the superior rank —
protocol was always important — they were finding it difiicult to confer
or to cooperate with each other.

Giovanni Bichi was lieutenant-general of the pope's brother Mario
Chigi, who was the nominal captain-general of the papal forces on land
and at sea. Mario, however, had no intention of going into the Levant.
Bichi's rank was thus presumably inferior to that of Carafa, but he re-
fused to acknowledge the fact, and he did have Chigi's papal banner on
board. Who would take precedence, Bichi or Carafa? The crisis came in
early July (1657) when the Turkish armada came down into the Dardan-
elles with ten galleasses, 30 galleys, and 18 sailing ships "plus any num-
ber of saiques and caiques." Although Mehmed Kdpriilii was wrestling
with grave problems on the Bosporus, he was determined to break the
Venetian blockade and recover the islands of Tenedos and Lemnos.

Lazzaro Mocenigo as Venetian captain-general of the sea had planned
to meet the sultan's armada in the straits with Carafa on his right and
Bichi on his left, but the latter found the proposed deployment of the
squadrons unacceptable. He could not yield the right wing to Carafa. He
also claimed that Alexander VII had ordered him to take command in
any direct encounter with the Tuiks. Truly the hour of decision had
come; Mocenigo and Carafa acted promptly. They yielded the battaglia,
the central position of command, to Bichi. Mocenigo took the right wing,
Carafa accepted the left. Delayed by the necessity to get water enough
for those aboard their ships and galleasses, and held up by heavy winds,
first from the north and then from the east, the Christians were not well
prepared to meet the sultan's armada as it approached the mouth of the
Dardanelles on the morning of 1 7 July (1657). The east winds were tying
most of the Christian galleys to the European shore at the exit from the
Dardanelles. As the Turks moved south and west, aided by the winds,
they were confronted by no more than seven Christian galleasses, four
galleys, and twenty sailing ships. The winds and Turkish gunners had
almost cleared the Anatolian shoreline.

The fourth batde of the Dardanelles (17-19 July 1657) was a series of
hard-fought encounters, cosdy to both sides. The cannone turcheaco
took a heavy toll of Christian life, as the winds and the current drove
most of the Turks and their opponents into the northern Aegean. The
Christians took refuge at Tenedos. The Turks went further south, to
Mytilene, having lost several ships and six galleasses. The Turkish losses
exceeded those of the Christians, but the agha of the janissaries was said
to be on hand with 80,000 "oombattenti** who were to be employed for

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the recovery of Tenedos. When the weather improved, the combat was

resumed.

During the evening of 19 July, as Lazzaro Mocenigo went into action
with his usual "intrepidity,*' a cannon ball struck his flagship, igniting
the gunpowder, bombs, and grenades which he had aboard. Most of the
deck was blown off the ship. Mocenigo was Icilled. His death led the
Venetian crews to believe that fate had snatched a likely victory from
them. They recovered his body, the standard of the Republic, the lantern
of the flagship, and the banner of the winged lion of S. Mark, but they
could only grieve over the loss of so great a commander thus cut off in
the "flower of his years." His head had been crushed, apparently by a
falling yardarm. Among those whose lives were saved was Mocenigo's
brother Francesco, who had served him as a lieutenant, and who (we are
told) now desired nothing more than to give his own life for the father-
land *'a similitudine del fratello."'^

^* Lettera de liarbarn lituioer, proveditore dell'<trtmita, con laqualc dd parte del se-
guilo dei Dardanclli con la morte del capiuin geueud Mocenigo jalmost illegiblel, dated
"from the galley at Tenedos on 24 .luly 1657," in the Riiccolta diplomutica delta guerra
di Candia, MS. Marc. It. VII, 211 (7468), fols. 2()3'-2{)4', and Relatione del combatti-
mento segiiito tra I'armata Veneta et la Turca li 17, 18, e 19 Liiglio 1657 sotto la diret-
tione del gid illtistrissimo et eccellentissimo Signore Lazaro Mocenigo, cav(tlier, pro-
curator, capitan general da mar, dated "from the galley at Tenedos on 21 .luly 1657,"
ibid., fols. 204''-210'. According tO the latter text, "Consisteva I'armata ncmica in XVIII
navi, XXX galere, X galeazie, e numero intinito di saiche e caichi" (fol. 205*). The writer of
this account saves himself and the reader a certain amount of extraneous detail by noting
that "basta il dire che emulando ncl valorc Ic galcazze le navi e le navi ie galeazze, i Turohi
|si sono) avviliti dal coraggio de nostri" (fol. 206*').

We also learn from this Kefarfone the details of Lazzaro Mocenigo's death: "Non per
questo (i.e., because of certain losses in the combat at seaj il capitan general rallentd punto
queH'ardore che lo rendera glorioso tra tutte le memorie immortali della posteritil. CSonti*
nuava egli il viaggio con tutta intrepidezza quando un colpo fatale di canone port6 una
palla nella munitione della generalitia |Mocenigo's flagship] dove oltre la polvere v'erano
bombe e granate, onde acceso il fuoco la galcra si divise per mezo, volando tutta la co-
perta, non rimanendo che dalla parte del fogone indietro con morte dello stesso generate.

. . . AccidciUe cosi !:icrim:il)llc hii f.-itto crcdcr pcrdiita la vittoria, c scbcnc si sono ricu-
perati il cadavere del capitan gencrale, lo stendardo, i! faro, et la bandiera publica, non per
questo si sono punto rallentate le laorime per la caduta d'un comandante che nel fiore degll
anni pareva che havesse rese tributarie la virtu et la fortuna. Fu ritrovato il cadavere con la
testa tutta fracassata da qualche gran colpo che si suppone dell'antenna. Tra quelli che si
sono salvati nclla galera generalitia e stato Signor Franceaco Mocenigo, luogotenente e
fratello del medesimo capitan generale, che miracolosamente s'e preservato in vita col
solo desiderio di sacrificaria alia patria a similitudine del fratello" (ibid., fols. 207*-208')-
Note also in this connection the Lettera di raggualio del combattimento tra I'armata
veneta e la turca a' Dardtmelli sotto il comando del gid illustriss. et eccel. Sig. Lazaro
Mocenigo, K{avaUer], Protntrator, Capitan general da mar seguito il 17, 18 e 19 luglio
1657, Venice, apprcsso Gio. IMctro Pinelli, atampator diicale, 1657. The fourth battle of
the Dardanelles and Mocenigo's death aroused much excitement in Venice and elsewhere.
Gf. Brusoni, Hi»toria (1673), 11, bk. xiv, pp. llfT.

On the Turco-Venetian naval encounters at the Dardanelles, see al.so E. Ferrari, "Le
Battaglic dei Dardanelii nel 1656-57," in the Memorie storiche militari, IX (1913), fasc.
3, pp. 1-243, with an appendix of fifty-seven archival and other texts.

188

Venice, Auatria, and the TurkB in the Seventeenth Century

Once more Barbara Badoer, proweditore of the Venetian fleet, had to
assume the hi^h command, "procurando almeno di portar il fuoco nelle
galere Turchesche,"''' but the allied campaign of 1657 had ended, and
the V^enetians soon found themselves on the defensive. Late in the day
on 23 July both Giovanni Bichi and Gregorio Garafa began their home-
ward voyages. On the way back Bichi ran into a Turkish squadron be-
tween the mainland town of Parga and the island of Paxos (|ust south of
Corfu), driving them from access to the Adriatic. The Venetians would
blame Biohi^s early departure for the loss which, as we shall note in a
moment, was soon to follow of Tenedos and Lemnos. Upon his return to
Rome, however, Bichi was able to convince Alexander Vll that the Ven-
etian charges were unfounded, and on 13 March (1658) the pope ap-
pointed him prefect and captain-general of the pontifical galleys. The
forces of the Republic had not fared so well in 1657: "Basta il dire esser
stato ferocissimo e sanguinoso il combattimento," but the author of the
Relatione of this year still believed "che la vittoria e stata grandissima in
faccia si puo dire del Primo Visir et deH'Aga gianizzero."**

The most dramatic events in the "war of Gandia" were the four battles
of the Dardanelles. The struggle of the Venetian Signoria to hold on to
Gandia had become largely a matter of maintaining the reputation of the
Republic. The Cretans had never been easy to deal with; the island had
been more of an expense than a source of income. While the Venetian
forces were hard put to retain possession of Gandia, what could they do
with Tenedos and Lemnos, which were so far from their chief sources of
supply? Strong garrisons would have to be established on the two is-
lands, and large detachments of the fleet would have to be maintained in
the northern Aegean. There were those who thought it might be better
simply to let Tenedos and Lemnos fall back into the hands of the Turks
and to concentrate the maritime resources of the Republic upon holding
Gandia until a suiuble peace could be made with the Turlis.

It would certainly be desirable to keep two or three footholds on the
island of Crete for naval purposes, but the costs of war were exceeding
the capacity of the Republic to meet them. I>et the Porte assume the
unprofitable responsibility for the island, and restore to the Venetian
merchants access to the Turkish markets. Such at least was the view of

" Relatione del con^tattimento, fol. 208.
fMd., fbl. 209^, and note Andenon, Naval Wars in the Levant, pp. 164-67. On Blchl's
role in the event! of 1657. see the R^amUme del via^io dclle galerc pontificie in Levante
ianno 1657 sotto U comando del loro generate ball Giovanni Bichi, priore di Capua
(written by the Hospitaller Marc' Antonio Miniconi of Perugia], edited with a brief intro-
duction by G. Cujinoni, in the IhtUctinn senese distoria patria. IV (Siena, 1897), 345-89.
Cugnoni, pp. 38 Iff., also gives us a poor text of the Lettera di raggucUio del combatti-
mento tra Varmata veneta e la turca a'DardanelH menUonMi in note 14 above. Note aiao
G. Oc Caro. nn Giovanni Bichi, in the DtstonaHo biein^ defii ItoHani, X (1968).
349-51, with various references.

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the peace party in the Senate, a view apparently shared by the doge
Bertucci Vaher (1656-1658), but the war party prevailed. When the
Turks became involved in a renewal of warfare in Transylvania, they
were prepared to make peace with Venice, but their demand for
surrender of the entire island of Crete was more than the war party could
tolerate.

The problem presented to the Signoria by the north-Aegean islands
was, however, solved shortly after the fourth battle of the Dardanelles
for, now under the aggressive leadership of Mehmed Kopriilii, the Turks
recovered Tenedos on 31 August (1657) and Lemnos on 12 November.
After the death of Lazzaro Mocenigo, Francesco Morosini was appointed
captain-general of the sea. The years 1658 and 1659 were eventful but
futile, for the Venetian fleet, despite the usual Maltese and papal rein-
forcements (especially in 1658), accomplished little or nothing. Al-
though on the whole they tried to maintain the blockade of the Dardan-
elles, Tuiitish vessels managed to move in and out of the historic channel
to make periodic landings at Ganea, Chios, and the Aegean islands. In
late August (1658) the Christian forces failed in an endeavor to take the
important fortress island of S. Maura. In mid-March 1659, however,
Morosini's naval militia occupied Kalamata on the southern coast of the
Morea, and thereafter seized Torone on the Ghalcidic peninsula as well
as (Pe$me on the Anatolian coast opposite the island <rf Chios. On 22
September (1659) the Venetian (and French) forces also took Castel
Rosso (Garystus) at the southern end of the island of Negroponte
(Euboea), where they destroyed most of the fortifications. The Vene-
tians had no way of holding on to any one of these places, and Morosini's
sailing back and forth in the Archipelago accomplished nothing of abid-
ing importance.^^

Francesco Morosini began the naval campaign of 1660 with failure to
take the island fortress of Negroponte (Chalcis), but he did enjoy a small

success with the occupation of the island of Skiathos, the westernmost of
the Northern Sporades, Sciathus insula XX m. passus ab Euboeae ora
horeali distans. Graziani makes much of the Venetian seizure of
Skiathos, which was hardly an important conquest. At length, however,
the Venetian appeals to France bore fruit. After the second treaty of the
Pyrenees (1659), when the Franco-Spanish war had ceased, Louis XIV*s
government decided to assist the Signoria in the defense of Candia by

Graziani, Francisci Mauroceni . . . gesta (1698), pp. 56-83, in somewhat confusing

detail; Arrighi, De vita et rebus geslis Francisci Mauroceni (1749), lib. i, pp. 43-58;
Kretsclimayr, Gesch. von Venedig, III (1934, repr. 1964), 330-33; Anderson, Naval Wars
in the Levant (1952), pp. 167-70; Relatione del succesao de Calamata sotto la condota
del gcnerale \jac(fucs de\ Ciremonvillc, sergentc generate, del 1659, in the Raccolta di-
plomatica delta guerra di Candia, MS. Marc. It. VII, 211 (7468), fols. 240''-246'.

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Venice, Austria, and the Turks in the Seventeenth Century

sending a fleet with 4,000 foot and 200 horse under the command of
Prince Almerigo d'Este. German mercenaries were hired. At the urgent
behest of France the duke of Savoy promised to provide another thou-
sand foot, but it was not to be a good year for Morosini. Despite the
appearance of Maltese, papal, Tuscan, and French galleys in eastern
waters to help the Venetians, almost nothing was to go well. There was
dissension within the Christian forces, especially between the papal and
Maltese commanders. Within the Ottoman empire, however, order was
being restored to no small extent.

In fact during the years 1659-1661 the Turks under the vigorous ad-
ministration of the grand vizir Mehmed Kopriilu were carrying on war
against Francis I Rakoczy in Transylvania, against the Venetians in
Crete, Dalmatia, and the Archipelago, and against the Cossacks in the
area of the Black Sea. The Turks were also continuing their tiresome
aggressions in Wallachia and Moldavia. Moreover, they were now at seri-
ous odds with the French, arresting Louis XIV*s ambassador and confin-
ing him in the fortified enclosure of the Seven Towers (Yedikule), "che
generalmente si dice essere cio scguito per causa del soccorso dato dal
Re Christianissimo alii signori Vcnctiani."'®

Although the French joined Morosini's fleet in April (1660), they were
hardly ready for action before August, when Morosini was finally able to
set sail from Cerigo to Suda Bay. Entering the bay under the heavy fire of
Turkish cannon, the troops disembarked and sought to scale the walls of
Port S. Veneranda, emboldened by the presence of both Morosini and
d'Este. The admiral Francesco Grass! and several officers were kflled in
the attack. The French then moved on to the walls of Canea while the
Venetians assailed the forts of Galogero and Calami as well as the Ca-
stello deA'Apricorno. Although these lesser forts were taken, the Chris-
tian forces were in no position to break the Turkish hold upon Canea.''

Moving on to Gandia in mid-September, Morosini and Almerigo at-
tacked the Turks at Candia, forcing their way into the Turkish mUitary
settlement known as "New Candia," but again little came of it. When the
French troops withdrew to Naxos, Almerigo died,^" and Jacques de
Gremonville took over the command of his troops, finally getting them

Ivan Diijcev, /\i'i'!.si cli Ra^uita (Orientalia Christiana analccta, 101), Rome, 1935,
nos. CLxxxviii-GXCiii, cxcv, CXGVII, pp. 242-55, with the quotation from doc. no. cxciii, p.
251, dated 21 December 1661.

Gf. Rdfiudfilio del succcsso alia Snda sottn 24 Afiostn 1660 sotto la diretinne del
signor cupitan general Francesco Morosini e del signer principe Almerigo di Parma, in
the Raccolta dipUmtatica della guerra di Candia, MS. Marc. it. Vii, 211 (7468), fob.
257'-267.

^" There is an impressive monument to Almerigo d'Este, fn commemoration of his ser-
vices to the Republic, in the church of S. Maria (iloriosa dei Prari in Venice, the fourth
monument on the right (next to the altar of the Zane family), as one enters the church by
the main portal.

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back to France. The frustrating events of 1660 soon led to Morosini's
being replaced by his relative Giorgio Morosini, of the S. Maria Formosa
branch of the family. Francesco belonged to the S. Stefano branch of the
Morosini. He had served in the capitaneria generate for three years, the
usual term that one held the difhcult office, and the Signoria now
granted his request to return home.^^

As the allied forces had moved bacic and forth from Gerigo to Crete
and elsewhere, they had tried, as we have noted, unsuccessfully to break
up the Turkish encampments at Ganea and Gandia. Francesco Morosini
blamed their costly failure largely upon the alleged incompetence of the
provveditore Antonio Barbaro who, while the Franco-Venetian troops
were engaged with the enemy at Gandia, had disembarked in disorderly
fashion the company under his command. Francesco declared Barbaro
condemned to death, but the latter escaped from his dutches, returning
to Venice, where the Quarantia Griminale absolved him of the chaiges
made against him. When Francesco came back to the lagoon toward the
end of the year 1 661, he was assailed by members of the peace party as
well as by Barbaro's supporters.

Francesco Morosini was denounced for exaggerating his exploits in
order to embellish his reputation, which was misleading (his enemies
claimed) to both the government and the populace, for they were en-
couraged to believe that armed opposition to the Turks could lead to
victory and the retention of the island of Crete. Morosini was in fact
subjected to prolonged vilification, being accused of seeking to profit
personally from pillage, piracy, and extortion — the sources, his detrac-
tors asserted, of the Morosini wealth. Doubtless depressed, Morosini was
still being kept in quarantine at the island lazzaretto (now the isle of S.
Lazzaro degli Armeni), along with the officers and crew of his galley,
when the charges being made against him were placed before the Sen-
ate, the Council of Ten, and the Quarantia Griminale. According to one
citation, eighty informants had attested to Morosini's wrongdoing. There
was as large a percentage of backbiters among the Venetian nobles in the
Grand Gouncil as there is in modern Academe.

Since the proposed indictment had been lodged anonymously, the
Senate should not have taken cognizance of it. Nameless would-be infor-
mants submitted three documents listing a hundred or so trumped-up
charges against Morosini. Many a distracting inquest and trial had been
set in motion by detractors against their enemies only to result in defeat
for the accusers, not to speak of distress for the accused. Despite the
doge Domenico Gontarini*s cool reception of Morosini and the prosecu-

" Cf.Graziani, FranciaciMauroceni. . .ge8ta(1698), pp. 85-105; Damerini,Aforo8<n<
(1929), pp. 89-95.

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Venice, Atutrta, and the Turka in the SeventeenA Century

tor's decision to try the flimsy case against him, on 30 June 1663 Moro*
sini was duly acquitted of the charges filed against him.^^

Giorgio Morosini, who had been recently appointed captain-general of
the Venetian fleet, reached the island stronghold of Gerigo on 7 June
(1661) to relieve his relative Francesco of the burden he had been bear-
ing with frustration. Little was aooompllshed this year except that In late
August Giorgio broke up the investment of the island of Tenos (between
Andros and Mykonos) by a Turkish armada of some 36 galleys. Pursuing
the Turks as they fled from the scene, Giorgio seized four of their galleys
and sank another five offshore from Melos, the southwestemmost island
in the Gyclades. He had had the assistance of the Maltese commander
Fabrizio Ruffo who now, like Gregorio Garafa five years before, laid
claim to all four Turkish galleys. When Giorgio Morosini would give him
only two, Ruffo withdrew in a huff, going back to Malta to a less spectacu*
lar reception than Garafa had enjoyed. The year 1662 was frustrating for
Morosini, because nothing was accomplished despite his having been
joined by papal and Maltese galleys. In late September the Venetians
did, nevertheless, disrupt and partially destroy the Alexandria convoy
for this year. The convoy regularly carried supplies to Istanbul or Grete.

The Turks showed no aggression at sea throughout 1663-1664, for
during these two years there was a serious renewal of warfare between
Austria and the Porte, which led to Raimondo Montecuccoli*s defeat of
the Ottoman forces on 1 August 1664 in the famous battle of S. Gotthard
(Ssentgotthiird) on the river Raab in western Hungary. The Turkish
commander was the astute grand vizir Ahmed Kopriilii Pasha, the son
and successor of hardy, old Mehmed Kopriilii (d. 1661). Although
Ahmed lost the battle, he won the peace, which was established by the
treaty of Vasvar ten days later. The Turks retained Grosswardein (Ora-
dea, Nagyvarad), which they had taken in 1660 (and were to hold until
1692), as well as Neuhiusel (Nov6 Zamky) in southern Slovakia, which
they had occupied in late September 1663.^

While the Turks were thus engaged, one would think the Venetians

" Graziani, Fruncisci Mauroceni . . . gesta, p. 107; Arrighi, Dc vitu et rebus gestis
Franciaci Mauroceni, lib. l, pp. 82-84; Etamerini, Morosini, pp. 93-100.

" Sientgotthard is of course in Hungary, now on the Austrian border, about thirty miles
west of Vasvar. There is a little museum in Szentgotthard, where I found on a printed
notice a single reference to Montecuccoli and the events of 1664. On going to Vasvar, one
drives on the whole through flat lands. The town is set on a slight height amid green trees
and well cultivated fields. A house at Vasvlr is allegedly being prepared as a museum. My
informant stated that the house in question was the site of the treaty of 10 August 1664,
which 1 was inclined to doubt. As for Nove Zimky — a dull, dowdy town — the tourist will
Hnd diere almost no memorial of the Turttlsh past. There Is a brief summary of the treaty of
Vaivir (in French) in Dumont. Corps iiniverscl diplomatique, VI-2 (1728), no. xi. p. 23,
and a Latin version, ibid., no. xii, pp. 23-25, "actum in Castris Turcicis apud Vasvarum,
dectana mensls Aoiuatl. anno If DGUCiV."

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mi^t have accomplished something worthwhile, even though no papal
galleys entered the Sea of Crete or the Aegean to assist them. Once

more, however, strife between the Venetian and Maltese commanders
impeded any decisive action against the enemy. In 1664 neither Mahese
nor papal galleys came into the eastern waters to help either Giorgio
Morosinl or his successor Andrea Comer. The French were active on the
northern coast of Africa and even in the area of Samoa and Chios in
1665, but without results of any consequence. Yes, it was as Kretsch-
mayr has put it. As far as Turco- Venetian warfare was concerned, the
years from 1661 to 1666 were almost a blank: "So sind die Jahre von
1661 bis 1666 kaum wirkliche Kriegsjahre fiir Venedig gewesen."^*

Venetian efforts in 1 666 were also marked with failure and disappoint-
ment, caused in part by very bad weather during the early months of the
year. Although the Hospitallers' galleys came east for a while, they soon
returned to Malta without taking any effective action against the Turks.
As winter came on, the Venetian fleet withdrew to the islands of Andros
and Paros. Now that Austria and the Porte were at peace again, the grand
vizir Ahmed Kopriilii turned his full attention to the siege of Crete, on
which the Turks had been engaged for some twenty years. Kopriilii ap-
parently dispatched some nine thousand troops to the island to press the
siege of Candia. Both Graziani and Arrighi give highly exaggerated hg-
ures for the strength of the Turkish soldiery. The Venetians began the
year 1667 by blocking the efforts of a Turkish relief force from Alexan-
dria to land men and munitions at Ganea, although some months later
the Tuikish commanders succeeded in landing extensive reinforcements
at Canea.

In 1667, however, the Venetians received much more help than usual
from their western allies. The P^rench had been contributing consider-
able sums to the Christian cause. On 26 February 16 western galleys and
five galleasses dropped anchor in Suda Bay as well as numerous other
vessels with some six thousand soldiers, among them two fine regiments

which had arrived on the scene under the comnmnd of Giron Pran9ois,
marquis de Ville,.who was accompanied by the Swiss master of artillery
•lohann Werdmiiller. De Ville and Werdmiiller were officers and employ-
ees of the duke of Savoy who, like various other Christian princes, was
trying to do his part against the Turks. The troops, having attempted a
landing at Canea, were withdrawn to the trenches of the Christian en-
campment at Candia (on 6 March), and were soon taken into the fortress

** Kretschmayr, Qesch. von Venedig, III (1934, repr. 1964), 332-35; Anderson, Naval
Wan in the Levant (1952), pp. 172-77; and cf. Graziani, Francisci Maurocmi. . .geata
(1698), pp. 108-11, who notes the Venetians* refusal during the Turco-Aastrlan war to
accept peace on the basis of their receiving one half the island of Crete ;ind the Turks
{Thracea) the other tialf. Arrighi, who is, to be sure, only writing a biography of Francesco
Moroaini, luw little to say of the period from 1662 to 1666 {op. cit, Vb. i, pp. 83-M).

194

Venice, Austria, and the Turks in the Seventeenth Century

(in June). Both the Christians and the Turks had to maintain their ready

access to the sea.

Despite the ever-welcome reinforcements, the Venetian hold upon
Candia seemed as threatened as ever. On 16 March 1667 the provvedi-
tore generate Antonio Barbaro wrote the doge and Senate that diey must
increase the corps of bombardiers, **now reduced to only 163," which
fell far short of die number needed to handle the five hundred cannon
within the fortifications of Candia. After all, as Barbaro stated in another
dispatch, heavy artillery was the "istromento principale della difesa." In
the same file as that containing Barbaro's dispatches to the Senate one
observer begins a letter of 4 April (1667) with reference to Ahmed
Kopriilii's strange "vagaries" {li capricii di questo primo visir). A tal-
ented commander, Kopriilti doubtless had his oddities. At any rate there
were a number of desertions from the Turkish camp at Candia in 1666-
1667. The file in question (like others of this period) contains much
information about the Turks, from Kdprfilii to the disaffected soldiery
under his command.^^ In any event the year 1667 must have made a deep
impress upon the memory of both the Turkish and Christian forces at
Candia.2*

The usual dissension and hostilities manifested themselves among the
allied commanders, especially between Franfois de Ville, who finally left
Candia in April 1668, and the Venetian Antonio Barbaro, who was re-
placed in January (1668) by Bernardo Nano. The papal general Giovanni

Bichi was supposedly in command of both the pope's galleys and those of
the Hospitallers, whose general was Gilberto del Bene. There were four
Neapolitan galleys under Giannetto Doria and another four from Sicily
under their own commander. The Christian fleet soon consisted of 35
"ships of the line" (Jtegni dijila) recruited from five different sources,
four of the commanders being concerned with the important fact of
precedence in the naval protocol of the time. The fifth commander was

ASV, Senate. Prow, da terra e da inar, Filza SI 5. pa^es and entries unnumbered. As
Antonio Barbaro had written the doge and Senate from Candia on 8 February 1667, "Di-
pende il mantenimento di quests piasza daHa vigilante provldensa deirEcoellenze vostre,

quali se opportuni faranno scguire i ricapiti delle provigioni gia ricercate con aj^iustate
espeditioni di denaro per poter animar queste genti, voglio sperare coll'aiuto del Signer
Iddio di veder vani tutti li tentatrioi ch' k per pratticare la potenza nemica, per il che io non
mancaro certamcnte d'impicgare continuate et indefessc tutte Ic piu possibili diligeiue"
{ibid., Filza 815, CamlUi li 8 Febraro J666 S\til\ N\()vo\, more veneto).

* On the violent encounters of the Christians with the Turks at Candia from 28 May to 9
.hine 1667, see MS. Marc. It. Vli, 657 (7481), fols. 23-27; from 23 .lune to 15 July, ibid.,
fols. 33-44'; and through the rirst half of October, fols. 4T-49'. During the night of 2 July
(1667) the papal and Maltese galleys reached Standia, and the following day "comparvero
in fossa della citta [Candiaj: rioeverono triplicato U salute del cannone e moscheto." fols.
36''-37'.

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195

Francesco Morosini, who had been reappointed captain-general of the

Venetian fleet.

The Knj^lish and the Dutch profited from the struggle, seUing the Turks
gunpowder and various war materials. The merchants, including the
French, often sided with the Modems; the aristocracy, especially the
French, remembered the Crusades, and happily Joined the ftray against
the Turks. The years 1667-1668 were a period of bloodshed. They are
well documented. Toward the end of July (1667) the allied fleet saved
the island of Cerigo from an attack by the Turks, but managed to achieve
nothing else despite Hichi's wandering here and there in Cretan waters
and in the southern Aegean. On 20 September the papal and Maltese as
well as the Neapolitan and Sicilian (i.e., the "Spanish'*) galleys left for
home. The Turics had proved to be elusive, adding to their strength on
the island of Crete and avoiding anything like a decisive battle with the
Christian forces.

Every year had brought hardships to both the Venetians and the
Turks. Such were the resources of the Porte, with fortresses and ports
everywhere in the eastern Mediterranean, that it was impossible for the
Venetians to score a "decisive" victory. Francesco Morosini, again in
command, was striving to maintain the Republic's hold upon Gandia
and, always hoping against hope, to recover Ganea (the ancient Gy-
donia) which, after Candia, was the largest city in Crete. The remains of
Venetian fortifications are still conspicuous in both places.

"a. La Ouerra di CandUa, 1667-1668, In MS. Marc. It. VII, 2182 (8779), which is
almost entirely >*iven over to a day-to-day account — or diary — of the Hghting at Candia
from 27 May 1667 to the end of April 1668. The volume contains 197 foU., and is very
deariy written. One may find here, fofs. 183' to 190', a copy of the marqals de Vitle's
report to the Senate on the condition of the fortress (piazza) of Candia, the Venetian
armata da mare, and the Turkish encampment as of Saturday night, 2 1 April, when he left
Candia. This MS. also provides us with the texts of a brief (in Latin) of Pope Clement IX to
Francesco Morosini dated 18 May 1669 and of Morosini's answer (in Italian) dated 19.1uly
1669. Cf. in general Alberto Guglieimotti. Storia della marina pont{/iciu, Vili (Rome,
1893), 277«.

De Ville's ser\ ice to Venice can be studied in four texts ^iven in MS. Marc. It. VM, 657
(7481), fols. 2'-3, 7'-8, 1 r-12', 13'-2(r. The Hrst three of these texts, all very brief, are
concerned with formal, ceremonial gestures; the fourth is a precise, detailed, descriptive
account of the fortifications of Candia as of 20 April 1668 (dated 21 April in the copy cited
alwve), with assessments of the condition of the bastions, ravelins, and mezza luna, the
counterscarp, etc. In general the prospects seemed hopeful to de Ville. Candia was well
supplied with artillery, but munitions were in short supply, especially powder, although
2,000 bariii had arrived from Venice, despite KdpriilO's tightening of the Turltish lines.
Other military supplies were by and large exhausted. Food was scarce and expensive; a
single chicken cost one and a quarter reait. The sick and wounded were hard put to hnd the
means of subsistence. The Venetian fleet seemed of adequate strength to de Ville, with
enough galleys, galleasses, and other vessels. The Turks were having their troubles, how-
ever, with unrest in Istanbul. Apparently only time could clarify the situation for the Turks
as well as for the Venetians.

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196

Venice, AuatrUt, and the Turks in the Seventeenth Century

At the beginning of 1668 the grand vizir Ahmed Kopriilii took the
offensive. Acting apparently upon information which he had acquired
from scouts or spies (con occulte truTiic),^^ he decided to launch a sur-
prise attack upon Lorenzo Corner, the Venetian proveditor dell'ar-
mata, whose seven galleys then in the area of S. Felagia (an islet north-
west of Gandia) were an impediment to the Turks* intention to reinforce
their troops under the walls of Gandia. Selecting two thousand of his
*'most warHke soldiers," he placed them under the command of a pasha
from Anatolia, who was highly regarded by the Turkish troops. Kopriilii
sent the pasha off toward Retimo (Rcthymnon), on the northern shore of
Crete midway between Canea and Candia, under cover of night "so that
he would not be seen." Planning to seize the seven galleys under the
Venetian provveditore, Kopriilii had assigned the pasha a dozen galleys.

Somehow Morosini had learned of the grand vizir's plans, and despite
the shortness of time he was ready to meet the Turks upon their arrival
during the evening of 8 March (1668), apparently adding thirteen galleys
to the seven under Corner's command. The contest lasted five continu-
ous hours (cinque continue hore), a chaos of fire and sword in the dark-
ness of night. Morosini had taken command of the Venetian naval arma-
ment. His galley was quickly surrounded by three enemy vessels, two of
which soon had to withdraw from the encounter "much damaged." The
third was held under attack by another Venetian galley. A contemporary
Venetian newsletter identifies the various Venetian officers involved in
the battle — Lorenzo Corner, Alvise Gontarini, Niccolo Polani, Daniele
Zustignan, Alvise Priuli, Girolamo Priuli, Alvise Calbo, Alvise Minio,
Piero Querini, Ix)renzo Dona, Giacomo Celsi, Nadal Duodo, and a num-
ber of others. Having been freed from the enemy assault, Morosini
moved off to attack another Turkish galley (he went "where the need
was the greatest") which put up a "validissima ressistenza." The Turkish
galley "was captured, however, and left in the charge of an official and
some soldiers who were the first to board it."

The Turkivsh pasha and the beys under his command were highly expe-
ricnccd. Their soldiery fought bravely. The battle was perilous; the out-
come remained uncertain for some lime. In the darkness it was hard to
tell who was winning: Pendeva incerto I'esito, e fra le tenchre non si
dicerneva dove piegasse il vantaggio. The outcome became clear, how-
ever, with the death of the chief bey, apparently the pasha's second in
command. His galley was taken, "and this was also added to the triumphs
of the Republic's arms:" "It was a bloody acquisition, and particularly so
because of the death of the noble Daniele Zustignan, the paymaster, who

^ Espionage (and sabota^) were prominent features of the Turco- Venetian wars (and

the Venetians plotted many an assassination), on which cf. Vcneziu c hi iti/csa del Levante
da LepanU) a Candia, 1570-1670, Venice, 1986, pp. 79-85, with extensive notes.

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NfftMif Battka at the Dardan^ea

197

in the search for ^ory had embarked upon the galley PoUmi, and was
struck by a musket shot among the first volleys. . . .**

As we have noted, the author of the newsletter apparently named all
the Venetian officers who distinguished themselves in this battle: Tutti li
capi da niar, governatori, e nohili han ditnostrata siiigolar prontezzu
neU'azzardarsi ne vi e alcuno che non habbi date chiare prove di
dewMone verso la patria et di corraggio et intrepideMO. The newsletter
had a wide circulation. The writer could not know what would Indeed
have saddened him. It was to be the last Venetian victory of the
Cretan war.

Morosini and his officers captured five Turkish galleys, and sank an-
other. The rest of the Turkish galleys suffered "considerable damage."
Many of the Turks were killed. The grand vizir Ahmed Kopriilu lost sev-
eral beys, an abundance of troops, and no end of slaves, "for there were
three hundred persons aboard every galley." Among the 410 captives
taken by the Venetians, the greater part were wounded, including some
of the beys. Others found safety in flight. Eleven hundred Christian
slaves were freed, released from the oars. They would be kept with the
fleet, "being accustomed to hardships, with some knowledge of naviga-
tion, and experienced in the business of the sea." This gain in manpower
was offset by five hundred wounded and two hundred killed. There was
rejoicing on the island of Standia (Dia) and doubtless at nearby Candia,^
but the Venetian forces would have no further occasion to celebrate a
victory with salvos of cannon fire and musketry, at least not in the
Cretan war.

Although the eyes of Europe were constantly cast in the direction of
the Turco-Venetian war for possession of Crete, the Franco-Spanish war
of 1667-1668 was a serious distraction. It was Louis XlV's first war, the
"War of Devolution," by which he laid claim to his Spanish wife Maria
Theresa's alleged inheritance of the Belgian provinces. Maria Theresa
was the daughter of Philip IV, and Louis declared chat che souchem
Netherlands had devolved upon her. He was obliged to moderate his
ambition, however, when Holland, England, and Sweden formed a triple
alliance (on 23 January 1668), and by the treaty of Aix-la-Ghapelle (on
2 May) Louis returned Franche-Gomte to Spain, which recognized his
continued possession of a doxen fortified towns on the Plranoo-Belgian

"Relatione del combuttimcnto glorioso Heguito tra galere delta Serenissima Rejtub-
Uca di Venetia et le galere de' Bei, sotto U commando deU'illustriaa. et ecceUentiaa.
Si^nr Francesco Moresini, Cavfdier, Capitan generate da Mar, la notte deOt 8. Mono
1668 nelle (icque di Fraschia, Venice, apprcsso Camillo Bortoli, 1668. The same text was
also published in 1668 by Giovanni Pietro Finelli, atampMor duade, and of course both
text* were bron^t ont "oon lloeim de* Superiorl."

198

Venice, Auatria, and the Twrka fn the Seventeenth Century

border. With France at peace, the Venetian Signoria sou^t and prayed

for renewed assistance from France.^

The French did send assistance to try to save Crete from the Turks, but
Morosini had to wait another year for it. In the meantime, some seven
weeks after the Venetian victory offshore from Gandia, Morosini moved
with most of the Venetian fleet into the Archipelago; the proweditore
Lorenzo Gelsi renMined in the area of Gandia with about a third of the
Republio*8 naval strength. In early May (1668) the Turkish kapudan
pasha was reported off the western shores of Crete with (it was said)
some fifty galleys which he had brought from Chios. Morosini hurried
back to Crete, where he anchored the fleet in Canea Bay near the islet of
S. Todero, awaiting the expected papal and Maltese galleys.

During the dozen years of his reign Pope Alexander VII Chigi (1655-
1667) had rendered Venice such assistance as he could by the sale of
ecclesiastical properties, the allowance of tithes, and the dispatch of
papal galleys to the east — all this and more despite his financial prob-
lems and his prolonged difhculties with both Cardinal Mazarin (d. 1661)
and the young King Louis XIV.

On the evening of 20 June (1667), however, when Giulio Rospigliosi
was elected Clement IX,''^ Venetian hopes rose, because not only was
the new pontiff determined to resist the Turks, but since he was on
friendly terms with France, perhaps Louis XIV would add something of
French manpower and resources to the unending contest with the Porte.
When Clement IX's five galleys set out in May (1668) to join the Vene-
tian fleet in the Cretan waters, they were under the command of his
nephew Vincenzo Rospigliosi, whose dispatches or letters form a diary of
his experiences during the expeditions of 1668 and 1669, the last expe-
ditions of the Cretan war.

* On the peace of 1668, note Louis XIVs letter to Pope Oement IX, dated at 8. Oermain
on 16 April (1668), in Bibl. Nazionale Marclana, MS. It. VII. 675 (8209). fols. 5*-6'. But
peace In Europe was not peace in the eastern Mediterranean, for the Cretan war went on,
as die Venetian Signorla lamented in a letter congratulating Louis on the peace between
France and Spain and appealing for French help against the Turks: "Mentre pero li motlvi
della pieta medesima (di Maesta vostra] ha persuaso I'animo suo nel mezzo delle vittorie
alia pace, le present! aftlitioni della Cristianltik oppreasa daH'anni potenti de Barbari, con-
Hdiamo siam per disponer il Christianissimo suo zelo a voglier Tarmi contro di essi per
assister ad una causa della nostra santa fcde. E mentre la piaza di Gandia, valido antemu-
rale all'innondationi de Turchi, resiste. benche Heramente oppagnata oon potentissimo
eaaercito dal Primo Visir. e la bonta della Maesta vostra chiamata a sostener con i vigorosi
•occorsi delle sue forze la costanza del Senato et animar quella cost tmportante diffesa con
I aovegni delle sue armi sempre vittoriose: La congiontura e importante, I'assedio e perti-
naooe, e le forze estenuate da cosi lunga guerra van cedendo, onde il solo calore degl'agiuti
della sua corona puo invigorire la difFesa della religione e delta fede, et II Senato steaso
dalla di lei bonta hora li contida pronti e copiosi in corrispondenza dell'urgenze, e dispone
di piu nell'anima faugumento di quelle obligation! che grate e perpetue si conserverano
aUa MacMtti voatra. alia quale di tutto ouore augnra lunghi e Celloi Jl'annl" {ibitL, fol 8).
Aroh. Segr. Vatlcano, Acta Consistorialia, Aou MlsoeUanea, torn. 42, (ola. 50^-51'.

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Navtd Battks at the Dardandin

199

The HoBpitaUera also sent seven galleys eastward, this time under Qe*

mente Accarigi, of whom there is frequent mention in Rospigliosi's vol-
ume of letters. Upon his arrival at the islet of S. Todero in Ganea Bay (on
7 July 1668), Rospigliosi wrote "that the Venetian fleet, here in these
waters of S. Todero, consists of five galleasses, 15 light galleys, and ten
vessels of different sorts as well as other small boats." Although Rospi-
gliosi had had to spend some days at the various ports he entered on die
way to Crete, taidng on water and supplies, he hmd made fairiy good time
on his voyage to Grete.^ The so-oalled Spanish galleys (from Nafrfes and
. Sicily) were to put in an appearance too late to render any service
against the Turks.

When Rospigliosi had become settled offshore from S. Todero, Moro-
sini left him in charge of the fleet, and went off to attend to the troops and
fortifications at Candia, which was under constant pressure from the
Turin. Rospigliosi wrote letter after letter dated at 8. Todero throughout
the month of July (1668). To keep up the blockade of Ganea it was
necessary to provide the crews and troops with water. Since the Turics
were everywhere on the land around Canea, it was difficult to get water,
for Rospigliosi was unwilling to venture too far afield for it.'*'' While he
worried about water, the encouraging news of the Franco-Spanish treaty
of Aix-la-Ghapelle (of 2 May 1668) reached him at S. Todero in late
July.^ He was also pleased with Morosini's apparent attitude toward

" Arch. S«gr. Vaticano, Miscellanea, Ann. XV, torn. 138, Registro di lettere del Cava-
Here F. VInceiuo Rospigliosi, comandante delle galere poyuificie spedUe in Levante
eeritteda24 Maggio 1668 fino adiSO Luglio 1669: "Domenica 20 del corrente [Sunday, 20
May 16681 veno le 22 hore labout 7:00 p.m.] giunsi a Nisita [the Isola di NMdal. et hotfi
fard la mla entrata in Napoli, restando sopite tutte le dMIooIci per meszo di monsignor
nunzio Gnllin (Marco Gallio, bishop of Rimini, and apOKUAlc nuncio to Naples from 19
February 16681 • • (fol. 9*, dispatch written over a period of three days, and dated 23
May, 1668, at M. 13*)- The preoedinU dispatch Is dated at Gaeta on 20 May, the following
at Naples on 24 May (fol. 14"). Rospigliosi was at Messina by 4 Jwiie (fol. 27"). Faro di
Messina on the 12th (fol. 39"), Corfu on the 16th (fol. 41*), Zante on the 27th (fol. 46'),
Gape Matapan on 2 July (fol. 480. Braocio (Brasso) di Maine on the third (fol. 490, Gerlgo
on the sixth (fol. 51'), and had reached the island of San Todero on 7-9 July (fol. .S^*),
where he noted "che I'armata Veneta esistente in quest'acque di S. Todero consistc in 5
galeazze, 15 galcc sottili. e 10 vascelli diversi oltrc a brigantini et altri legni piccoli" (fol.
52*). On the extensive help which Clement IX gave Venice against the Turks during hia
brief reign (1667-1669). see Pastor, Gesch. d. Pdpste, XIV-1 (1929), 602-9.

Cf. Registro dt lettere del Cav. F. Vincenzo Rospigliosi (ret. given above), fol. 63': "II
tempo fresco di quest! giomi passati, che continue tuttavia con notabile accrescimento, ha
Impedito a qoeste sqoadre di poter far'acqoa in vidnanza di 8. Todero, n^ io ho voluto die
si vadara pigliarne alia Calabusc IGrabusa, a \'cnetian fortress, but west of Cape Spada) o
in altrove per non abbandonar questo posto," which letter is dated at S. Todero on 14 July
1668. RoapliikMl also needed ship's bisevft (fol. 64*).

F. Rallerini, "lettere di Vincenzo Rospiglioso. cavaliere ger(^olimitano e capitano ge-
nerate dell'armata |pontiHcia| nella guerra di Candia," // Muratori, I (Rome, 1892), 123-
26, has published a letter of Rospigliosi dated 9 July 1668 and, ibid, pp. 181-84, three
letters dated 25 July, aa well aa aaoiher two letten dated 21 and 25 Ju^y (iMdL, II 118931,
167-70).

**Re^tocroilileCleredef GimF. VlficeimJlosp<ilioa<,fol.66\l^ 1668.

200

Venice, Austria, and the Turks in the Seventeenth Century

him,^' but made uneasy by the persistent attacks of the Turks upon
Gandia.^^ Rospigliosi's letters are full of endless, fascinating detail with
which we cannot deal here.

Rospigliosi informs us of the allies' numerous difficulties, their large
frustrations and small successes, their reaction to reports and rumors,
the movements of Christian and Turkish vessels between Otranto and
Rhodes, and (among various other data) the minutes of the war oounoil
(consulta) held aboard the papal flagship at S. Todero on 30 July (1668).
The deliberations took place "in presenza degli eocellentissimi signori
generali radunati . . . con i signori luogotenenti loro sopra la reale di sua
Santita," i.e., Francesco Morosini was present and, of course, so were
Kospigliosi and Accarigi.**^ The decision was made for various
reasons — especially the fleet's need of water — to take over the little fort
of S. Marina on the eastern point of the island near the harbor of 8.
Todero (disposixione per l'attcux:o del forte S. Marina situato nel regno
di Candia 4 miglia diatante dalla Canea incontro Viaolotto di S.
Todero).

The Turks on S. Todero obviously depended for their defense upon
Fort S. Marina for, as we have seen, the other small fortress on S. Todero
had been blown to pieces by the stalwart Istrian officer Blasio Zulian in
June 1645, although it is clear that the fortress was at least partially
restored by the Turks some years later.^ However that might be, the
attack upon Fort 8. Marina was scheduled for 3 August; every minute
detail had been considered and provision made for it. The time was
opportune, for "the Turkish armada is still at Rhodes" (I'armata Tur>
chesca maritima si trova tuttavia a Rodi).^^ On the morning of 3 Au-
gust, in accord with the resolution of the war council, Rospigliosi and
others proceeded against Fort S. Marina, occupying the fort and the
adjacent harbor with no resistance at all from the Turks, who took flight
as the allied forces were disembarking.^

^Ibid., fol. 67', letter dated at S. Todero on 25 July 1668.
*/Wd., fol. 67', 25 July. 1668.

Ibid., fols. 77^-80'.

Cf. Nova e vera Relatione del vombattimento novamente seguito in Candia, publ. in
Venice. Bologna, and Perrara by Giulio Bulscmi Gigllo, 1669: 'in tanto fabrioando li Turciii
un Forte a S. Todoro. c postovi sopra il cannone per tenet iontana i'annata veneca et

assicurare io sbarco alia turchescha. . .

^ Registro di lettere del Cav. F. Vincenxo Rnspi/^iosi, fols. SffSy.

Ibid., fol. 84', dal ForteS. Mtirina 3 Afinsto 1668: "Doppo d'haver serrato il mio piego
in data delli 2 del presence devo soggiungere . . . che in adempimiento della resoluzione di
Hi presa, cl slamo portati stamane al forte di S. Marina senxa havervi inoontrato alcana
resistenza per parte de' Turchi, quali nel punto stesso dello sbarco da' nostri se ne son tutti
fuggiti . . . ," and cf. fol. 85': "L'armata veneta nel solito posto a S. Todero per impedire
rintrodozione de' soccorsi per la parte di Canea. questa manina ci siamo impaibonitl,
•enza contrasto, del forte di S. Marina, havendolo vilmente abbandonato 1 ncmici. . .

There is an old but well-informed account of the Candian war during the years 1668-

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NavtU BiUtlea at the DurdaneUea

201

After the capture of Fort S. Marina, the major success of the expedi-
tion of 1668, Morosini ur^ed Rospigliosi and Accari;^i to move eastward
to Gandia to assist in the defense of the capital city of the "kingdom."
The "deputies of all the squadrons" did leave Canea for Candia, where
they made a survey of the Turkish batteries along the shore in the area of
the bastion of S. Andrea. They decided that they could do little or noth-
ing **without manifest risk to the galleys and with very little damage to
the Turks. It was almost always the same. Naval commanders would
not allow their crews and soldiers to become bogged down in the Turks'
everlasting siege of Candia. On the other hand, if the Turkish armada
avoided any serious encounter with the allied squadrons, what could the
Christian forces do? Year after year papal and Maltese galleys would
come east to do the Turks some harm (and often did so), but the naval
officers insisted upon confining their actions to the sea.

The presence of Rospigliosi and Accarigi on the northwestern coast of
Crete apparently made it inadvisable for the Turks to try to land men and
munitions at either Canea or Candia, which was not much of a problem,
since the Turks could easily land their reinforcements on the eastern end
of the island. Nevertheless, in mid-August Rospigliosi feared that the
kapudan pasha might well try to land men and munitions "in the waters
of Canea," as he warned the Christian corsairs in the area of Suda Bay,
the best harbor of Crete, and so every precaution must be taken.^^

After having spent some days "in the waters of Candia," Rospigliosi
was back in the area of Canea by 20 August (1668). Despite his caution
and courtesy, as revealed in his correspondence, everything had not
been going smoothly. Disagreement and discord between the Venetians
and Maltese was almost to be expected. On 22 August Rospigliosi wrote
from the waters of Canea that Morosini was sending a felucca to Otranto
in order to have a detailed report **on the state of Candia'* transmitted
from there to Venice, "e per domandar soccorsi massimamente di gente,
la penuria di che crescendo ogni giomo coUa morte de' defensori vien
pero ad indebolire non mcno le forze che la speranza di quei coman-
danti."'''' Morosini desperately needed soldiers to combat the Turks lay-
ing siege to Gandia. and he was "disarming" his galleys to try to get some
of the manpower he required.

1669 by VVilhclm Hiftftc. /Xr Ktimpf um Canilut in denJuhre 1667-1669, Berlin, 1899, pp.
113-227. esp. pp. 136rf., in the Kricfis^cschichtliche Einzelschriften, vol. V, Heft 26.
There is also an Italian translation of ni>*>»e's monograph (Turin. 1901).

Rcgistro di lettcrv del Ca-c. Rospigliosi. fols. 87'. HH\ S9\ et (dibi.
** fbUL, M. 92': "Vien conferniato da piu parti Tavviso ehe Tannata nemica possa por-
tarsi in questc acque di Canea per effettuarsi lo sbarco de' soccorsi destlnati da! capitan
bassa in aiuto del eampo del visir . . . ." from a letterit t'ircolure of Rospi^iosi dated 16
August 1668.

Ibid., fol. 96', dtM acque di Ckmea 22 Agosto 1668.
fol.96'.

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202

Venice, AuMtria, and the TurkM in dte Sevenuenth Century

There would seem to be cause for alarm. At SCandia, the Venedan
island north of Gandia, Morosini had received news of the kapudan pa-
sha's plans to leave Chios for Monemvasia "and Romania," where 8,000
Turks were stationed, most of them sappers (guastatori), waiting to be
embarked for Gandia. The pasha's armada with more than 50 sail was
allegedly between Cerigotto and Grabusa which, if true, was indeed a
menace to the Venetians. Rospi^iosi was glad that he had returned from
Gandia in time to meet the Turlcs if they atuclced/' On 22 August (1668)
Rospigliosi noted that three months had passed since his departure from
Rome.** He was beginning to plan his return home. Morosini had assured
him that he would encounter no obstacles at the Venetian-held islands of
Zante and Corfu, and he expected to receive the same consideration at
Neapolitan-held Otranto. In any event "the Turkish armada has so dis-
tanced itself hpom here" that Rospigliosi was being led to the reluctant
conclusion that it might not be necessary "to prolong our stay in these
waters."*'

Naval protocol was again a problem, for the Venetian galleass Nava-
gero had failed to salute the flagship of Malta by firing a salvo, and so the
latter did not respond {iion e segiiito tra loro alcun salvo). The Maltese
commander Accarigi was surprised, even scandalized {/ormalizzato),
by this failure to show respect to the Maltese cross. Accarigi was deeply
offended. After aU, it was his flagship, not an ordinary galley, to which
the Venetian vessel had failed to give what he regarded as proper cere>
menial recognition. He complained to Rospigliosi, who reported the in-
cident to the Venetian capitan estranrdinario, who explained that Ven-
ice required precedence "per conservar il decoro dello stendardo della
Serenissima Republica." If Accarigi's flagship had fired first, presum-
ably the Venetian galleass would have replied. That was not good enough
for Accarigi. No, the Maltese were leaving immediately, preparing to go
aboard their galleys for die voyage westward, and Rospigliosi could not
prevail upon Accarigi and his fellow Hospitallers to remain any longer
"in the waters of Canea."^®

Rospigliosi was not able to persuade the Maltese to delay their depar-
ture beyond 28 August (1668), i.e., a mere four or five days, despite the
fact it was known that every eCFort was now being made to see diat the
Neapolitan and Sicilian squadrons should come east "with all possible
speed." Their galleys would be loaded with soldiery to aid in the defense
of Gandia.*^ The papal commander could only acknowledge and lament

*^nmi., fol. 97', and cf. fol. lOT.

*" ibitL, fol. 102*, OaU'aGque dt Canea 22 Agoato 1668.

^Aid. fol. 104'. also dated 22 Aafast.

^IMd, fol. 105'. iluU'acque di Canea 23 Agosto I66fi.

^ibfd, foU. lOS'-lOb', all'ecceUentis9imo Capitan generale Morosino inCandia. . .
datt'aeque di Canta 26 Agosto 1668, and of. fob. 1 1 2'-l 13, cc oNM. The Nanagtro afiilr Is
reoovnted In several of Rospigllosi's letters.

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Naval Battlea at the Dardanetlea

203

"that my remaining for two months in the fleet has been almost entirely

useless as far as service to the most Serene Republic j^oes," but he was
glad of the opportunity to make clear his zeal and dedication to the
Christian cause. ^" In any event Rospigliosi left with the Maltese, and
reached the island of Zante before 6 September.'*

About the time of Rospigliosi's arrival at Zante a small boat pulled into
the harbor with news that nine Spanish galleys (from Naples and Sicily)
had reached Corfu on their way to the Levant. On 7 September Rospi-
gliosi wrote his brother Cardinal Jacopo that when the Christian galleys
had got together, he was prepared to return to Candia and go anywhere
that the allied forces could do something worthwhile for the public
good." In fact Rospigliosi now left Zante with Accarigi for Corfu, only to
find that the commander of the Neapolitan and Sicilian galleys, Don
Pedro de Toledo, the duke of Ferrandina, had already departed, having
inquired about the papal and Maltese galleys. On 9 September Rospi-
gliosi wrote Don Pedro that he had consulted with Accarigi, generate de*
Maltesi, and that they had agreed to wait at Corfu for word from him as
to what the Spaniards' plans might be.''' Although basic decisions were
made at Madrid (or Naples), the crews and soldiery aboard the Neapoli-
tan and Sicilian galleys were in fact almost entirely Italian.

On the evening of 19 September (1668) the duke of Perrandlna re-
turned to Corfu with the four Sicilian and five Neapolitan galleys. As he
entered the hari)or, his gunners saluted the papal banner with a volley of
all his cannon. Rospigliosi sent him some refreshments and a little slave
clad in gold brocade. Thereafter he tried to persuade Ferrandina to em-
bark upon some enterprise against the Turks so that, as the season for
naval warfare was passing, his mission would not prove wholly useless.
He suggested that Ferrandina send the Venetians at Candia 150 or 200
footsoldiers from aboard his galleys. Morosini*8 situation was perilous.
Even a small body of soldiery would be more useful under the circum-
stances than anything else that Ferrandina could do. The latter claimed,
however, that he lacked authority to take such action, while Rospigliosi
asserted that he was ready, even eager, to enroll 200 men for assignment
to Candia. The pope was prepared to give his benign approval thereto,

IhitL fol. 107^ ilalfacquc di Ctmca 28 Agosto 1668.
^' Ibid., fols. lOS^ff. There is a brief summary of events, as seen by Rospigliosi, in this
MS. at fois. 108*-1 1 r. He left the waters of Ganea, heading for Zante, on 28 August (fol.

lU/).

Ibid., fol. 1 18', Zante, 7 Settcmbre 1668: "Giun^e una barca da Corfu con avviso che le
galere di Nnpoli c di Sicilia in numero di 9 (i.e., Hve Neapolitan and four Sicilian galleys)
comandate dal Signor Duca di Ferrandina, niarchcse di Villafranca, si ritrovano in quel
porto, onde quanto prima ei saremo insieme, et io per la mia parte m'esibiro prontissimo di
tornar' in Candia ed andar per tutto dove le squadre poasino operar qnalolie oosa in aervi-
zio della causa pubblica. . . ."

'•^ Ibid., fol. 1 18", id Signor Duca di Ferrandina, tnarchese di Villa/ranca . . . Corfu, 9
Settembre 1668, and cf. fols. 119ff.

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204

Venice, Austria, and th€ Tterto in the Seventeenth Century

given the current crisis and the advantages that could accrue from the
proposed move.^^

To simplify a somewhat complicated situation let us merely say that
Ferrandina remained loath to remove any troops from the five hundred
that had been recruited in the kingdom of Naples, especially for incorpo-
ration into a pontifical regiment.'^ Of course, problems of protocol
would arise. On 22 September Rospigliosi wrote at length to Morosini,
informing liim of everytliing tiiat liad liappened since the withdrawal of
the papal and Maltese galleys from the waters of Ganea, including his
willingness to return to Candia and Perrandina's refusal to cooperate
(owing, he said, to the lateness of the season). In any event Rospigliosi
made it clear that insofar as he had failed in his obligation to Venice and
to the Holy See, he shared the embarrassment with Ferrandina.^*

Although the commanders of the allied squadrons had fastened upon
21 September (166S) as the date of their departure from Corfu, they
were held up by contrary winds, and could not set sail until Monday, 24
September. The following day they passed by the entrance to the Strait
of Otranto {la Bocca dell'Adriatico) in a thick fog on a calm sea. From
the area of Otranto the squadrons went their several ways, the "Span-
iards'* heading for Gallipoli and Taranto, Accarigi's seven galleys for
Malta."

Thereafter we have a flood of Rospigliosi*s letters dated 28 Septeml>er
from Reggio di Calabria." On 1 October he wrote Nicol&s Cotoner, the
Aragonese grand master of the Hospitallers (1665-1680), in commenda-
tion of his colleague Gemente Accarigi. The letter was sent from Mes-

" Ihid., fols. 123"-! 24', Corfu, 20Seuembre 1668: "Giunse Hnalmcnte iersera in queste
acquc il Signor Duca di Ferrandina OOn9Salere, 4 dl Sicilia e 5 di Napoli. . . . NeU'ingresso
saluto lo stcndardo di Nostro Signore con salva generate di tutti li suoi cannon!. . . . L'ho
. . . rcgalato d'alcuni rinfrescht e d'un schiavetto vestito di broccato d'oro et in tutto
procuro di gundii^narnii raninio suo aftine di pcrsiindcrlo ad opcrar qualche cosa inservi*
zio della causa pubblica accioche non riesca del tutto inutile la di sua misslone. . . .

"Per tal rigaardo gl'ho proposto di concedere alia Repubtica 150 o 200 fiintt delle sue
jjalerc da inviarsi prontamentc in Candia, dove qiicllo soccorso nelle presenti strettezze
riuscircbbe piu considerabilc di qualsivogl'altro. . . . Esscndosi egli scusato con allegare
la ana Impotenaa perdlfettod'aatorltA, gli ho rtsposto oh 'to m'ero preso ardire di arrolainie
200, e chc sua Santita si era dcfinata di approvar benijjnamcntc tal risoluzionc, atteae le
predettc angustie et il gran benetizio che si poteva cavare da cosi picciol rimedio. . .

"/hiU. fol. 124*.

"•/hiV/., fols. 125*-126'. nl sifinor capitan ficncrnle Morosinn, Candia . . . Corfu, 22
Scttemhre 1668: ". . . Speravo che il signer Duca mi permetlerebbe d'arrolare in aumento
di cotcsto rcggimento potitificio un buon numero di fanteria spagnola fwho would have
been largely Italian), ma esscndosi egli scusato d'aderire alle mie istanze, resto con mortifi-
cazione di non haver potuto coniplire aH'obbligo mio in ossequio dclla Serenissima Repub-
tica . . . ," and cf. fol. 12<r ct alibi.

"Ihid., fol 120, Regttio, 28Settembre 1668, and cf. fols. 132'-13,T.

'"/bid., fols. 127ff. In writinit to his brother Cardinal Jacopo on 28 September, Rospi-
gliosi expressed gratitude to AJoyslus Pappaoorda (d. 1670), the bishop of Leooe, for his
helpfulness (fol. 131').

Naval Baulen at the Dardanettea

205

slna." By 9 October Rospigliosi was on the Isola di Nisida, just outside
the port of Naples, at Gaeta by the 13th,^*^ and shortly thereafter he was
back in Rome, where he gave his mother Lucrezia^' as well as his uncle
Pope Clement IX a detailed account of the expedition of 1668, which he
frankly acknowledged had not been a success.

When Vincenzo Rospigliosi and Qemente Accarigi left the Gulf of
Ganea for the island of Zante (on 29 August 1668), the task force which
Morosini had added to the allied fleet was not strong enough to bar the
Turks from entering the large harbor of Ganea. Also Morosini needed the
manpower at Candia, where he now assembled the crews and soldiery
aboard the Venetian galleasses, galleys, and ships to help ward off the
Turkish assaults. During the fall of '68 Ghristian shipping suffered some
losses owing to attacks by the Barfoary pirates as well as by the fleet of
the kapudan pasha. If Candia was going to hold out, it would certainly
need increased assistance from the western powers. Candia had been
under intermittent attack for some twenty-three years, and of late the
Turks had been reinforcing the armament of their siege.

»»/bid., fol. 134.

""Ihid.. fols. Kic^'-ua: ". . . QMta, dove giunsi ieri . . . letter dated 14 October.
Cf., ibicL, fol. 144*.

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VII

Alvise da Molin's Embassy to the Porte,
Failure of the French to Relieve Candia,
Francesco Morosinfs Surrender
of the City to the Turks

he long war had nearly exhausted the naval and military re-
sources of the Venetian Republic. There had been an almost
disastrous erosion of the Levantine trade. On 3 March 1668 the
doge Domenico Contarini wrote Andrea Valier that the Senate had cho-
sen him to seek peace with the Porte as a "gentleman envoy.** Valier was
the Signoria*s guardian of the Ionian Sea, patrolling the waters of Corfu,
Gephalonla, and Zante. He had had no little experience of the "customs
and manners of the Turks."' Thus while Venice sought armed assistance
from the West, she was turning eastward to seek peace. The Senate had
voted by a large majority to send Valier to the Porte or to the grand vizir
Ahmed Kopriilii, wherever he might be, but the members now had no
little difficulty agreeing on the procedures to be followed.

On 6 April (1668) the Senate rejected the text of a proposed letter to
K5prillfi to the effect that Valier was being sent "per applicare alle oc-
correnze publiche e per li maneggi dclla pace." According to the dis-
carded text, the Senate was confident chat the grand vizir was "inclined

* A8V, Senato. DeHberazioni Gostuitlnopoli (Secrets). Reg. 32 (1668-1672). foL Z
1931.

206

Molin'a Embaaay and Moroaini'a Surrender 0/ Candia

207

to peace" and wanted, like the Signoria, "to put an end to the shedding
of so much blood." On the same day the text of another letter to Kopriilii
as well as that of a letter to Francesco Morosini, capitan general da
mar, was also voted down in the Senate, where there was clearly a high
measure of contention, as a secretary noted several times {vedi 8Con-
tro preao).*

The doge wrote Andrea Valier on 22 June (1668), in accord with the
Senate's wishes, that he was to go directly to the sultan Mehmed IV,
"wherever he was to be found," as soon as the secretary Giovanni Ga-
pello, the dragoman Ambrosio Grille, and a Turkish chavush arrived to
join his suite. The necessary passports and other credentials were al-
ready in hand. Valier could choose his own road eastward, going either
by land or by sea. If he chose the sea route, he could ask the captain-
general Morosini for whatever vessels or galleys were necessary. Provi*
sion had been made for the purchase of garments ipanni)^ satins (rosi),
and cloths of gold to the extent of 6,000 ducats. Another thousand du*
cats were being spent on clocks, silven^'are, and other such gestures of
Venetian good will. The Turk had long enjoyed such gifts.

Valier was now to take the considerable sum of 10,000 ducats from
funds already available to him; another ten thousand would be sent with
Che secretary and the dragoman. The magiatrato aUa wnitd had been
instructed to furnish him with a physician and surgeon (or barber), as
was usually done for envoys on the way to the Bosporus. On the same day
(22 June) the Senate or rather the doge wrote the captain— general Moro-
sini of the arrival in Venice of "U passaporti per la sicurezza del passag-
gio del dilettissimo nostro Andrea Valier."'' The physician chosen to
accompany the Venetian eml)assy to the Porte was to be one Bartolom-
meo Dandolo, medico Jisico, who would look after the envoy and the
latter's family.^

On 14 July (1668) the Senate approved a letter to go in the doge's
name to the sultan Mehmed, lamenting the military mishaps of the past,
which were not at all consistent with the Si^noria's affection and respect
for his Majesty and for the Sublime Porte. Now, with the security pro-
vided by the sultan's passports, the noble Andrea Valier would soon be
on his way to the Turkish court to negotiate with honor and justice a
treaty of peace.' On the same day the Senate accepted the text of a
similar but rather more precise letter to be sent to the grand vizir
Kopriilii.^ War had long held the rapt attention of northern Europe as
well as of the Mediterranean world.

'Ibid., fols. S'-b" 194'-97''|.
*/bu/.. fols. 10*-11 iior-1021.
^Ibiil., lol. 25' 1116'!.
'/6tU, fol. 14 1J05|.

* ASV, Senato, Delib. Gostaminopoli. Reg. 32, fol. 14* (105*]: "L'affettuosa osservatiza
delta Republica verso I'BccelM Porta non ha mai havuta akeratione ne gl'aniini nostrl,

208

Venice, Austria, and the Turks in the Seventeenth Century

In the summer of 1668 Paul Rycaut's work on The Present State of the
Ottoman Empire was being published in London. lie had been ap-
pointed consul of the Levant Company in Smyrna (in 1667), where he
was to remain for the next decade or so. Smyrna, the modern Izmir, is at
the head of the Gulf of Smyrna on the eastern coast of the Aegean. On 18
July (1668) Rycaut wrote Charles IPs secretary of state that he assumed
the latter was receiving weekly dispatches from Italy concerning the
Turkish siege of Gandin, "the most famous and renowned of any of our
moderne times/' Nevertheless, Rycaut proposed to keep sending his
lordship information from Smyrna,

though for the present 1 shall only advise your lx)rdship that the Turkes seeme to
be wholy in despaire of effecting the worice this summer which hath caused
diverse mutinies and seditions in the camp and part of the Spahees and Janiza-
ries to withdraw from the trenches, to appease whom, it is said that the Vizier
hath appointed and determined 40 dayes' time for taking the city, in which
terme, if their worke doth not succeed, then wholy to raise the siege. . . .

The force of the Turkes for this campagna hath not beene contemptible. I have
made a list of what they have sent from all parts, which by a moderate calculate
arrives to seventy thousand effective men, besides those that remained in the
camp of the last yeare, but the sword and the pestilence this yeare hath ailready
devoured a considerable number.

There are great confusions in their councells at the Grand Signer's Court.
Some advise that the Grand Signer should goe to the Morea, there to hasten
provisions and succours of men for Candia. Others persuade his passage to that
island, as once Sultan Solyman did to Rhodes; others would have the Grand
Signor to return to Constantinople, there to apply his mind to strengthen and
increase his navall forces so as to become master of the seas, as being the only
expedient to sulklue Candia.

It is hard to say how well informed Rycaut was, but at any rate he did
know that "the Venetians arc sending out Signor Andrea Vallier for Bailo
to the Port, who is Generall of the 3 islands."^

come pure la stitna verso la persona di^issima dell'Eccellenza vostra e in quel posto che la
dichiara per prudentissimo minlstro con suo merlto singolare. Dovemo pero prender confi-
denza che sia per inclinarc alia quiete de'sudditi et al rispanriio del sangue. Ix; nostre
intcntioni sincere di buona, giusta, e sicura pace saranno sempre le stesse, et essendole
queste presentate dal dilettissimo nostro Andrea Valier, che con reggie sicurezze se ne
passa alia Porta per qiicsto affare, si asslcuriamo sara udito volontieri e prestatole ogni
miglior trattamento, come la preghiamo con li augurii alia sua persona delle prosperita
desiderate. |<fe porte] -1-141, [de non] — 3, {non «<nceri| — 2." The Senate also approved
similar letters to the mafti and "the other pashas of the Porte" {ibid., fols. 14^-lS'

lios^-ioe'i).

' PRO, SP 97, XIX, fols. 2ff'-2V. ft is a small matter perhaps, but Valier was being sent

to the Porte as a "jicntlcman envoy," not as a new bailie. Rycaut had been elected a fellow
of the Royal Society on 12 December 1666. Me was to be knighted on 8 October 1685. On
the Turliish siege of Candia in the summer of 1668, note CaL State Papers . . . , Venice,

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Molin'8 Bmbtuty and Moroaini'a Surrerukr qf Candia

209

There was a strong sense of urgency in the Senate, which led to the
doge's writing Andrea Vnlier on 28 July (1668) not to leave his post at
Cephalonia to come to Venice, but to go directly to Spalato (Split) on the
Dalmatian coast. The Senate assumed that Spalato would be a good
point de depart for Valier, the secretary Gapello, the dragoman Qrillo,
and the Turkish chavush, who should then proceed to the Porte with the
various **robbe decretate/' the presents for the sultan and the pashas.'

By 4 August, however, plans had changed. Gapello had gone to Spa-
lato,' but owing to the fact a serious illness had come upon Valier, he had
had to be replaced as gentleman envoy to the Porte. On 4 August Alvise
Molin (or da Molin) was elected "gentilhuomo inviato." At sixty-three
years of age Molin, putting aside all his personal interests, accepted the
difficult assignment, which was eventually to prove the most trying and
arduous task of his life. His embassy was to become famous, but has not
been adequately studied.'"

At length on 8 August (1668), as the secretary Giovanni Gapello
waited in Spalato for Andrea Valier's arrival, the doge and Senate sent
Gapello an explanation of the unseemly delay. While the Senate was
awaiting word of Valier's departure for the Forte, "we have learned with
extreme vexation that having reached the waters of Istria, [Valier] was
unexpectedly seized with a most perilous illness, which has rendered
impossible his continuing the journey (to the Porte]." (One may ask.
What was he doing in Istria, which is far north of Spalato?) Since, how-
ever, the Senate was "most anxious to achieve peace with the Sublime
Forte," it was obviously necessary quickly to elect another gentleman
envoy. The choice had fallen upon the distinguished noble Alvise da
Molin, cavalier, senator di prestanti qtialijicatissime conditioni, who
had immediately accepted the charge, and was preparing for his depar*
ture eastward.

XXXV (19JS, repr. 1970). csp. nos. 324ff., pp. 241H., and on Rycaut. see Sonia P. Ander-
son, An Enfilish Crmaul in Turkey: Paul Rycaut at Smyrna, 1667-1678, Oxfofd, 1989.
readable and reliable.

" ASV, Senato, Delib. Costantinopuli. Reg. 32, fol. 18 1109).

*fMd.. Reg. 32, fol. 19 |110|, doc. dated 8 August 1668.

Di(iri(} dellti Spedititmc dell' illustrissimo et ecccllentiftsimn ttifinnr Alvise da Molin,
Cuvugliere, ullu Porta del Gran Signore: "Eletto i'illustrissimo et eccellentissimo signor
cavaglier Alvise da Molin gli 4 Agrato 1668, giorno di Sabatn, in Pregadi alia Porta con
titolo gentilhuomo inviato, Jjenerosamente aceeto carica tant'ardua, posposto ogni privato
interesse tnnto di sua persona giuntii aU'etii d'anni 6.1, come della sua casa piu che mai
bisognosa in que! tempo della di lui assistenza . . ." (MS. Marc. it. VII, 1608 |7S14|, p. 1).
This MS., written in a Kne, clear hand, contains 150 pages.

The Diario also appears In MS. Marc. It. VII, 651 (8580), fols. 101-138', where on the
last folio we are given the name of the author: "Scritto da! Fadre ("nrlo Paganino della
Gompagnla di Gesti, confessore di sua Eccellenza nella sopradetta ambaseiata e spedi-
sione." There Is another copy In tlie Mafciana in MS. It. VII. 365 (7935), pp. 1-054: die
number of pages is explained by the copyist's larger lettering.

210

Venice, Austria, and the Turlu in the Seventeenth Century

Obviously the sultnn and the pashas must be informed, as soon as
possible, of this stumbling block which had fallen in the Venetians' path.
Also it was necessary to secure another passport for the gentilhuomo
inviato, replacing Valier's name by that of Molin. Therefore, the Senate
now instructed the secretary Capello to have the dragoman Grillo and
the chavush go quickly to wherever the sultan and the pashas might be,
explain the reasons for the delay in the Venetian envoy's appearance
and, of course, obtain a passport for Molin. Capello was to assure Grillo
and the chavush that the Republic would reward their diligence.

Having obtained Molin's passport (and any necessary alteration in the
others), Grillo was "with the same diligence to go to Zante, just opposite
Castel Tornese, where he will find the cavalier Molin, who will leave this
city in a few days in order to await him there," after which they were all
to proceed forthwith to the Porte. As for the chavush, who would thus be
traveling back and forth with Grillo, Gapello must show him some espe-
cial gesture of courtesy and appreciation, i.e., he was to give him some
appropriate gift in the name of the Republic, "as you will also furnish the
dragoman with money for the needs of the journey."

Capello would understand the great importance of all this. When he
had sent off the dragoman to the Ottoman court, he was to give up to the
local proweditore the galley which had brought him to Spalato, take up
residence on land, and bide his time until Molin arrived, talking good care
of the rich gifts (intended for the sultan and the pashas) which had been
entrusted to him. A copy of this letter to Gapello was now made available
to the heads of the Council of Ten."

On 10 August (1668) a motion was passed in the Senate requiring
Alvise da Molin's immediate departure on the galley of the Three Islands,
which had just arrived in Venice. The Senate also wanted his assurance
that he would reach the island of Zante before Grillo could get to Gastel
Tornese, after which they would hasten to "dove si ritrova il Gran Si-
gnore." Molin was to be given all the official documents which had been
prepared for and sent to Valier, and to reach his own judgment as to the
best way to proceed with the Turks. He was of course also to receive
letters of credence addressed to the Gran Signore, the grand vizir Ahmed
Koprulti, the muftis (interpreters of the sacred law of Islam), and the
pashas. On his way "to wherever the Gran Signore might be,** Molin
must stop at Spalato to take on board the secretary Gapello, who would
turn over to him the gifts for the Turks as well as the money necessary to
carry out his embassy.*^

" ASV, Senato, Delib. Costantinoiioli, Reg. 32, (ah. 19'-20 fllO'-lll], doo. dated 8
August 1668. and cf., ibid., fols. ao^-ai' (llT-l 121. GapeOo also appeara in the texts, as
one might assume, as Cappello.

" Delib. Costantinopoli, Reg. 32, fol. 21 1112), doc. dated 10 August 1668.

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Although the Senate seemed satisfied with the progress being made, it
had apparently not been practicable to carry out their directions pre-
cisely as Gapello had been instructed to do in the doge's letter of 8
August. On the 25th of the month the doge and Senate wrote Gapello,
who was still at Spalato^ that his two letters of the 18th and 19th had
come with the arrival of the dragoman Grillo in Venice. Yes, M olin had
embalmed to begin his mission, and Grillo was coming with him. Gapello
was to oblige and please the chavush to the fullest extent jie could.'^ On
the same day the doge and Senate wrote Molin that "we are sure you will
use the gentlest manner in dealing with the chavush to make him courte-
ous to you, and you will provide him with some gift to lieep him con-
tented and relaxed.""

The attitude of the chavush was oliviously important for the success of
Molin's embassy, and apparently Gapello had managed very well with the
diplomatic agent from the Ottoman court.*' Three weeks later (on 15
September) the doge and Senate wrote Molin of their satisfaction in
learning that the favor of the Almighty was made clear by the propitious
wind which had carried Molin to Spalato in four days, "especially since
we understand how much the chavush's disposition has been made more
cheerful by your appearance."**

We can follow Molin's journey to the Ottoman court in the ducal dis-
patches sent to him as well as in his own letters and reports to the
Signoria. Much more detail may be found in the Diario of Molin's east-
ward passage written by his chaplain, the Jesuit Padre Carlo Faganino,
who has left us a fascinating account of every aspect of the well-known
embassy and a meticulous description of everything he saw around him.
In fact Faganino's record of the last days of the siege of Candia, his
survey of the ruined fortifications, his notes on the city and the inhabi-
tants of Istanbul, and his reflections on the past history of the area in
which he found himself on a given day are aU interesting.

On 31 October (1668) the doge and Senate wrote Andrea Valler, who
had apparently recovered from his "most perilous illness," of the pro-
gress Molin had been making in his eastward passage. He had curried
favor with the Turkish consuls along the way, thus facilitating communi-
cation with the Signoria, for his letters of 27 September and 1 October
had come directly from lanina (loannina) and Trikkala (Trikala) by way
of the proweditore at Corfu. He had had, however, a good deal of trouble
with one consul, a Greek, who refused to receive or transmit Venetian
dispatches. The doge, therefore, requested Valier to see to it that trust-

^^Ihid., fol. 23 11141, dated 2S August 1668.

'*/hiU, fol. 24' IllS'l
fol. 27'|I18'|.
"Ibfat, fol. 26' 11171.

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Venice, Austria, and the Turka in the Seventeenth Ckmtury

worthy persons delivered such dispatches by way of Castel Tomese or
some other such place. By this time the Signoria had also learned that
the sultan and the pashas might be at Larissa (Larisa) in eastern Thes-
saly/^ and so they were.

On 4 November (1668) Alvise da Molin wrote the Signoria from La-
rissa that Grillo (and apparently certain other dragomans) had been
given living quarters apart from, but not far from, those which he was
occupying. The Turks found it easier to come and go when Molin was
housed separately. He invited them to come and see him, serving them
"wines, coffee, and other refreshments." He learned a ^ood deal from
these meetings. Even if he had not found this housinj^ arrangement profit-
able from the standpoint of dealing with the Turks, he would have been
forced into it by the skimpiness of the two houses assigned to him. Actu-
ally, however, the sultan's first ministers were not much better housed.
Although apparently good hunting grounds, which Mehmed *'the
Hunter" was bound to enjoy, Larissa was hardly a metropolis.

All the houses were made of mud overlaid with straw. Molin's house,
which was largely new, was so damp that he suffered continuously from
some sort of catarrh or pleurisy, "now in one part of my person, now in
another." He prayed that the Dio Signore might preserve him at least to
the extent of his mission's being of some value to the fatherland, for he
now found himself longing in this world for the everlasting quiet of the
other. The dragoman Grillo was working assiduously while Molin fur-
nished him with facts and ideas, inspiring him to ever more intense ef-
fort with the assurance that great recognition of his service would
surely come.'*

While Molin was suffering the discomforts of Larissa (and getting no-
where in the negotiations with the pashas), a letter from Heneage Finch,
second eari of Winchilsea and Charles II's ambassador to the Porte,
finally went off to England after some delay, depicting conditions in
Istanbul. Nothing much was stirring at the moment. The Grand Signer
remained at Larissa. There had been some talk of his going to Gandia,
but now the chief topic of interest was the Venetian ambassador's arrival
at Larissa, "but how he is received wee know not yet." If there proved to
be some news, Winchilsea would be sure to send it. Trade was languish-
ing in Istanbul. Bad money was increasing. The Turks "are making great
provisions of men and ammunition against next spring.** They were re-
cruiting Janissaries by force, "which," according to Winchilsea, "was
never done before in Turkey.** Whatever was being planned in Larissa, in

" Dclib. Costantlnopoli, Rc^ ,12. fol. 27 (1 doc. dated .11 October 1668.
ASV, Senato (Sccreta), Uispacci Costantinopoli (1668-1669), no. 14, fols. 90-91',
dated at l^irissa on 4 November 1668. On this "file" (JUaa) or register, see bekm, note 22.

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Istanbul "these here thinke of doing great matters against the Vene-
tians," possibly attacking their strongholds in Dalmatia.*^

Molin*s embassy gave rise to widespread rumors. From Smyrna on 21
November 1668 Sir Daniel Harvey wrote Joseph Williamson, then in
Lord Arlington's office at Whitehall:

The Grand Sijjnor is at Larissa, a towne in Achaia between Athens and Thessa-
lonica, where hee has built him a seraglio, and intends to spend this winter. An
ambassador from the State of Venice lately went to desire audience, and when
he was come within a day's journey of the court, he sent a druggerman to
acquaint the Ghimacham with his arrivall. Upon the delivery of the message the
Ghimacham ask'd him if the Doog his master had brought the keys of Gandie
with him; the fellow answcr'd hee was but a poorc messenger and knew nothing
of his master's business. He bid him bee gone, and told him if his master come
neerer the court, or If hee came any more thither from him without the keys,
they shoud loose their heads. The ambassador lyes at the same distance from die
court, expecting another answer from the Grand Signer, who has sent to advise
about this business with the Vizier. Wee heare here that the Venetians in Gandy
are in a very good condition, that there has lately arriv'd there a thousand
Frenchmen, and that there were some more recruits from that nation neere
Zante, who are dayly expected there. There Is a report that the Grand Signer
intends next spring to goe over thither in person. 1 cannot avow the certainty of

• • • •

On 22 November (1668) the doge and Senate wrote Molin that his
diligence and prudence were fulfilling their every expectation. They
were glad that when he had reached Ck>rfu, the genends of the "auxil-
iary" or foreign troops had shown him every sign of honor. They were
also pleased that he had maintained in proper fashion the interests of the
Republic in his conferences with the generals. The Senate approved of
all the expenses he had thus far incurred and all the gifts he had made,
both of money and of garments. The Signoria would continue to provide
Molin with the necessary funds and other things (as gifts to the Turks),
for it was clear that he had not been unduly lavish in disbursing the
straitened assets of the state. Molin need not be concerned. His accounts
had been settled with no more difficulty than those of other "ambassa-

" PRO. SP()7. XIX. fol. 49. doc. dated 2S October/7 November 1 668. In the same letter,
reopened and dated 22 November/2 December (fol. 50"), "Tlie Grand Signor continues at
Lrfirissa, and the Venetian ambassador advanceth not his affayres." Before going to
Smyrn.T. Paul Rycaut, whose worlui were often reprinted and became well known, was
Winchilsea's secretary. On Rycaut, see Sonia P. Anderson, An English Consul in Turkey:
Paul Kycaut at Smyrna, 1667-1678 (1989), referred to in note 7 alx>ve.

^ PRO. SP 07. XIX, fol. SX. Henry Bennet. lx)rd Arlington, was secretary of state from
October 1662 to September 1674, wtien Joseph Williamson succeeded him. Harvey fol-
lowed Lord Winchllsea as Charlea ll's amlMssador to the Porte.

214

Venice, Austria, and the Turks in the Seventeenth Century

dors extraordinary and bailies," for he had received the same authority
as they, "and with this assurance you must rest assured."

The doge and Senate had learned with satisfaction of Mohn's courte-
ous and honorable reception in Turkish territory, especially at Larissa,
"che ivi sia il Gran Signorc." The long letter of 22 November to Molin is
full of repeated assertions of the Signoria's faith in his ability to manage
the arduous (and intricate) negotiations with the Turks. For example,
the Senate agreed with Molin that he must insist upon the complete
demolition of the fortress of S. Pelagia, on the islet northwest of Candia,
but it would certainly be hard to make the Turks accept that. Molin was
to take stock of the fact that the Serenissima would be receiving aid from
the Christian princes. When the Turks learned of it, they would obvi-
ously be impressed.

By this time the forces of the duke of Lorraine should have arrived in
the waters of Candia. The emperor was going to send three thousand
infantry, as Molin was informed, and presumably seven hundred French
volunteers had already reached Candia "con vascelli e bandiere di
Malta." The duke of Brunswick was supposed to provide Venice with
2,400 infantry; the bishop of Strasbourg, another three hundred; and,
indeed, a further three hundred were said to be on their way from Bruns-
wick. Sixty knightly volunteers and three hundred infantry, with a good
deal of munitions, were coming from Malta. The supreme pontiff (C3e-
ment IX) had promised assistance, and was appealing to the Christian
princes "con religioso fer\'ore." He hoped that when they understood
the desperate need, they would quickly send help to Candia, ch'e ante'
murale della Chrestianitd}^

Indeed, the Signoria hoped that the campaign of 1668 had already
drawn to a successful close. The fleet and the armed forces would be
added to, not only to make them capable of resisting the Turks, but to be
able to take advantage of any favorable opportunity that arose. Surely
Molin could thus make clear to the Turks the desirability of peace to put
an end to the shedding of blood. Molin was to look into the extent of the
Turks' preparations and to get the information into the hands of the

" When the consistory met in the papal palace on the Quirinal on Monday, 9 July
(1668), ". . . (Jominus nostcr |Clemens IX] verba fecit de suppetiis, quas principes Chris-
tiani offerunt pro Crete defensione hoc ipso tempore quo ailatum fuit ingentem Turcarum
numerum in earn insulam descendisse, quo Cretam urbem ad deditionem compellerent.
quae res Sanctitacis suae animum ingenti soilicitudine onerasset, non minori Sanctitati
suae solatio varia in principibus Christianis auxilia oferri, quibus propugnatores adiuti
barbarorum impetum sollta animi fortitudine et constantia tetundant . . (Arch. Sefr.
Vaticano, Acta Consistorialia, Acta Miscellanea, tom. 42, fols. 7.T-74'), and cf. fol. 76",
where the troops which the Christian princes had promised to send to Crete to help relieve
the siege of Candia are listed in rather different numbers. Cf. in general Pastor, Oeach d.
Pfipsu; XIV-1 (1929). 603-4.

Carlo i'aganino has a good deal to say about Clement IX's nejrfiew Vincenzo Rospigliosl
and die papal auxiliaries in die early pages of his Diario of Molin's mission to the Turits.

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215

oaptaln-^neral Morosini, trying also to find out to what extent the tni*

vail of warfare could be diverted to Dalmatia.

The Turks might be made a bit less irritated by the knowledge that the
Padre Ottomano had been removed from Suda and sent Into Italy. Alleg-
edly the son of a sultan, captured as a child, converted to Christianity,
and given a clerical role, the Ottoman Father attracted some attention in
his time. Further emphasis was given to keeping the Turkish chavush
contented as well as to affording the dragoman Ambroslo Grillo ade-
quate appreciation for his services. The dragomans were indispensable.
Molin must also take heed of the secretary Giovanni Pletro Gavalli. The
news had come that Louis XIV had sent some ships to take the French
ambassador from Istanbul. The new English ambassador to the Porte,
who had left Livorno, headed for the Bosporus, apparently had instruc-
tions favorable to Venice. Molin must cultivate his friendship. The letter
ends with conmiendation of Molin*s son Alessandro.^'

Competitors for the Turkish trade, the English kept a close watch (or
as close as they could) upon the course of Alvise da If olin*s negotiations
with the pashas at Larissa. On 24 December 1668 Sir Daniel Harvey
wrote his esteemed friend Joseph Williamson in Lord Ariington's office
at Whitehall that

■iKnit three days agoe the sultana began her journey hence towards Larissa,
from wlience diere is news come that the Venetian ambassador was in the night
time hurried out of his lodging by two chouses (ohavudicsl and embarqu'd for
Candia without any attendance, but his retinue are since sent after him.
Whether hee bee sent as a prisoner, or for the sudaine dispatch of some great
affaire with the vixler, is not certainly known. Tis coi\jectur'd by some that since
the vitier finds hee cannot take the towne, to appease the peofrie a little (wh<mi
this siege has exasperated against him), hee wlU have the a«ivantage of condud*
Ing tlie peace himself upon the plaoe.'^

Writing to Molin on 9 March 1669, the doge and Senate stated that his
last ten dispatches ('*nos. 13 to 22") had In every way confirmed their

'^Delih. Costantinopoli, Reg. 32, fob. ZV-dO' |118''-12rK doc. dated 22 November
1668. \departe] {de nnn\ — 1, \non stnceri],—-8, but despite the small vote, the oroM
before the majority vote 1.1 would .seem to indicate the Senate's pass.-ijlo of the motion.

One may Hnd in the ASV, Senato (Secreta), Oispacd Cosuntinopoli (1668-1669, a
"Alia" or Ale once numbered 153) sfxty^elght numbered dispatdiea (one miaslng and
another added here and there) of Alvise da Molin to the doge and Senate, tofether With
letters from the secretaries Giovanni Capello and Giovanni Pletro Cavalli, whoee naUMt
appear frequently In the diplomatic coneapondence of this period, as wdl as lecum to,
from, and concerning the Venetian dragoman Grillo and the Turkish dragoman Panagioti.
Actually the letters in this Hie cover the period from .luly 1668 to February 1670 (more
Veiieto 166*)). On the I'adre Ottomano, see above. Chapter IV, note 16.

'•^ FRO, SV 97, XIX, fol. 62'. On Molin's Journey from Larissa and the voyage to Candia.
note Paganino's detailed account in the Diario della Speditione deU'iUustr. et eccell.
tIgnarAiviM da MoKm M8. Mara. Ic VII, 1608 175141. pp. 5211.

216

Venice, Auetria, and Ute Turke in the Seventeenth Century

high opinion of the courage and prudence with which he was conducting
the fateful affairs of the Republic. The way he was facing peril on behalf
of the fatherland would live long in the Venetian memory with full praise
for "such an outstanding citizen." The Signoria was indeed distressed by
"the barbarous manner in which you have been sent to Negroponte and
from there to Canea, and as we wish you the best of health, so we also
assure ourselves of your Indomitable steadfastness.** When Molin*s let-
ters were not coming to Venice, the Signoria assumed the Tuiks were
preventing him from writing to inform them of certain critical issues.
Now, however, they were hearing from Molin, and the Signoria was re-
sponding (after a long interval) to give him further instructions as to how
the Senate wanted him to deal with the Turks.

By a gift of the Almighty there was now peace in Christendom. Clem-
ent IX had been employing his exalted position in most effective fashion.
The Signoria had also been laboring to impress upon the princes the dire
Jeopardy in which Gandia found itself and the damage which its loss
would cause to all Europe, **which loss may God fend off!" Already they
had succeeded in gaining lai^ge bodies of troops as well as ammunition,
especially from France, where the king had generously resolved "to sus-
tain our interests." Indeed, I>ouis XIV had pledged his word to the pope
"not to molest Spain during the current year." He had in fact assigned to
service in the Levant not only a strong force under the duke of Navailles
with two lieutenants or marshals, but also a large, fast fleet under the
duke of Beaufort, armiragUo del mare, which this time would Ay the
royal, not the Hospitallers', banners. So, at least, the Signoria informed
Molin. (Beaufort, as we shall sec later on, would be killed soon after his
arrival at (jandia.) Soldiery had been chosen from the royal guards for
conveyance to Candia. Spain, now assured of peace, had promised gal-
leys as well as a certain number of vessels, troops, and cargo ships
{ba9ti'menH).

The Signoria entertained the hope of receiving further help from other

states, "and the Supreme Pontiff will send his own galleys along with
those of Malta, while he continues his appeal to all the princes to support
our cause, which one must acknowledge to be that of all Christendom."
In the meantime Molin was to be consoled by the thought of the Si-
gnoria's compassion for his troubles and by the satisfaction they had
taken in Che information they had obtained fhim his dispatches. Despite
the dangers involved in written communications, they were making their
intentions known to him. And they were directing the captain-general to
keep him abreast of changes "by means of confidants," but we have no
word of who these confidants might be.

Until the doge and Senate sent Molin further instructions, he was to go
on observing everything he could among the Turks. He was, however, to
make no commitment before he could inform the Signoria of what was

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217

afoot (and receive directions), nor was he to send any order to the cap-
tain-general Morosini to suspend hostilities since he now lacked the
authority to do so. The captain-general had received orders to meet
Molin's every request for money. The Signoria would postpone to an-
other time the reply to various details in Molin's numerous dispatches,
but they did send him approval of all the expenses he had incurred in
giving the Turics "gifts and garments" as well as donations to the drago-
mans, support for certain Christian slaves in Turitish hands, and his and
his family's personal expenses.^*

On 2 May (1669) Molin wrote the doge from Turkish-held Ganea on
the island of Crete that "after eight months without letters from your
Serenity that of 9 March now comes to me." He felt that his status as the
Republic's "gentleman envoy" to the Porte had been abridged by the
commanding position of the captain-general Morosini. He was living in
misery and "in the abyss of obscurity." The Senate seemed resolved "to
cut the thread of the peace" that he had woven with such difficulty, as
their Excellencies could understand from his previous dispatches. Act-
ing in accord with the terms of his commission, Molin declared that he
had been on the point of establishing a secure and enduring peace.
Current circumstances had been favorable to his negotiations.

The Republic would have been assured one half the island "kingdom"
of Candia, surpassing any concession that the Signoria had ever wrested
from the Casa Ottomana throughout the long centuries of the past. The
Turits had never before restored territory they had conquered. Molin
now had of course, as he lamented, no alternative but to bow to the
unwise decision of the Senate, "fatto vitima inocente de' voti di cotesto
eccellentissimo Senato, e reso inutile il sacrificio volontario fatto da me
con tanta costanza alia Patria." The Senate's change of attitude as to the
desirability of peace with the Porte would be ruinous to his family.

Nevertheless, he would continue to sacrifice himself to the dictates of
the state. He would strive to protect the Republic's "confidants" and
those who risked their lives conveying the secret dispatches back and
forth. Molin said he was ready to have the Signoria's dispatches deliv-
ered to him through the pasha, which would of course restrict the Si-
gnoria's communications to him, and give assurance to the Turks. In any
event the dispatch of letters to Venice and the delivery to Molin of those
from the Signoria had become a perilous and baffling business. On one
occasion a letter had allegedly been thrown upon the balcony of his
house during the night. It was found the next morning by his servitors. It
contained instructions from Venice.

Molin was facing many difficulties at Canea, among them being the

Delib. Costantinopoli, Reg. J2, fols. 32'-33' [123'-124'], adi IX Marzo MDCLXIX, al
cHfecHmtmo iioMf nostra Alvite Molin.

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Venice, Atistria, and the Turks in the Seventeenth Century

terrible shortage of food. A goose in Ganea cost almost ten times what it
would cost in Istanbul in times of extreme scarcity. Since Molin had to

provide for forty-seven persons, in addition to the secretary Cavalli's
people, he could not only anticipate illness, of which he saw signs al-
ready, but even death from starvation. The captain-general Morosini
could not solve Molin's problems with money, as might have been possi-
ble in the past, "because now the times and circumstances are differ-
ent." Some days ago a Jewish moneylender had offered to loan him
2,000 recUi "at 95 percent." He had declined the offer. The passage from
Larissa to Ganea had cost 709 sequins (cecMni), and so it went. But "the
Lord God, who will perhaps have mercy on me, will also instill in the
hearts of your Excellencies compassion for my poor underlings to help
cure the ills, which will always haunt me [che anco mile mie ceneri
saranno], of these sad, unhappy creatures."

Molin was saying prayers that the divine bounty should be such as to
fulfill the hopes being raised by the promises of the Ghristian princes,
and not follow in the sad tradition of eariier times,

and this not only in cases of auxiliary troops, but of the most famous leagues,
among others that of I'aul III and Charles V in 1540, of Pius V and Spain in 1570,
which served no other purpose than to make our experience of the hrst year
such as to plunge us into the second and lead us on to unfavorable and woeful
peace treaties which cost us states and kingdoms. I hope that in the goodness of
the Almighty the Christian princes have changed their ways, and left Ithe old
ways] behind in the annals and histories of the dead.

Well, there was perhaps cause for hope. Old Sultan Suleiman had been
one thing. The incompetent Mehmed IV "the Hunter" was another. A
warrior sultan would not have tolerated the commotion then going on in
Istanbul, nor would his ministers have been ready to sign a treaty of

peace unless the Ottoman forces were too weak to carry on.^'

According to a long letter dated 14 April 1669 which William Winchil-
sea sent Lord Arlington from Malta, the Ottoman empire did seem to be
falling into chaos. Apparently disturbed by the grave unease spreading
throughout Tuikish Europe and Asia, Mehmed IV had sent a **hati8he-
riffe" {hatti aharif) or imperial command to his mother to the effect
that his three brothers should be put to death, which had caused a sud-
den insurrection of the janissaries. All the shops in Istanbul and Galata
were shut. The city gates were closed. However, "the Queene Mother
hath refused to deliver up the Grand Signor's brothers to those who were
appoynted to receive them, and is backed by the militia."

" ASV. Senato (Secreta). DispaccI Costantinopoli (1668-1669), iio. 37, fols. 254'-257',
Ganea 2 Maggio 1669 S[til\ N[avol

MoUn'9 Bmbaasy and Moroaini'a Smrtnder qf Candta

219

There had been a violent encounter ^'between the French and some

Bostangees of one of Grand Signer's seraglios on the Asia side." The
Bostanjis were gardeners of tlie palace. "But in the midst of this heat
came in the Bostangee Pasha [Bostanji Bashi] himselfe and parted
them, or else the French would have been all killed. . . ." There were
many reasons for discontent in the empire, and indeed there was discon-
tent eveiywhere, as Winchilsea makes clean

All sorts of people lament and cry out for their freac oppressions, for the

badnesse of mony and decay of trade, encreaseof taxes, and new impositions as
for powder and other amunition for Gandia. Some whole villages are fled both in
Europe and Asia, some to the mountaines, others to Arabia, Tartary, and some
for Persia. When I was a yeare since at Ponte Plcciolo Init 20 miles from the great
city of Constantinople, I saw bordering upon that lake whole villages destroyed,
and I was told by him who gathers the Harrach {harag] that within thnt Jurisdic-
tion or cadee-licit \kadilik] there were 1,700 persons that pay'd Flarraeh before
the Venetian war, and that now there were but 700 left, all the rest having
abandoned their houses and vinyards, and that those which remaine fly daily
l>eoause they must pay not only for themselves but for the wliole 1,700.

. . . The people of Smyrna openely in the streetes rayled highly against the
Grand Signor minding his hunting more then his subjects, and sayed openly that
their Emperour was mad, a foole, and that speedily his brother [Suleiman li],
who hath more braines and will take more paynes In the management of pulriike
affayres, will l>e set up in the throne. That Empire is at a very low ebbe, and must
have stranjie changes in a little time; their weakenesse is apparent; they want not
only mony, and men too, but braines to goveme what they have.^**

Sometimes letters prepared for dispatch in the doge's name failed to
paaa the Senate. It is often not clear to the historian why this should have
been the case. Thus on 1 1 May (1669) a letter addressed "to our beloved

noble Alvise Molin** was submitted to the Senate, which rejected it, but
why? It is, to be sure, highly repetitive of their letter of 9 March, "which
by this time will have reached you." Had Molin received the letter of 1 1
May, he might have taken some slight comfort from the Senate's abiding
sympathy for the suffering and hardships he had endured, the strain and
exertion the Turks had inflicted on him in requiring him suddenly to
leave LaHasa at night and take the road to Negroponte in order to board a
ship for Ganea. But the Senate had already given full expression to their
alleged compassion in the letter of 9 March. They prayed for his contin-
ued good health so that the fatherland might continue to enjoy the fruits
of his abundant talents. The Senate was highly appreciative of Molin's

^" PRO. SP 97, XIX, fols. 75-76, firom aboard the Jerusalem in the port of Malta the
4/14 of April 1669. Suleiman 11 eventually did succeed his elder brother Mehmed IV
in 1687.

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Venice, AvMtria, and the Turka in the Sevenuentk Centmry

oare in dealing with the Tufks to avoid any commitment In writing (eC

aggiustatissimo sard scmpre il schivar di metter alcuna cosa in
scritto), a practice to which they were certain he would adhere.

For the most part the text of 11 May follows the line of that of 9 March.
Louis XIV's troops and naval armament were ready to depart for the
Levant And, In fact, they were. A good many hones had been sent
eastward "per monur moltl cavalier!.** The papal and Maltese galleys
were ready to set sail. The emperor "and many other princes** were
oontributing strong relief forces, munitions, and money to the Christian
cause. All the gifts and expenditures, which Molin had made, had re-
ceived full approval. By this time of course, the Senate assumed, Molin
and the secretary Gavalli had got together to distribute the various gifts
intended for the Turks. The Senate had learned of the French ambassa-
dor's going to Larissa. They would lilce to assume, they told Molin, that
eversrthlng was proceeding satisfactorily for him. They could Inform Mo-
lin, however, that Louis XIV had sent orders to the ambassador that If the
Turks obstructed his departure in any way, "immediately to declare
himself deprived of the role of ambassador." And finally the Senate ap-
proved of Molin's having sent the young Giacomo Tarsia, giovene di
lingua, back to Istanbul, where he had been studying Turkish. Tarsia
had come to Larissa in 1668 to serve Molin, who obviously had in the
dragomans all the linguistic assistance he required.^

Although by and large news traveled slowly In the seventeenth cen-
tury, the Signoria knew by mid- August 1669 that, despite the French and
other assistance, Morosini was In serious trouble at Candia. They could
not know that by mid-August (as we shall see) the French high command
had decided to abandon the defense of Candia, and if so informed, they
would certainly have been surprised. Except for the safe arrival of the
French and other auxiliaries, however, no good news had come from the
Levant. On 16 August (1669) the texts of two letters, one to Molin and
the other to Morosini, were put before the Senate, which gave a prompt
approval to them both. The letter to Molin acknowledged receipt of some
thirty dispatches he had sent the Signoria. "molti vostri dispacci numero
13 fin 43," all giving evidence of his indefatigable competence "in the
management of the most important affairs of state." The Senate again
noted the patriotic manner In which Molin put the interests of the Re-
public before his own concern and those of his family.

" Dellb. Costantinopoli. Reg. 32. fols. Il24''-125''l. doc. dated 1 1 May 1669. the

senatorial vote being— -84 Iwithout the cross -t- signifylnt passage of the motion to send the
letter} — 22. — 60: Non pubHcata prtm per eaaer aupertor di due soH voHghtata le leggi

ft m(tyid(it(i (id altro dmsc^lio. On Giacomo Tarsia in this context, see Diario delta
Speditione tieU'iUustr. et eccelL signor Alvise da Molin, MS. Marc. It. VII, 1608 [75141,
p. 47.

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221

Reversing the stand taken in their letter to Molln of 9 March, the
Senate had again become interested in peace with the Turks. Reducing

the contested territorial issues to four or five, the Senate saw the Porte
prepared to cede Gattaro (Kotor) on the Dalmatian coast to Venice and,
they hoped, the island of Tenos as well. As for the other places in ques-
tion, Suda and Grabusa, the Turks would certainly give up Grabusa, the
small port on the far west of Crete, as well as Splnalonga on the far east.
The fortifications at Suda, in the Senate's view, should be demolished,
and not rebuilt at any time. These matters had been considered at length
In April 1666. There had been some misunderstanding concerning Suda,
which the Turks claimed had been formally given up to them. This was
not true, however, as Mohn could see from certain letters oi 22 No-
vember 1668, copies of which had just been sent to him.

Molin was informed that after the arrival of the auxiliary forces of
France, the Holy See, and Malta in the "kingdom** of Candia, the Chris-
tians had inflicted considerable losses on the enemy. The French were
anxious to avenge the death of Frangois de Beaufort More French ves-
sels were expected from Provence. As for the Venetian effort. Bernardo,
the proveditor general da mar, would soon reach Candia "with good
reinforcements of money, munitions, and troops." As Molin knew well, it
was important that the French naval armament should not leave the
island of Crete before an "honorable peace" {decorosa pace) had been
negotiated with the Turlcs, so as to avoid the troubles which would oth-
erwise follow the departure of the French. In fact such was Louis XIV*8
Intention, and such his instructions to his generals, of which the Signoria
sent Molin a copy with its statement "di non partire senza vantaggi o
profhttevole pace." And, to be sure, the purpose of Molin's embassy was
peace with the Porte, "il conseguimento di una buona, honorevole, e
sicura pace. . .

If the Turks Insisted, Molln was to yield to the demolition of the for-
tress at Grabusa and the withdrawal therefrom of the munitions and

cannon. If the Turks demanded Suda, "as it is at present," Molin was
authorized to give way on that also, but of course the Turks should
remove their munitions and cannon. Molin was to seek "the greatest
possible advantages and benefits." The long letter ends with the expec-
tation of seeing Molin eventually "honored once more for outstanding
merit and with applause.**^

The letter of the doge and Senate to Francesco Morosini (of 16 August
1669) was, mutatis mutandis, much the same as the letter of that date
to Molin. The Senate had chosen with the most Christian king to work for

Delib. Cosumdnopoli. Reg. 32. fols. 3S'-37' |126'-128'|. adiXVIAgosto [MDCLXIX\,
at dtUuleelmo noM noetro AMae MoHn, cavtMere, aUa Gomea; •I-147, — 10,— -67.

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222

Venice, Atutria, and the Turks in the Severueenth Ceruury

peace with the Turks; the negotiations were being carried on by Molin.
The Senate had decided to rescind their mihtant decision of 9 March,
and they were forwarding to Morosini a copy of the letter to that effect
which was being sent to Mohn. The strictest secrecy must be preserved
"sotto il piu religioso silencio" to avoid the trouble which would ensue if
the facts became known. Morosini was to continue close cooperation
with Molin, for after the establishment of peace a suspension of arms
must follow.

Ixiuis XIV had declared that the pressure of French arms was intended
to force peace upon the Turks. He had ordered his generals not to leave
Gandia until everything had been "settled favorably" { prosper umente
deJjUnito). Copies of the letters making this clear had been made avail-
able to the Senate, i.e., letters to the French generals Beaufort and Na-
vailles, together with the texts of their commissions. And now Morosini
was sent copies of these texts to assist him in dealing with the French
high command at Gandia. The king wanted his generals to be included in
the prospective peace.

Morosini was to make clear to Beaufort and Navailles, however, the
"plans and discussions which we have already had concerning the divi-
sion of the kingdom" {li proietti e discorsi gid fatti circa la division del
Regno), a reference, it would seem, to Suda, Grabusa, and Spinalonga.
The Senate's idea of peace at this time obviously involved the Serenis-
sima's retention of Gandia. The Senate hoped that the papal general
Vincenzo Rospigliosi would follow the example of the French captains in
remaining at Gandia. In deference to his Holiness* Morosini must inform
Rospigliosi of the negotiations for peace.^

It was more than clear that western Europe had not abandoned the
Ghristian cause sending, as Kretschmayr reminds us, ''helpers and help"
into the Levant — French, Italian, and German money, papal and Maltese
galleys, groups of nobles with a crusading spirit, Swedish volunteers, and

German mercenaries. As we have just seen, however, the most notable
case of this medley of help was French. In July 1668 Louis XIV had
empowered Frangois d'Aubusson, duke de la Feuillade, to lead some five
hundred knightly volunteers into the Levant to relieve the Turkish pres-
sure upon Gandia. La Feuillade had served with distinction in the French
forces at S. Gotthard (SzentgotthUrd) on the river Raab at the beginning
of August 1664, when Montecuccoli had defeated the Turks. As a ges-
ture of appreciation Glement IX gave Ix)uis XIV the right of appointment
to the bishopric of Toumai in Hainaut (on 27 August 1668). Toumai had

2' Delib. Gostamlnopoll, Reg. 32, fols. 37'-38' I128'-129'l, adiXVIAgosto [MDCLXIX],
al capitan general da mar.

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Molin'a fimbosity and Morosini'» Surrender of Gondto

223

been taken by the French in 1667, and the papal grant was an ofiioial

recognition of the king's possession of the city.

La Feuillade paid for most of the expenses for his expedition. Three
ships and the soldiery assembled in the harbor at Toulon on 25 Sep-
tember (1668), and reached the island of Crete at the beginning of No-
vember. The Venetians were encouraged by the French generosity, but
five hundred men could accomplish nothing at Gandia. In early March
(1669) La Feuillade's troops were back at Toulon, having suffered heavy
casualties.*'" La Feuillade had sailed under the banner of the Knights
Hospitaller, for Louis XIV did not want unduly to ruftle his relations with
the Porte. Despite occasional fairly brief lapses the French had main-
tained a sort of friendship with the Turks for 132 years (since 1536),
Hnding them a useful counterweight against the Hapsburgs.*'^

Worried by the failures of the papal-Maltese and French expeditions of
1668, C9ement IX again addressed a general plea to Christendom to help
save Gandia from the infidel. The government of Charles II of Spain,
which had problems enough of its own, promised but failed to provide
some twenty ships. Once more, however, the French answered the call to
arms. Since l>ouis XIV was unwilling to risk losing the privileges which
the French embassy in Istanbul enjoyed, the French forces were to sail
and tight under the papal banner. It was not that the Turks did not easily
learn of French participation in the defense of Candia; it was merely that
they would almost certainly want to preserve their long-standing accord
with France, which had sometimes been useful to the Porte.

Louis XIV moved quickly. As La Feuillade returned from Crete to
Toulon, on 15 March (1669) Louis appointed Philippe de Montault de
Benac, duke de Navailles, as general of the land forces and Fran9ois de
Bourbon, duke de Beaufort, as commander of the armee navaln. Beau-
fort was a relative of the king; his father, Cesar de Vendome, was the son
of Henry IV and Gabrielle d'Estrees. Beaufort's checkered career would
come to an end in the siege of Candia. Navailles' land forces were said to
consist of 57 companies of 12 regiments, which apparendy meant about
6,000 men, along with three companies of cavalry, 1,400 tents, three
months' provisions, and a huge supply of munitions.

The naval armament was supposed to include 15 ships, 13 galleys, and

^ Gf. Kretsohmayr, Oesch. v. Vened<^, III (1934, repr. 1964), 337-38; Pastor, OemM. d.

Pupste. XIV-1 (Freiburg im Breisfjau, 1929), 604. Surprisingly enough Graziani, Prfinci.sci
Mauroceni . . . gesta (1698), pp. 142-68, makes no mention of Rospigliosi in his account
i>f events of the year 1668. Arrighl, De vita et rebus gestis Francisci Mauroceni (1749),
lib. II, pp. 1 l.S-53, gives much attention to I.a Feuillade and very little to Rospigliosi.

During the 166()"s French relations with the Ottoman Empire were rather ruHled,
however, for Ixtuis Xl\' had trouble deciding upon a consistent policy for dealing with the
Turks (cf. W.H. Lewis, Levantine Adventitrer: The Travels and MimionsoJ the Chevtdiier
d'Arviexix, New York and Amsterdam, 1963, pp. 133ff.).

224

Venice, AuatriOt and the Turka In tht Sevenuenth Century

three galliots under Beaufort, with the galleys and galliots, however,
under the direct comnuuid of Louis Victor de Rochechouart, count de
Vivonne. The ships were equipped with broadside cannon. Thanks to the
diary of J.-B. Duche dc Vancy, Vivonne's secretary, we have an abun-
dance of detail relating to the galleys. The extent and obvious cost of the
undertaking attest to the importance the king attached to preventing the
Tttfkish capture of Candta.

After two months of exacting preparation the French fleet was ready
to leave Marseille by 15 May (1669). Almost immediately thereafter the
galleys began their eastern voyage, reaching Monaco on 1 June, Savona
on the 2nd, La Spezia on the 5th, and Civitavecchia on the 11th. At
Civitavecchia the pope saw to it that M. le general Vivonne was given a
feast, with wine and fish for the crews. Every time M. le general came
ashore, he was honored with a salvo of "twenty and thirty pieces of
cannon/*

After three or four days of festivity at Civitavecchia the gidleys re-
sumed their course, reaching the Isole Lipari on 18 June, Messina on the
22nd, Corfu on the 23rd, and the island of Zante on the 25th. At Zante,
Vivonne was joined by Vincenzo Rospigliosi with seven papal galleys and
Clemente Accarigi with seven Maltese galleys. The Christian force was
further strengthened by four galleys from Venice. The usual problems of
protocol arose, but did not unduly delay the eastern progress of the
Christian galleys which reached Cerigo on 1 July, and hove into sight of
Crete on the 2nd, when the allies encountered sixteen Turkish galleys
from Canea. The Turks withdrew quickly, however, and on the following
day (3 July) the Christian galleys arrived at Candia.

Fran9ois de Bourbon, duke de Beaufort, left Toulon with the trans-
ports on 5 June (1669). Well provisioned, he apparently had to make few
stops. His armie navtUe now consisted of 15 ships of the line along with
ten freighters, fire ships, and other boats. There was also a hospital ship
with a goodly sup|rfy of linens and medicines. All told, the French crews
are said to have amounted to 4,670 men, the land forces to 5,198 sol-
diers with 629 officers. After leaving Toulon and rounding Sardinia and
Sicily by the southwest route, the armee navale went on to Zante and
Cerigo, arriving offshore from Candia on 19 June. They must have had
Strong winds to make so long a voyage in so short a time.

Conditions in Candia had reached a point of absolute desperation. Hie
siege had grown in intensity month after month, ever since Ahmed
Kopriilii had taken over direct command of the Ottoman troops, and
launched a memorable attack on 24-25 May 1667. By the time the
French expeditionary force had reached Candia, the Turks had largely
demolished the important bastion of S. Andrea at the northwest corner
of the fortifications. Upon his arrival Navailles reported that one saw
only dead, wounded, and crippled soldiers; there was neither a church
nor a battlement without broken walls. Candia had been torn apart by

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MoUn't BnUtas^ and Moroaini's Surrender of Gntufia

225

cannon, bombs, and stones. It no longer had the shape of a city. Although
Beaufort and Navailles should probably have taken the time to familiar-
ize themselves and their troops with both the terrain and Turkish tactics,
they decided immediately to make an attack upon the enemy en-
trenched on the east side of the walls, where the Turks had reduced the
bastion of 11 Sabbionera to a heap of ruins.

The French made their first attack during the early morning hours of
25 June. Taken completely by surprise, the Turks were swept from their
trenches, and took to flight, abandoning their batteries. Carried away by
success, the French seemed to be getting lost in the outworks and the
trenches when suddenly one of the batteries they had taken exploded.
Mines had also been laid in the area. Now they were ignited. Turkish
reserves from around southern Gandia {Nova Candia) and the north-
west bastion of S. Andrea suddenly appeared on the scene. Forty F^nch
soldiers were killed. As panic ensued, the Turks made a counterattack.
ISeaufort, in the front line of the French assault, was struck with a musket
shot, fell from his horse, and was never seen again. The ill-advised attack
cost the French 245 officers and 560 soldiers and sailors. The Turks were
said to have lost some 1 ,200 men. Beaufort's death was a severe blow to
the expedition. He had been the commander-in-chief. It was a poor
beginning."*^

The Venetians had played no part in the ill-starred venture, but they
were of course severely shaken by the catastrophe. Maybe the French
armie navale with its 840 guns would do no better than the tired Vene-
tian forces, which now numbered no more than 6,000 men. On 6 July
Rospigliosi disembarked three regiments, after which he and Vivonne
decided it would be unwise to leave the ships and galleys huddled to-
gether in the harbor of Gandia. A Turkish attack with Hreships could
bring another disaster. Therefore they moved the bulk of the allied fleet
ten miles to the north, to the island of Standia, where by digging wells
they hoped to find water. Decisive action of some sort would soon be
necessary, for the food supplies in Candia were getting low. The Vene-
tians and the French were not in accord, having apparently disagreed as
to the advisability of the French attack upon the Turks on 25 June, and
as the days passed, relations between them were not improving. At a
meeting of the war council on Friday, 12 July (1669), it was agreed that
on the first fair day after the following Monday a well-planned attack by
the combined land and naval forces would be launched against the
masses of Turkish troops laying siege to Candia.

When the wind had finally slackened, the order was given on 23 July

" On the events of 25 June 1669, see esp. Bif^e, Der Kampf um Candia (1899), pp.
171-77; note also the account of Carlo Paganino. in his Diario of Alvise da Molin's em-
bassy to the Turks, in MS. Marc. It. VII, 1608 (7514), pp. 80ff., and on the fortiHcations of
Gandfal, ibUL, pp. 107-111.

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226

Venice, Austria, tmd the Turks in the Seventeenth Century

(1669) to put the galleys and galleasses close to the ships they were soon
to tow within Bring range of Candia. By sunrise on the following morning

the galleys and ships were mostly in place. The ships were towed into
positions from which they could bombard the Turkish units that were
operating the batteries close enough to be accessible to the Christian
cannon. Thus on the morning of 25 July the allied warships began the
heavy bombanfanent of the Tuildsh encampments, forts, batteries, and
trenches to the extent their broadside cannon could reach them. Fkom
twelve to fifteen thousand cannon shots were allegedly fired at the
Turks. Although the Venetian, papal, and Maltese galleys and ships had
participated in the onslaught to the extent they could, eleven thousand
shots were said to have been fired from the French vessels. Certainly the
cannonading did the Turks some damage, but deep trenches and dugouts
had long been part and parcel of Turkish siegecraft.

Offshore bombardment would not bring the siege of Gandia to a halt.
By some mishap, moreover, the French ship Thireae exploded with 58
guns and 293 men aboard, causing a terrible disruption in the French
lineup. Vivonne's flagship, alongside the Therese, was so shaken by the
explosion that one caught a view of the keel. A number of officers, sol-
diers, mariners, and galley slaves were killed or wounded. The ship Pro-
ven(;al also nearby suffered twenty dead and wounded. All told, there
appear to have been 28 dead and 56 wounded aboard the six Venetian
galleys which had participated in the attack upon the Turin, while the
French were said to have suffered 421 dead and 219 wounded. Turfcirii
deserters set the grand vislr's losses at more than 1 ,200 men although, as
Bigge says, this figure is obviously much too high, "doch ist diese Zahl
augenscheinlich viel zu hoch gegriffen."^^ It may be, but the bombard-
ment would seem to have cost the French as much as it did the Turks.

Obviously the French offensive had not gone well. The tired Venetians
had contributed only six galleys to the French operations. Vivonne com-
plained in his report of 28 July (1669) to Louis XIV that the Venetians
failed to keep their word, and that they frustrated the efforts of others to
assist them. In any event Vivonne believed that twelve to fifteen thou-
sand cannon shots must have killed two to three thousand Turks, which
seems unlikely considering the Turkish trenches and bunkers. The com-
plete failure of the French to weaken the Turkish position at Candia led
Navailles and Vivonne to give serious thought to how much longer they

Bi^e, Der Kamp/ urn Candia (1899), pp. 181-84; Registro di lettere del Cav. F.
VlneenmoRntplgUosl, Areh. Segr. Vadoano. Misoell., Arm. XVI, torn. 138, foh. 184*-188'.

docs, dated 25 .luly 1669. Having been able almost always to read the manuscript sources
in the archives and libraries where they are kept, I have mostly been spared the use of
mIoroAlin. Not so, however, in the case of RospiglkMi's letters, for which I have had to
depend upon a microHlm I acquired many years ago, and unfortunately the last third or so
of this MS. (fols. l-iTH.) has apparently been damaged by moisture, making much of the
miorofifan impossible to read.

Molin's Bmbaaay and MorosM'a Surrtnder of CanAia

227

could afford to remain there. As Vivonne wrote the French minister
Colbert on 25 Jnly, the enemy and illness were causing too many casual-
ties. Sixty to ninety men were being disabled every day in one way or

another. The food supplies were becoming a worry. They might last until
September, but the high command would have to provide for the return
of the surviving manpower to France. One could hardly expect help from
the Venetians, for at Gandia they were always on the liomB of a dilemma.

Gloomy as the outlook was, the French continued their efforts, making
an attack on 30 July (1669) upon the Turks ensconced in the ruins of II
Sabbionera, the bastion on the east wall of Candia (more or less corre-
sponding to S. Andrea on the west).'''* It was a bold venture, but nothing
came of it. Morosini was said to have promised five hundred men. He
provided only Hfty. On 1 August Morosini asked the French again to
cannonade the Turks from the sea, but Vivonne declined to do so, and
Navailles thought it might be a risk to the French fleet. On the other
hand, when on 1 1 August Vivonne was informed that a leinforcement of
three thousand Turks was soon to Join their fellows in the siege of Gan-
dia, he suggested that a flotilla of French and Venetian galleys go out to
meet them. Morosini replied that he wished first to consult Rospigliosi
(perhaps to enlist papal galleys in the venture); also he must assemble
and consult the war council, but he would inform Vivonne that night. He
was apparently unable to do so.

Although Morosini beseeched Navailles and Vivonne to postpone their
departure from Grete, it was clear before mid-August that the Veneto-
French coalition could not last much longer. Morosini held on to the
French a few more days by making a considerable quantity of wheat
available to them. By 20 August, however, Vivonne was taking the first
steps for the embarkation of the French forces, which had accomplished
nothing, and suffered a good deal. Of some 5,200 soldiers, only about
3,500 were being put aboard the ships, and of these 1,500 were ill.
Sickness among the galley crews and the mariners was keeping pace with
that aboard the ships.^ On 25 August two Turkish attacks were driven

^ On the Turks' battering of the bastions of S. Andrea and H Sabbionera, cf. Nova c vera
Relatione del comlnittimento novamcnte scguito in Candia, publ. in Venice, Bologna,
and Pcmni by Glulio Bulzoni Giglio, 1669. Plans of the bastioM of 11 Sabbionera ai^ 8.
Andrea are given in Biggc, Der Kampf um Candia (1899), between pp. 154-55, and In
Venezia e la di/csa del Levante (1986), pp. 136-37, I65ff. A Venetian named Barozzi,
who deserted as a renegade to die Tllfint had halpcd Aimed Kopriilii in the Hnal period of
the aiege by making clear the extent of die weaknesa of the fortitications of both II Sab-
bionera and 8. Andrea (ASV, Inqulsitorl di 8tato, Lettere da Goatantlnopoli, Busta 419,
pa8aini,oltedbyDoies Levi Weiss, "Le Relazioni fra VeneiiaeiaTmoliladal 1670al 1684
. . . VMo-Trldmtiiio, VII 119251. 32. note 5).

'* Gf. ReglBtro df feetere lief Can. F. VIncenso Rospigliosi, hA. 206*: **Le malattle che
regnano gencralmcnte in quest'armata si fanno specialmente scntire sopra la squadra
pontilicia, dove hoggi si contano 167 infenni oltre a 38 che gia son morti . . . ," doc.
dated ec Zante on 6 Sepieinber 1668 (e<c).

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228

Venice, Austria, and the Turks in the Seventeenth Century

back; on the 31st, 1,500 Italians arrived on the scene. When the French
left, Morosini had no alternative to surrender. And this he did under
appropriate terms on 5 September (1669). Every Venetian citizen could
leave the island within rifteen days, taking off with him all his movable
possessions. It was the end of four and a half centuries of Venetian rule
on the island of Grete.^

In a letter to Molin dated at Candia on 8 September (1669) Morosini

informed him of the surrender of Candia, but "the fortresses of Suda,
Grabusa, and Spinalonga remain [within the domain] of his Serenity,

^ On the Prenoh expedition and the fall of Candia to the Turks, see Stato deU'armata e

soccorso rt'dlc ryiandato duUa Mdcstu Christiunissima in Cdiidia cnntrn il Tiircn I'atvio
corrcnte 7669, mosao dal santo e pio zelo della Santitii di N. S. Clemente Nona, per
diminuire et ahhatterc le forze ottomane, Venice, appresso Camillo Bortoli, 1669; Giov.
Graziani, Francisci Mdiiroceni . . ./?e.sf«. Padua, 1698, pp. 171-96; Antonio Arrijjhi, De
viui et rehufi testis Frdncisci Mauroceni, I'adua, 1749, lib. ii-iii. pp. 1.S3-218, a good
account; and see esp. Bigge, Der Kampfum Candia in den Jahren ]667-J669 (1899) pp.
158ff.. 164-201; after reading Biggc, one should take a look at Camillo Manfroni, "I Fran-
ccsi a (]andia,'" Nuovo Archivin Venvto (1902), .185-93. Note al.so Gino Oamcrini, Moro-
sini (1929). pp. 119-44; Kretschniayr. Gesch. von Venedi^, II! (1934. repr. 1964), 336-
41, which does not get us very far; Anderson. SdVdl Wdra in the l^evunt (1932), pp.
181-84; and (among numerous other works) there is a readable narrative of events by H.
de Nanteuil, "Le Due de Vivonne ct ses galercs a I'expedition dc Candic (1669)," Revue
historiqnc des annees, no. IV (Paris, 1974). 7-31, which I have found useful.

When the sad news of the surrender of (>andia reached Venice, the doge Domenico
Contarini wrote the captain-general Morosini that he was only too well aware of the
bitterness that Morosini had experienced in having to give up the fortress to the Turks,
"ma unitamente commediamo I'espediente d'unire ad essa |la necessita di render la
piazzal li negoUati della pace e far che Candia rieschi il prezzo della medesima. A questo
fine proprie aono riuscite le forme prudenti praticate nella negotiatione medesima, i van-
taggi in essa ottenuti con Pinbarco delle militie, munition!, e cannoni. Questa gloria pero
che vi ndorna nel concetto universale del niondo per haver potuto per il lungo corse di tre
anni sostenere la diffesa di Candia a fronte deil'Ottomana potenza, ben anche deve
continuarvi ad illustrar I'animo. mentre con la cessione deHa piazza, ch'era cadente, ha-
vete donato alia Patria nello stato deircmcrgenti una dccorosa et avantaggiosa pace e
prestato alle forze languide di essa un commodo respiru, onde per tutti li capi concorre il
Senato con apptausi di gloria e con singolari commendation! al vostro valore e pnidenza
che nella dirctione dcir.irmi c del ncgotiato vi havete cos5 frutuosamcnte impiegato. . . .
Data in nostro ducati palatio anno 1669 [sic\. Agostin Bianchi segretario" (MS. Marc. It.
VII. 657 (74811. fol. 151).

For what it is worth, according to the Trdttdtn politico soprti Id pdce fattd tra la
Repuhlica di Venetia et il Gran Turco I'anno 1669 (MS. Marc. It. VII, 656 |7791|, fol. 9"),
"Se la Republica ha perduto moiti de suoi nobili, cittadini. e sudditi che glorlosamcnte
hanno consecrato la vita nella diffesa di Candia c della fede, non e stato ch'una picola stilla
in paragone del vasto mare del sangue infcdcle che si e versato da un millione e ducento
mille Turchi, che usciti (a conto fatto d'altri) da Conttantinopoli su I'armate Ottomane
sono periti nel corso di questa guerra, ct il solo ultimo attacco di Candia per If)ro propria
confe-ssione e costato alia Turchia le vite di cento e ottanta mille Musulmani, e quanti ne
havera consumati il fcrro ct il foco nella Dalmatia e ncH'Albania e negl'inutili attacci di
Cattaro, Sebenico, c di Spalato, e nelle sconHtte datte loro daU'armi Venete e da Morlacci.
. . In any event the long war of Candia had certainly taken a heavy toll of the lives and
resources of both the Turks and the Venetians. On the Hnancial costs of the war to Venice,
cf. K.T. Rapp, Industry and Economic Decline in Seventeenth-Century Venice, Cam-
bridge, Mass., and London, England. 1976, pp. 149-54.

Molin's Bmbas^ and MorosM's Surrender cf Candia

229

together with the adjacent reefs, which is a fact of considerable impor-
tance."^' As soon as he had received Morosini's dispatch, Molin in-
formed the doj^e Domenico Contarini, "Today finally, on 22 September,
the letters, dated the 8th, of his Excellency, the captain-general, have
reached me by land." It had taken two weeks for the couriers to get from
Candia to Ganea. Severe storms had caused the delay. A dispatch of the
grand vizir had apparently come more rapidly by sea, however, to the
pasha at Ganea. Molin had thus learned of the reasons which had forced
Morosini to surrender the fortress of Candia to the Turks. Peace had
been made "with the concession of the three fortresses in the kingdom
(of Candia] as well as Clissa and the occupied territory in Dalmatia to
your Serenity, along with the other conditions of which his Excellency
will have apprised your Serenity." Although Molin and Morosini had
been in communication with each other concerning the possibility of
Molin's negotiating peace with the Turks, obviously the French and the
auxiliary troops had withdrawn from Candia too quickly for him to re-
trieve any advantage for the Republic. Believing that Morosini had prob-
ably acted too quickly, Molin was clearly distressed, having been out-
done by time and circumstance."*®

When the Signoria had been informed of the details involved in the
"peace established between our Republic and the Sublime Porte by the
captain-general of the sea with the subscription of the first vizir," sena-
torial action was required. In similar cases the Senate had always elected
an "ambassador extraordinary," who would betake himself to the court
and to the very presence of the Gran Signore to see to the reciprocal
ratification of the treaty of peace, "la corrispondenza della pace mede-
sima con le consulte forme." The person to be elected could, as usual, be

ASV, Senato (Secreta). DIspacci Costantinopoli (1670), fol. 1 13'. According to arti-
cles ii-iv of the treaty of 5 September (1669) between Mehmed IV and the Republic of
Venice, negotiated by the grand vtzir Ahmed KdpiiiiO and the captain-general Francesco
Morosini (.1. Dumont, Corps univerael diplomtitique. VII-1 (Amsterdam and The Hague,
1731 1, no. L, p. 119):". . . Omnia munimenta, portus, insulae adjacentes, et alia loca quae
sub ditione Reipublicae in Regno Candiae sunt, eodem modo quo ante bellum sub domina-
tione eiusdem fuerunt, porro manebunt. In quorum numero sunt Suda, Spinalonga, Gara-
buse, et TinI |the Island of Tenos) omnesque dependentlae Spinalongae a Regno Candiae
separcntur.

"Omnis res tormentaria, et instnictus qui in loco erit, sub hac conditione illic in totum
relinquetur, nt tamen supremus vesirius capitaneo fenerall XL tormenta majora dono det.

"Omnes insuinc in Archipelago et aliae, quae ad ipsam Rcmpublicam pertinebunt, sub
potentate eiusdem maneant eodem modo quo ipsi ante bellum subjectae fuerunt, fortali-
tiumque Oissa et omnia quae Veneti eripuerunt Turcis In Dalmatia et In Albania absolutae

summacque potcstati Serenissimae Reipublicae subdita rclinquentur."

The Turks must have been in serious trouble to make the concessions stated in the
above text. The Italian version of articles I, II, III, xii-xiii is given in Dores Levi-Weiss, "Le
Relazioni fra Venczia e la Tiirchia dal 1670 al 1684 . . . ," Veneto TrUlentino, IX-X
(1926), 117-18, and note I'aganino's Diurioof Molin's embassy to the Turks, MS. Marc. It.
Vli, 1608(7514), pp. 84ff.

^ Senato (Secreta), Dispacci Costantinopoli (1668-1669), no. 49, fol. 399', dispatch of
Molin to the doge and Senate, dated 22 September 1669.

230

Venice, Auatrta, and the Turk» In the Seventeenth Century

taken from any governmental office. He could not refuse the charge,
being subject to all the penalties involved in the declination of an ambas-
sadorship to any one of the crowned heads of Europe and the Levant.

The Senate took action on 18 October (1669), making provision for
this important, at least symbolically important, embassy to the Porte.
The ambassador in question would receive for his expenses 400 ducats a
month, to be paid in gold, "with no obligation to render account
thereof." Another 1,500 ducats would be given to him *'as a gift" to help
meet the unforeseen expenses he would inevitably encounter. He must
take no fewer than fifteen horses with him, including those of his secre-
tary, a servant, and four grooms. He was also to have a physician, to
whom a hundred sequins would be given as a gift, and a barber (sur-
geon), who would receive fifty. The ambassador's chaplain would have
"the usual gift and a salary." The "coadjutor" would get a gift of a
hundred ducats, and thereafter fifteen ducats a month.

The Signoria would meet the overall costs of the journey to the Porte
and back, te spese di bocca e di viaggio. Other salaries and expenses
were anticipated, for which the Signoria would make adequate provi-
sion. Once chosen, the ambassador must leave within fifteen days, go
first to Corfu, and thence to the Porte, where he would follow the in-
structions which would be given him. If he failed to depart within the
fifteen days, he would face a heavy fine. As was to be expected, the
motion was passed in the Senate with almost no opposition.^ Such was
in fact the usual formula, with the usual emoluments, for the election of
an ambassador extraordinary.

Despite the legal rigmarole on 18 October (1669) the members of the
Senate doubtless knew who would be elected ambassador extraordinary
to the sultan Mehmed IV. It was of course to be Alvise da Molin, now no
longer merely a "gentleman envoy" {gentilhuomo inviato) to the Porte.
As the doge wrote Molin the following day (19 October), the Senate had
added to his dignity **U tltolo di ambasciatore estraordinario al Qran
Signore." The peace with the Turics must receive prompt ratification.
Since Molin was on hand at Canea, with the grand vizir Ahmed Kopriilii
nearby, he was the one to act for the Signoria in his new ambassadorial
capacity. The Senate sent Molin a letter for formal presentation to the
grand vizir. He was to assure Kopriilii of the Signoria*s admiration for
him, and to praise him for the part he had played in making peace, saving

•^Senato. Delib. Costantinopoli, Reg. 32, fols. 39'-40' |130'-13in. adi XVIII Ottobre
\^DCLXIX\, -t-89, — 1, — 3. As for payments to secretaries and coatyutors, some twenty
yean before (hi 1650) Alvtoe Gontarlnf had referred to "seoretarii e coadlatori, questi con
settc e quelli con quindeci ducati al mese salarii, che oggidi non bastano a scn itori privati
degli ambasciatori" {Relatione . . . per la pace universale al Convento di Munster
116501. hi MS. Mate. It. VII. 1107 190161. fol. 120.

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231

**80 many treasures,** putting a stop to the bloodshed, and giving thought

to the needs of oommeroe.

Molin was to assure Ahmed Kopriilu that "all the conditions of the
capitulation will be inviolably adhered to by the Republic." Strict orders
had been sent to Dalmatia to put a stop to all hostilities and to reestab-
lish friendly relations with the Turks. Such orders had also been sent to
the borders of Albania and to the Three Islands of the Ionian Sea. Posses-
sion of the fortresses of the erstwhile "kingdom** of Candia had already
been agreed upon, with the reefs or rocky approaches to the fortresses
(of Suda, Grabusa, and Spinalonga) belonging to Venice, but such mat-
ters should be thoroughly understood and oonftrmed before Kdpriilii left
the island of Crete.

Molin was to seek the liberation of "our nobles and other slaves," who
had been captured by the Turks, fix the precise time of their release, and
try to take proper care of them. He was to seek every commercial advan-
tage possible at the Porte. Also he must try to get Venetian vessels re-
newed access to the wharf at Spalato (Split). The Sraate was anxious to
have 'i'antica corrispondenza" restored, being quite ready to proceed
to the election of a bailie to reside in Istanbul. The required letters of
credence were being prepared for the Gran Signore and his ministers.
When the grand vizir left Crete for the Porte, i.e., Istanbul, Molin must
try to go with him, informing the Signoria that he had done so. He would
then be sent "those other orders which we shall think necessary.** The
ducal letter of 19 October, like so many others of the past weeks and
months, was full of praise for Molin, widi the usual expressions of con-
cern for the hardships he had suffered.

Associating with the grand vizir, as he was now able to do, Molin must
try to learn the vizir's "most secret intentions" and the plans and
thoughts of the Turks, which would help to guide the captain-general
Morosini as well as the Signoria in their next moves. Molin was to use his
own judgment (as he had been doing) in distributing bakhaln^ "11 far
quel donatlvi e regalli che stlmarete proprii,** to the Turkish dragoman
Panagioti and other helpful persons at the Porte. The doge and Senate
were ordering the captain-general to send 3,000 sequins to Molin imme-
diately to help him meet various and sundry expenses. Other funds had
and would come from Venice. Along with this dispatch of 19 October the
Senate was sending another passport, which would add to Molin's dig-
nity and the security of the voyage to Istanbul.^

^'Delib. Costantinopoli. Re^>. 32, fols. 40'-42' |13r-133'|. adt XIX Ottnhre
[MDCLXIX], (lU'amhascuitnr Molin destinato alia Porta. The harbor of Spalato (Split)
was reopened to Venetian vessels, on which cf. Dores Levi- Weiss, "Le Relazioni fra Vene-
cia e la Turchia dal 1670 al 1684 e la fonnazione della Sacra Lega," Veneto-Trideiuino, VII
(1925), 5, who gives no little attentloii to MoHn. In fact Levl-WelM hat painted a fairiy full

232

Venice, Austria, and the Turks in the Seventeenth Century

On the same day (19 October 1669) the doge and Senate also wrote
Ahmed Kopriilii of the "affectionate fealty which our Republic has al-
ways maintained toward the Sublime Porte" and of "la stima che si porta
verso la dignissima sua persona." They confirmed and ratified all the
conditions and articles of the said "capitulation of peace," notifying
Kdpriilu that they were now appointing Alvise da Molin as ambassador
extraordinary to the Gran Signore to give the Sublime Porte assurance of
the Republic*8 desire always to preserve that peace.^* On the 23rd simi-
lar letters were to go out to the mufti, the kaimakam, the kapudan pasha,
the capigilar agasi, "and other pashas of the Porte."

Meanwhile Molin was rusticating in Ganea. On 22 October he wrote
the doge that no ship was entering the port, and no one was coming from
the encampment at Gandia. He had not spent his time entirely in vain,
however, for at this early stage of the cessation of hostilities more than
one unfortunate event might have occurred, given the extent to which
fear and jealousy were rife among the commanders. But he had had more
than one opportunity to make clear the absolute sincerity of the Repub-
lic in wanting to maintain and cherish the peace that had just been made,
which had apparently disarmed at least some of the Turks.

The pasha of Canea was a man of integrity and wisdom. He was trying
to assure the Turkish adherence to the peace, and was showing Molin
every possible courtesy with frequent gifts of fruit, to which Molin re-
sponded "with sweetmeats and other things," which he believed appro-
priate to the occasion. The pasha had gone off to the Turkish encamp-
ment at Gandia, where he had planned to spend some time, but after a
few days he was back in Ganea, having been ordered to return by the
grand vizir Ahmed Kopriilii. The vizir had done so at Molin's request and
in accord with the wishes of the captain-general Morosini. Molin had
then had tlie opportunity to discuss with the pasha the expected arrival
of Morosini at Suda.

The Turks now made every effort to do honor to the Venetians. Pavil-
ions— large tents — were set up in the field. Molin was provided with a
retinue "and with other manifestations of their customs." He was wait-
ing for Morosini with keen anticipation in order to make clear the high
esteem in which he held the captain-general as well as to learn dalla
viva voce details of his negotiations with the Turks "in the important
matter of the peace.** Molin was anxious to attend to certain diplomatic
functions which still had to be observed to meet the protocol of the
times, but with these we shall not detain ourselves.

picture of Turco- Venetian relations from 1670 to 1684, ibicL, VII (1925), 1-46; VIII (also
1925), 40-100; and IX-X (1926), 97-116. with an appendix of rnifrablished dooamenU,
ihiii, pp. 1 1 7-54. 1 have tried, on the whole, not to repeat the material in Levi-Weiss's
monograph.
^' Delib. Gostaminopoli. Reg. 32. foi. 42 |133|.

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233

Molin was very much concerned with the fact that Venetian mer-
chants, especially those who were shipping merchandise under con-
tracts with owners of foreign vessels, were not Hying the flag of S. Mark,
la bandiera di S. Marco. He was anxious to preserve or rather to restore
"the important profit that your Serenity used to derive from the 'cassa
del cottimo,' from which were paid all those on salaries in the household
of the bailie (in Istanbul], and from which monies were also sought for
other expenses.*' At this point, however, a word of explanation will with-
draw us from the text of Molln's letter to the doge and Senate of 22
October (1669). He was trying to resurrect a defunct financial practice.

The cnttimo was a tax of one percent which the Republic's consuls in
certain Levantine ports had levied upon Venetian merchant ships. In
fact, in the ^ood old days of the Republic, the Venetians had maintained
in certain Levantine ports a mercantile supcrintendency consisting of a
consul and two assessors recruited from the patriciate. Their purpose
was to oversee and protect the ships and merchants. As the institution
dwindled, the last of these consuls were to be found in Damascus, in
Alexandria, and Indeed In London. After the war of Gandia, with which
Molin had been so much involved of late, the superintendencies impos-
ing the commercial tax were abandoned. Since their personnel had been
drawn from the more or less impoverished patricians, and one wished to
furnish the latter with some means of livelihood, three "superintenden-
cies" had been established (the prawedUori al coccimo di Londra, di
DanuMSCOf e di Ateaaandria), which provided pensions to the appoint-
ees, paying thirty ducats a month in silver. These so-called proweditori
had no authority, and bore little or no responsibility.

In his letter of 22 October (1669) Molin was insistent that henceforth
Venetian merchants should not ship their goods to Istanbul under any
flag but that of the Serenissima, even though the vessels under contract
were Flemish, English, "or of another nation.** Their merchandise should
go to the Bosporus only under the flag of the Republic "in order to
restore the aforesaid 'cassa del oottimo.' *' Merchants had been flying
other flags than that of S. Mark to reduce the Turkish customs duty
(datio) from five to three percent, which was the toll paid by the Flem-
ings, the English, and the Genoese, as the French were also doing now,
having recently got the Turkish toll reduced on their exports and im-
ports. The Venetians were still paying five percent. Molin grieved that,
alas, Venetian merchants and those subject to Venice had not been fly-
ing the lion banner of 8. Marie on their vessels, "to the notable loss of
your Serenity.**^ Since the cottimo had only been imposed upon vessels

^'Senato (Secreui), Dispacci Gostantinopoli (1668-1669), no. 51. fols. 422'-423\
Ciinea li 22 Ottnhrc 16ft9 S\til] N\<)vn]. On the Hnancial importance of the hdudicrn di S.
Marco and the cassa di cottimo, of. the Dispacci Cosuntinopoli (1670), lols. 82, 87.
Money wm alwaya a probleni to the SIgnoria throvlhont die War of Gandia, as we have

234

VerUctt AuatrUtt and the Tiirka in the Seventeenth Cent%iry

acknowied^liig their Venedan Identity by flying the lion banner, obvi-
ously the merchants were not only avoiding forty percent of the Turkish
toll but also the Venetian impost. The times were changing, and however
unwillingly, the Signoria would soon have to give up the "cottimo" ex-
cept as a device for sponsoring certain pensions.

A few houra after Molin had sent off this last dispatch (of 22 October),
the news reached him of the captaln-genend Firancesoo Morosinl's ar-
rival In the Gulf of Suda. Morosinl had written him a courteous letter to
Inform him of the fact. Plans were prompdy made for their meeting
"y^terday morning/' when Molin left Canes

attended by a noble and numerous retinue of janissaries and sipahis, and also
honored by the presence of the pasha's "ohisls,** who Is die first person here
after the pasha himsdf, sent by the latter with others of his oourt and with nuny

horses for me and for diese gendemen who are with me, all sumptuously outfit-
ted to accompany me on the journey. Mounted on horseback we rode out from
the city [of Canea] toward iSuda with all the aforementioned retinue and arrived
at the plaoe called the "Lontana di Cassain Pssha.** There I found some pavilions
all ready, but one especially rich, stately, and majestic, furnished with carpets,
cushions, and chairs. Having dismounted and entered this pavilion I found
therein many servitors of the pasha himself, ready for whatever i might pos-
sibly need.

When I had becrnne seated with the said chiaia, the lord lieutenant genersl
RIva came in a moment to find me with many gentlemen, sent by the most

excellent captain-general to receive me with many small boats, including feluc-
cas, from the liroadside of his ship, which had been put just opposite the afore-
said pavilion for my greater ease and convenience in making my way to express
my great esteem [for the captain-general].

Molin then made up to the officers and gentlemen, who had thus come
together, and ordered coffee, sherbert, orangeade (acqua nan/a), and
perfume for them all, after the fashion of the Turks when they wished to
honor someone. Having got through these "ceremonies" and his fornial
meeting with the pasha's ohlala, Molin went aboard a felucca, and was
conveyed to the "ship,** presumably Moroslni*s flagship, where the cap-
tain-general gave him a most honorable reception to show the Turks the
high regard in which one held a minister of the Signoria. When the au-
gust conference of the ambassador with the captain-general ended after
some hours, Molin returned to land, and going back into the pavilion, he
fulfilled his social obligations to the oAicers, nobles, and other gentle-

often suted, and tlie m^ior part of tliat problem was in tlie recruitment and payment of
•nd meroenaries. On tlie importance of tlie Venetian gvllda in reoraiting oaramen

i^aleotti) and the costs involved at the time of the War of Candia. see Richard T. Rapp,
Industry and Economic Decline in Seventeenth-Century Venice, Cambridge, Mass., and
London, 1976, pp. 52ff.. 84, 86.

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235

men who had accompanied him. Shortly thereafter Molin mounted his
horse along with the retinue with which the pasha had furnished him,
and returned to his house in Ganea, where the chiaia and the rest of the
Turks bade him farewell, "terminata con decorosa et honorevolissima
forma la funtione.'"*^

On 23 October the doge and Senate wrote Morosini that they were
sending back to him the sergeant m^or Betti, who had just arrived in
Venice with letters of Morosi n i on the ScUvator del Mondo, The doge was
turning over to Betti this brief note to Morosini as well as some dis-
patches "for the ambassador extraordinary, the cavalier Molin," to-
gether with various things, including garments, which Molin would find
essential to give as gifts to the Turks to help him achieve success at the
Forte. Morosini must see to it that the whole shipment was conveyed
safely and quickly to Molin as soon as Morosini could determine pre*
cisely where the ambassador was then staying. When he had sent the
robbe off to Molin, he was to inform the Signoria that he had done so.^

On the same day (and by the same vote) the Senate approved a letter
to the sultan Mehmed IV, expressing great satisfaction in the peace
which the captain-general had negotiated with the grand vizir. The Ve-
netian government would observe every article and detail of the peace,
and would rely upon the ministers and representatives of the Porte in the
borderlands (of Dalmatia and Albania) to do the same. Every effort was
going to be made **per conservare Tantica amicitia che habbiamo havuto
con li serenissimi suoi precessori," as would be made clear "with the
living voice by our beloved noble Alvise Molin, whom we have elected
ambassador extraordinary to your imperial Mi^esty, and may your years
be many and most fortunate."^'

The Senate approved still another dispatch on 23 October, this time to
Molin, who must try to see that in his first audience at Istanbul he was
received with the honor and attention accorded to ^'ambassadors of
crowned heads." The Senate was in fact sending to Molin word of how
eariler Venetian ambassadors — Badoer, Soranzo, and Foscarini — had
been received at the Porte. Molin would present his letters of credence
(one hoped to the sultan himself), along with certain gifts, which were

Senate (Secreta), Dispacci Costantinopoli (1668-1669), no. 52, fols. 427'ff. (most of
this dispatch being in cipher). It was written shortly after 22 October 1669. On the coffee,

sherhert, and perfume of the time, note Carlo Paganino's Diarin della Speditione dell'il-
lustr. et eccell. signor Alvi.se da Molin, MS. Marc. It. VII, 1608 (7514), pp. 29, 41, 46, 58,
88, 90, 99, 102, 136, et (dibi, and on Francesco Morositri's arrival In Suda and his formal
meeting with Molin, ibid., pp. 87ff.

** Delib. Costantinopoli, Reg. 32, fol. 44" |135'^|, adiXXIH Ottobre [MDCLXIX], <d capi-
tan fienertde dit mar, the letter being approved by the Senate +81, — 1, — 4.

Delib. Costantinopoli, Reg. 32, fol. 46 |137|, adi XXIII Ottobre [MDCLXIX], al Sere-
niasimo Sultan Mehemet, text approved +81, — 1, — 4.

236

Venice, Austria, and the Turks in the Seventeenth Century

being packed, and would be accompanied by another 3,000 ducats in
silver. Copies of the Veneto-Turkish peace treaties of 1540, 1573, and
1638 were being sent to Molin, and so were the executive orders relating
to the corsairs and their places of refuge in Turkish ports. The imposition
of restraint upon and punishment of corsairs was a common factor in the
Republic's treaties with the Porte. Molin was to see to it that all the ports
of the Gran Signore were open to Venetian vessels and merchants, an-
other conspicuous factor in these treaties.

Also Molin must try to lighten the heavy burden of the five percent
customs duty which had been levied on Venetian goods. It should be
reduced to three percent, which was the payment made (as we have
noted) by the Genoese and now by the French. The Turkish government
should send "resolute commands" to Dalmatia and Albania, as was done
in 1638, to quell disturbances and to suppress piracy. The port of Spa-
lato (Split) should be opened to Venetian traffic, as it was to that of the
Ragusei, who thus had a considerable advantage over the Republic's
merchants in the Adriatic trade. The Senate was interested, as was Mo-
lin, in reestablishing the cottimo on a sound basis in certain Levantine
ports, since it was a source of some income to the Serenissima and a
protective convenience to the merchants.

Among other tasks, Molin was to look into the question of the many
documents {scritture publiche) which had been left in Istanbul, presum-
ably before the beginning of the war of Gandia; some of them were obvi-
ously of importance, and Molin must try to retrieve them. He had money
enough to fulfill his ambassadorial responsibilities at the Porte, i.e.,
20,000 reali in cash and another 10,000 in letters of credit. The road
from Gattaro (Kotor) should be reopened to couriers. And passing over a
few more details as to gifts and money, such were the requests and the
instructions which the Senate sent to Molin.'**

Prom Ganea on 2 November (1669) Alvise da Molin wrote the doge
(and Senate) that the grand vizir Ahmed Kdpriilii had sent the local
pasha back to his post, "as I informed your Serenity in an earlier dis-
patch." After the Turkish occupation of the fortress of Gandia and the
assurance of peace, the sultan's master of horse had arrived (in Gandia)
with gifts for Kopriilii, the primo visir, who had received the sultan's
permission to remain in the Gretan "kingdom" for the winter of 1669-
1670. As soon as spring came, however, he must come back toward
Istanbul with the army. In the meantime twelve of the best Turkish

^'^Delib. Costantinopoli. Re6. J2, fols. 42^-44* |13J>'-135''), adi XXIII Ottobre
[MDCLXIX], aU'umbusciator estraordinario Molin deatinato alia Porta, +81 , — 1 , — 4,
and cf., ibid., fols. 48'-5()' |139'-14r], a longer letter of similar content from the doge and
Senate to Molin, dated 20 November (1669), and approved by the Senate +152, — 4, — 0.

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237

galleys were to be sent on to Negroponte, where die sultan wished to
embaifc for Thesadbnikl (Salonika) to avoid the disoomfort of a long

journey by land.

The sultan intended to spend the winter in Thessaloniki. Some of the
remaining galleys would have to go on to Istanbul under the command of
one Terzena Ghiaiassi, the overseer {proveditor), of the Turkish ar*
mada. Ten galleys would be retained at Istanbul. The odiers would stay
at Gandia. There was no longer any doubt but that KttpriNI would renwin
on the island of Crete, where the kapudan pasha would join him. This
information should assist the Signoria, Molin believed, in making plans
to send to the Porte the ambassador, "who would be elected for ratifica-
tion of the peace/' Molin may have suspected, but did not yet know, that
he was to be that ambassador.

Molin stated that the captain-general Morosini had sent him a copy of
all the minutes of meetings of the war council during the final trials of the
siege of Gandia. Hitherto Molin had seen only the minutes of 4 August.
Now he had read with no small emotion the statement of the reasons
which hnd led Morosini to surrender Candia as being in the best interests
of the Serenissima, "neH'abbandono massime delle piu valide assistenze
ausiliarie, compatendo intinitamente la necessita in cui s'e ritrovato
constituito."

Far from satisfied with the way things had gone, Molin confined his
observation to the fact that at the meeting of the war council on 25
August it was apparently agreed that one should write to him

to take in hand the matter of a peace treaty before the embarkation of the
French troops, who were slipping away from evening to evening. As for this last
point, namely that the French diould be embaifcing hmn one evening to die
next. If your Serenity will consult the minotei of the war council for 4 August, he
win tee a formal statement to the effect that the French were furtively embarking
thirty or forty soldiers at a time in order to say that they did not have troops
enough to stand by, which makes clear their small inclination for military action,
but not their actual departure, of which I was never precisely taiformed, nor had I
ever understood It until after the fact and after the surrender of the fortress.^'

On 3 1 December ( 1 669) the doge Alvise Gontarini, writing to Molin on
the Senate's behalf, noted that

In these last days your dispatches from number 50 to 55 have arrived, from
which we learn with great comlort the freedom of movement being allowed yon

" Senato (Sccreu). Dispacci Costantinopoli (1668-1669). no. 54. fols. 447'-448',
Cunea H 2 Notemhre 1669 5|(t7| N[ovo\.

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238

Venice, Auatria, and cfce Turka in the 6leventcencfc Century

and your household as well as the Restores of courtesy and friendship which the
pasha has shown as a consequence of the orders of the grand vizir.

The Senate was pleased and gratihed to learn of the Turks' "honorific
demonstrations" on the occasion of Molin's formal meeting with Moro-
sini. Now one could apparently hope for that "good and lasting peace."
The Gran Signore*8 Joy in the Turkish success at Gandia, which had

brought some measure of tranquillity to his subjects and to those of
Venice, did indeed make one believe in his sincere desire to maintain the

peace. Molin's task would be to keep not only his Majesty in a peaceful
mood but also the important grand vizir and the chief ministers of
the Porte.

The Senate set much store by the restoration of trade in the "king-
dom" of Gandia, in the Morea, and in parts of Dalmatia, all of which were
apparently showing some signs of commercial renewal. It was assumed

in Venice that the doge's dispatches of 19 October, along with MoIin*s
letters of credence for the grand vizir, had arrived safely, and that "by
this time you will also have obtained the royal charter for confirmation
of the peace."' The doge called Molin's attention to the laments of the
prisoners in the Seven Towers at Istanbul. They had been, it was said,
"abandoned and left without any help/' although the Signoria had tried
to assist them by the dispatch of funds to the Bosporus. The Senate
advised Molin of an unfortunate incident in which Turkish cannoneers
had recently fired at some Venetian vessels as they sailed past Modon.
Moreover, since the conclusion of peace, two corsairs' vessels had been
allowed entry into the Turkish harbor of Navarino (Pylos) in the south-
west of the Morea. Since there was now peace between the Republic and
the Porte, obviously such events created an unease in the Senate.

Molin was to try to find out what he could about the results of an
audience which the Turiiish envoy in Paris had managed to obtain with
Louis XIV. At Vienna one continued to hear complaints from the sultan's
ministers about the raids of the Hungarians into Turkish territory and
about their (or the Austrians') employment of the fortifications in the
borderlands. Molin must have received attached to this dispatch (of 31
December) the copy of a letter from Ghaiies II of England to the Signoria
with an order to his ambassador at the Porte to cooperate with the Vene-
tian ambassador. When, therefore, Molin arrived in Istanbul, he must
establish the appropriate friendly relationship with the representadve of
the English crown.

The doge informed Molin that the captain-general Morosini had
landed on the island of Zante on 9 December, where he was trying to
divest himself of many of the important responsibilities that had been
weighing him down for so long a time in order to seek some rest and relief

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Molin'a Embassy and Morosini'a Surrender of Candta

239

In the fatherland. "In the meantime we must let you know in the present
letter of the death of the supreme pontiff, Clement IX, on the 9th of the
present month, which is lamented everywhere, and which we have felt
most keenly. . . ."^

The surrender of Gandia was to bring almost no end of vexation to the
captain-general Francesco Morosini. While contemporary historians

and Journalists acclaimed his dauntless spirit and the prolonged resis-
tance to the Turks, a gloomy depression gradually pervaded Venice.
Morosini's enemies were filled with envy, resentment, and bitterness;
they wanted to destroy his reputation, and inflict such other injury upon
him as they could. Before the news of the surrender of Candia had
reached the Senate, Morosini had been made a Procuratore di S. Marco
which, after the Dogado, was the highest office of the state. It had added
fuel to the flame of malignity with which Morosini was now beset. He
made his formal entrance into Venice on 21 April 1670. His palace, the
fayade of which gives upon the Rio di S. Maurizio, was richly decorated;
the residents of his parish of S. Stcfano joined the procession along the
Merceria to the Doges' Palace. While Morosini, his relatives, friends, and
supporters were basking in the sunshine of his renown, his enemies were
spending their time in quiet conspiracy.

Five months after his return to Venice, suddenly and unexpectedly he
was denounced on 19 September (1670) by one Antonio Gorrer at a
meeting of the Maggior Consiglio, the Grand Council. Gorrer seems to
have been moved by ambition, perhaps seeking the important office of
public prosecutor or advocate of the state {avogador del Conxttn,
triumvir Rcipublicae advocatus). It has also been suggested that his
virulent attack upon Morosini was one more manifestation of the persis-
tent hostility between the old and the new nobilities, which had been
much reinforced (as we have seen) by the sale of the patriciate during
the Gretan war, the "aggregazioni di famiglie alia nobilta veneta." Moro-
sini belonged to the old, Gorrer to the new, nobility. Gorrer was now
assisted by Antonio Barbaro, formerly provveditore of the fleet, whom
Morosini had placed under the naval ban. Barbaro had escaped (as we
have already noted) from the captain-general's control by flight to Ven-
ice, and had managed to get himself pardoned by the Senate.

If Antonio Gorrer had aspired to the dignity of public prosecutor, as he
doubtless had, his desire was soon fulfilled, for on 5 October (1670), he
was indeed elected avogcuior di Comun by the Maggior Gonsiglio. Gor-

Senato, Ddib. Costantinopoli, Reg. 32, fols. 54*^-57' lUS'-HS"]. adiXXXl Decembre
[MDCLXIX], aU'ambaaciator Molin deatinato alia Porta, +133, —3, —S.

240

Venloe, Awitrta, and tke Turks in the Seventeenth Ckntury

rer had be^un to enjoy a certain measure of popularity as public senti-
ment appe.ired to be turninj^ against Morosini. While the young radicals
in the Magj^ior Gonsij^lio, who had had little or no naval or military expe-
rience, tended to respond to Gorrer s unproven charges, the older nobil-
ity in the Senate, many of whom knew something of warfare with the
Turics and the dire condition of Crete, were inclined to stand up for
Morosini.

One of Moro8ini*s more vigorous defenders blamed the French for the
loss of Gandia. Never having possessed the island, he asserted, they had
no intention of saving it from the Turks. Furthermore, let the captain-
general's detractors consider the extraordinary fact that he had recov-
ered from the grand vizir Ahmed Kopriilii some 35>0 pieces of heavy
artillery, all the ship's biscuit, arms, munitions, sacred vessels and other
such things. Also he had preserved the troops, rescuing all persons who
wished to leave the island with their movable property. And, of course,
he had saved the Venetian fleet, the chief responsibility of a captain-
general, **che nei casi estremi I'abbia la mira principal alia preservazione
dell'armata, nella quale consiste I'imperio e la libcrta.'"'^

Under the dark shadow of defeat Venice was becoming filled with
charges and countercharges, rumors and accusations of corruption, per-
sonal rancors and jealousies. Morosini's supporters levied, in their turn,
attacks upon Gorrer and Antonio Barbaro. In this atmosphere of conten-
tion Gorrer now requested a meeting of the Maggior Gonslglio for the
morning of 13 November (1670), although the Gonsiglio usually met in
the afternoon. Correr's initial purpose was to divest Francesco Morosini
of his recently acquired dignity of procurator of S. Mark on the grounds
that his appointment had been contrary to law and tradition, for he had
been appointed supra numerum. This was not only an attack upon Mo-
rosini but also an affiront to the Senate, where the captain-general was
held in high esteem.

The Senate had ratified the terms of the surrender of Gandia which,
Morosini's enemies insisted, he had signed illegally. But Gorrer had gone
too far, and although the Maggior Gonsiglio had seemed to applaud his
efforts two months before, this time Morosini's partisans and even his
enemies hooted and howled at Gorrer. Nevertheless, Gorrer went on
doggedly, assailing the impropriety of Morosini's elevation to the pro-
curatorship of S. Mark and the duplicity whereby he had attained It.

Gorrer claimed that on 11 August (1669) Morosini had written the
Signoria to the effect he would die rather than witness the surrender of
Gandia. On 27 August, however, according to Gorrer, Morosini began

^ Glim Dttnerlnl, JforMfni, Mllra. 1929, pp. 14S-55.

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Mciin's Bmbttat^ and Morotini'a Surrender of Ckmdia

241

negotiations with the grand vizir Ahmed Kopriilii. His good intentions
had histcd vsixteen days, long enough for the Maggior GonsigHo to reward
his courage and constancy by making him procuratore soprannumera-
rio, an exceptional honor. Correr also asserted that letters of Morosini
had arrived in Venice with a forewarning of the impending surrender on
the very day before the meeting of the Maggior Gonsiglio, but that Moro-
8ini*8 family had concealed the letters in order not to impede the Consi-
glio's granting him the signal distinction of the procuratorship. Correr
insisted that there was no proper, no legal, alternative to the removal of
Morosini from the procuratorship. In any event Morosini and his family
might well account themselves fortunate, according to Correr, if his only
punishment was to be the loss of the procuratorship, for he had already
received knighthood (cavalierato)^ and two of his brothers had been
brought into the Senate. No commanders in the past had ever received
such rewards for victory as Morosini had received for the loss of Candia.

Correr had overplayed his hand. His long discourse was greeted with
silence and repugnance. When he had finished, the eloquent Giovanni
Sagredo, the Republic's onetime ambassador to France and England,
rose to defend his friend Morosini. Sagredo reviewed Morosini's com-
mand at Candia where over the years, he said, 130,000 Turks and
100,000 soldiers from various parts of Christendom had perished, to-
gether with 280 Venetian nobles. If Candia had been lost, everlasting
glory had been won. Sagredo blamed the Venetian surrender of Candia
upon the French general Philippe de Montault de Benac, the duke of
Navailles, who withdrew his forces from Candia, abandoning Morosini
and the lattcr's seamen and soldiery in the very hour of need. While the
Turks mounted the breaches in the walls, the French gave them up,
repairing to their ships. The pros and cons of the surrender of Candia
would long be debated.^

The proposal to deprive the captain-general Morosini of the procura-
torship of S. Mark would merely restore honor to the French, for it would
be tantamount to saying they had not failed the Christian cause against
the Turks, but that Morosini had fallen short, thus betraying the father-
land. Sagredo went on to rebut as outright falsehoods and gross exaggera-
tions all the assertions made by Correr. Despite the applause which

Cf. the exchnnite of letters between Bemardin Gi^ault, marquis de Bellefonds. tnarshal
of France. Jiiid the Sieiir dc (Iremonville, conimtmdcr of the Order of Malta, in the Rib!.
Nazionale Marciana, MS. It. VII, 2J89 (11721), fols. 176-87. On the twists and turns of
Justice and politics in mid-seventeenth-century Venice see Oaetano GozzI, RepuhhUca di
Vcnczin t- Stuti italiani: VaUtica e gtuatieia lUil sccnlo XV7 al sccolo XVIII. Turin. 1<)R2,
pp. 1 74-2 1 6, esp. pp. 205-6 (in the present context), whose general account is interesting
and Instructive.

242

Venice, Austria, and the Turks in the Seventeenth Century

Sagredo's speech now won, the case against Morosini was not closed.'^
The vote taken in the Maggior Consigho was indecisive.

The Consigho was, therefore, reconvened on 25 November (1670),
but as the wind was blowing more favorably for the captain-general
Morosini, some of liis enemies left Venice for the countryside, some
made friendly overtures to him. Others decided to let the issue of the
procuratorship drop, relying upon the trial (processo) which lay ahead.
A verdict would be reached at the trial, based upon the coming inquest
into the surrender of Candia and the management of the war chest. When
at the assembly of 25 November Correr embarked upon an effort to
refute Sagredo's arguments, he was interrupted by catcalls and the
stamping of feet, but he was allowed to continue when he asked for
pardon if he had gone beyond the bounds of propriety. He was not
moved, he said, by personal considerations. He was merely seeking Jus-
tice for the Republic.

At this point the well known patrician Michele Poscarini, who had held
several important offices of state, rose to refute Correr and to defend
Morosini. In later years Foscarini was to produce the important Istoria
delta Republicd Veneta.^^ He reminded the members of the Maggior
Gonsiglio that the eyes of Europe were upon them. The reputation of the
Serenissima was at stake. The effort to remove Morosini from the pro-
curatorship of S. Maik before a judicial investigation was disgraceful. He
was one of the most eminent figures in the Republic. Foscarini also took
issue with Correr that there was anything illegal about Morosini*s pro-
motion to the procuratorship. He cited certain similar cases — indeed
some unusual, even extraordinary cases — from the past which had been
accepted as legal and proper. Ves, Morosini had declared his resolve to
withstand the Turks at any cost while some thousands of French were
helping him to hold on to Candia. When the French departed, what hope
was there of warding off surrender? The standards of the Porte were
planted on three continents, Italy was a weak, little place, and who could
find the meager territory' of S. Mark on the map?

Foscarini denied that letters of the captain-general Morosini had been
concealed from the Maggior Gonsiglio. He accused Gorrer of trickery,
maintaining that he had taken out of context snatches from this dispatch
or that in order to concoct fallacious evidence. It was the way an anony-
mous poet, selecting verses here and there from Vergil, had been able to

" For Ck)rrer's attack upon Morosini, note amon^ other sources MS. Marc. It. VII, 656
(7791), esp. fols. 132*, 133*, 134', and for Sagredo's defense of Morosini, ibid., esp. fols.
146'. 148"-! 49', 150.

Foscarini's work comprises the tenth (and last) volume of the series Degl 'Istorici delle
cose veneMkme, Venice, 1722.

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Molin'a Bmhas^y and Moro8ini'» Surrender o§ Oandia

243

make the latter sing the praises of the Virgin. If Morosini had held out in
Candia to the point of death, he would indeed have let Venice down, for
if the Turks had breached the walls and taken the fortress town of Can-
dia, they would have destroyed the armed forces of the Republic, seized
the munitions belonging to the state, and captured the fleet, endangering
the Venetians* holdings in Dalmatia. The proposed trial should not be
restricted to Morosini^ but should include all those who were present at
the surrender of Gandia. Foscarini's proposal met with applause not only
from Morosini's supporters, who expected him to be exonerated, but
also from Correr's adherents, who wanted to appear impartial and dedi-
cated to the best interests of the state.

The investigation dragged on for eight months, during which period
Francesco Morosini and his brothers Michele, Marc' Antonio, and Lo-
renzo, who apparently all had apartments in the Palazzo Morosini, hard
by the spacious Gampo S. Stefano, entertained their Mends and parti-
sans in lavish fashion. And finally in the summer of 1671, after a pro-
longed inquest, the Senate made an official declaration of the innocence
of Morosini and his codefendants of all the charges of naval and financial
mismanagement which had been levied against them.^''

" Gf. Damerini, Morosini (1929), pp. 155-71, 180-84. On Gorrer's attack upon Moro-
sini and the defense of the captaiiHIeneral by Sagredo and Poscarinf, see Giovanni Gra-

ziani, Frnncisci Mdurnceni . . . fiesta, Padua, 1698. pp. 180-81, 201-12. and (at lonft
length) Antonio Arrighi, De vita et rebus gestis Francisci Mauroceni .... Padua, 1749,
lib. ni, pp. 225-71, with some fictitious oratory.

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VIII

Turco-Venetian Relations (1670-1683) and
the Turkish Siege of Vienna

her Francesco Morosinrs surrender of Gandia to the Turks,

there was an uneasy peace between Venice and the Porte. It
lasted for some fifteen years. The doge and Senate continued to
send dispatches with the current news and with instructions to Alvise da
Mohn as ambasciator estraordinario a Costantinopoli throughout the
year 1670 and a large part of 1671. On 22 August (1671) the draft of a
letter of the doge to Molin acknowledged the receipt in Venice of the
153rd dispatch which he had sent the Signoria since his appointment as
ambassador extraordinary to the Porte.' Early in 1671, however, Gia-
como Querini, a distinguished noble, was elected to, and accepted, the
formidable post of bailie on the Bosporus, but it always took ambassa-
dors and bailies a long time to take their leave of Venice and go off to
distant assignments.

Inevitably the ambassadorial dispatches contain both important and
trivial data, but both the one and the other help to illustrate the prob-
lems and the life of a seventeenth-century ambassador. In a letter to

' ASV, Senato, Delib. Co8Uindno|K^, Reg. 32, foL ITS' (269^, doc dated 22 Augmt

1671.

* On Querini's appointment as bailie, note Delib. Costantinopoli, Reg. 32, fols. 118
1209). 12(y |21 1'l, docs, dated 5 and 18 March 1671. A year before (in March 1670) Molin
had been appointed "bailo ordinario." c/ic intraprenderd la carica dapo supplite ie
funtioni deU'eatrcutrdinaria ambasciata {ibid., fols. 67*-70').

244

Turco-Venetian ReUuiona, the Siege trf Vienna (1683)

245

Molin of 15 February 1670, for example, the doge and Senate lamented a
shipwreck with extensive loss of life and the "perdita di danaro et molte
robbc gia allcstite per il regallo (alia Porta)," which would cause some
delay in the delivery of gifts to the pashas, dragomans, and others in
Istanbul, but "we are proceeding with all diligence again to supply every-
thing needed, and in a few days all will be ready to put on board a ship."'*
Not very significant information for a modern historian perhaps;
shipwrecks and loss of life were occurring everywhere in the Mediterra-
nean. This shipwreck, however, was obviously important to the Signoria
and to the worried Molin.

Of obvious importance, however, was the situation of the Christians in
Ganea after the Turkish occupation of the port. Molin has briefly de-
scribed their plight for us in a dispatch dated 3 May 1670, which he sent
to the Venetian Signoria: "In Ganea the vizir has imposed great hard-
ships upon those few Christians who have remained there, for he has
confiscated all their houses and properties . . . , allowing them to build
themselves habitations only in the villages that existed on the fringes of
the city before the war."*

Dated documents show that Molin was still in Candia on 25 May
(1670J, in Chios on 4 .lune, in Fera (Istanbul) on 24 June, and on the way
to Adrianople (Edirne) on 29 July. A few days later, on 3 August 1670, he
wrote a dispatch from Adrianopole. As Molin went to Pera in the spring,
he was worried about "the perils of the plague."' He had found, and was
finding, his role as ambassador to the Turks a diflicult one, and was never
to see his beloved Venice again, for he died in Istanbul in August 1671.

Serious illness was bearing down on Molin. On 30 August (1670) he
wrote the Signoria from Adrianopole of "my unfortunate state of
health." He could not, he said, digest the lightest meal. He could not
sleep. He had lost his appetite completely, he was tired and weak, re-

^ Delih. Costaminopoii, Re|i. 32, fol. 58* |149*|, doo. dated 15 February 1670 (more

«e»c'to 1669).

* Senato (Secrcta), Dispaoci GostantinopoU (1670), no. 82, fol. 125', doc. dated at Can-
dia on .1 .M.iy U.70.

' Dispacci ( lostantinopoli (1670), fol. 17.T. The final "capitulation" of Candia, a.s ac-
cepted by Sultan Mchmcd IV in May 1670, isftlvcn, ibiU, fols. 176'-185', V)V. On Molin's
approach to the Dardanelles and entry into Istanbul, see Faganino's Diario, MS. Marc. It.
VII. 1608 (7.S14). pp. 122ff.

The continuation of Molin's dispatches to the vSi^noria is to be found In the ScnatO
(Secreu, III, formerly Filza 154), Dispacci GostantinopoU (1670), where they range from
no. 69, dated at Candia on 2 March 1670, to no. 132, where this last numbered dispatch is
dated at I'era, Istanbul, on 1.1 February 1671 (m.v. 1670). (Molin's dispatches are in the
old Filze 15U, 152, and 154). Molin had arrived in Istanbul on 18 June 1670. lie found the
compound of the Venetian consulate general, the caaa baik^gUa, in dreadful condition as
a result of the lonjj years of neglect durini* the Cretan war. On his residence in Istanbul, cf.
the ever-useful book of Tommaso Bertele, // Palazzo degU ambasciatori di Venezia a
Gmtantinopoli e le sue antiche memorie, Bologna, 1932, pp. 208ff., 242-43.

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246

Venice, Austria, and the Turks in the Seventeenth Century

duced to skin and bones. During the last few days he had suffered from an
intolerable pain in his arm and right hand, "che per tre giomi e tre noti
mi ha portato insofferibili dolori." He had hoped that at long length a
"venting of nature" might bring him some relief, but everything had got
worae. He had pinned his hopes upon going bade to Istanbul **for a
month in some little house on the Black Sea, where the air is just right for
the diligent purge [of ailments] and to release myself of all responsibility,
leaving the stalwart character of the secretary Capello to take care of the
burdens of the bailaggio for that period." He hoped for some respite
from his maladies, but the restoration of his health would be impossible,
*'as the physicians have emphasized to me."

Molin needed a rest; his constitution was wholly undone. Having lost
his vigor, he collapsed under every weight laid upon him. The bailaggio,
the duties of which he was performing, required a strength of body and
mind. Seeing death (eccidto) inevitable in the continuation of his mani-
fold duties, he had agreed to submit to those extreme remedies which
alone could provide medication for his extreme ills. As he wrote the
doge, he had to decline the office of bailie at the Porte, "which the
benign public has conferred upon me beyond my every merit." Molin's
lament was not that he had lost the vigor of life in the service of the
Signoria in the land of the Tuik, but that he was either destined to die
there or to be no longer able to serve the state in some worthy context*

Nevertheless, Molin went on faithfully with his duties as ambassador
despite his ill health and general dissatisfaction. On 1 September (1670)
he acknowledged receipt of the doge's dispatches of the preceding 21
June and 11 July. He wrote in reply that he had presented to the grand
vizir KoprtilU the Republic's request to lighten the burdensome tolls
being imposed upon merchandise sent from Venice, seeking especially
the reduction of the import duty from five to three percent, bringing it
into conformity with what certain other nations were paying. He had,
however, dealt with the subject gingerly without trying to exert the
slightest pressure upon the grand vizir and without committing himself
in any way. Molin had also approached the defterdar, the sultan's minis-
ter of finance, explaining that reducing the excessive cost of Venetian
trade with the Porte would increase the volume of business and thus add
much to the sultan's mercantile revenues. The defterdar promised to
take the matter up with the grand vizir, "as 1 believe he has done."

In any event Molin saw little likelihood as yet of Venice's receiving the
concession he had requested, for one must wait and see the outcome of
the Turks' forthcoming negotiations with the French. The doge had in-
formed Molin that the Marquis Charles de Nointel had left Paris with a

* Senate (Secreta), Dispacci Costantinopoli, no. 102, fol. 344, doc. dated 30 August
1670.

Turco-Venetian ReUuiona, the Siege of Vienna (1683)

247

Turkish envoy to come to Istanbul **a rissledere in qualitit dl ressldente a

questa Porta/* Nointel would seek confirmation of the French mer-
chants' paying the three rather than the five percent customs duty, but
as far as Lx)iiis XIV^ was concerned, this was a minor matter.

The chief reason for Nointel's coming to Istanbul, although Molin does
not say so, was to restore the old Franco-Turkish friendship which had
suffered a good deal as a consequence of the French support of Venice in
the recent war of Gandia. Molin assured the doge that he would remain
alert to find out not only what the essential purpose of Nointers commis-
sion and instructions might be, but also to learn in detail what requests
he was going to make of the Porte. Molin had been reassured by the
doge's informing him of NointePs good intentions toward Venice, and
the Signoria could be certain of Molin's full cooperation with the new
French ambassador as far as current circumstances allowed/

Three days later, on 4 September (1670), Molin wrote the doge and
Senate from Adrlanople that the chief ministers of the Porte were still
holding "banquets in the field" in honor of Sultan Mehmed IV. Only such
leading figures as the grand vizir, the kaimakam, the defterdar, the mufti,
and a few others of the smnll inner circle (ti soli della stretta Consnlta)
attended these feasts. They were the ruling elite which made the deci-
sions as to peace or war. The kaimakam was Kara Mustafa Pasha; he was
to become a famous (or infamous) figure in Ottoman history. **Black**
Mustafa was a favorite of the sultan and, incidentally, a brother-in-law of
Ahmed Kdprillu. Molin entertained some doubt about the overall pros-
pects for peace, inasmuch as the most pressing orders had gone out from
Istanbul for the casting of cannon at Cairo, for the production of gun-
powder at Belgrade, for bombs and grenades at liagnaluca, "as well as for
every other item necessary for warfare on land." It was difficult to ac-
quire knowledge of the deliberations and decisions of this small group.

Molin had learned, however, that the sultan was allegedly determined
to go to war, "and this will have to be in Europe,** but what part of
Europe? In any case the vizir, the defterdar, and the kaimakam were
doing their best to persuade the sultan not to take the Held himself with
the army. When the sultan accompanied the troops, financial problems
arose. A huge sum of money would be needed in gold for the "extraordi-
nary gifts" which had to be given to the "militias," when the sultan went
with them. It was also very expensive to maintain the dignity of the
imperial presence in the encampment.

Furthermore, the personal interests of the grand visir and the defter-

' Senato (Seofeta), Dispaoel Gostantlnopoll (1670), no. 103, fob. 350-351', Andrino-

po/i. prima Settetubrc 1670. Charles Marie Fran9ois Oilier, marquis d'AnjJervillicrs ct de
Nointel. was Frencli ambassador to tlie Forte from 1670 to 1679. He eventually had much
trouble wMi Kara Moatala Paaiia, Ahmed KSprfilA'a aooeeaeor ae mad vitlr.

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dar were such as to make them want to keep a safe distance from the
sultan to avoid the perils of poor judgment. The kaimakam Kara Mustafa
Pasha and the others would want to stay with the sultan inasmuch as the
grand vizir would have to stay with him. Since, however, they too wanted
to keep the sultan off the battlefield, "they all joined hands, these minis*
ten who depended upon operating all the machinery of this great empire
to their own satisfaction.*'

The important fact was that the sultan, "enamored of the beautiful
hunting in these environs" (of Adrianople), would doubtless settle down
comfortably, provided he were not forced to go to Istanbul, as could
have been the case, had war been decided upon. If peace remained the
order of the day, the grand vizir, who was anxious to rid himself of the
yoke of the court and of the sultan, would almost certainly betake him-
self to Belgrade in the spring. He did not propose to go to war with some
prince, when the season came for a campaign, **not while the forces are
not strong enough to embark upon a great undertaking."

According to Molin, representatives of the "empire of Poland" were
spreading the boastful word in Adrianople that their princes were power-
fully armed on the frontiers, "standing with sword in hand," waiting for
an opportunity to extend the glory of Polish arms. At this time there was
fear of a Turkish invasion of Poland, and the Poles obviously hoped that
such propaganda might dissuade the Turiu from such a venture. The
snatches of news which Molin passed on to the Venetian Signoria are not
only interesting when one knows something of the historical back-
ground, but sometimes fascinating and valuable, as when he comes to
the plight of the "prince" Francis I Rakoczy in 1670. Rakoczy, who was
adrift in Hungary, had been putting pressure on Michael I Abart, the
prince of Transylvania (1661-1690), to afford him a safe refuge, but
Abafi, a tool of the Turics, denied him access to Transylvania in order not
to become embroiled with the Hapsburgs.

Rakoczy had been involved in the conspiracy against the Emperor
I>eopold I, which the Hungarian palatine Ferenc Wesselenyi (d. 1667)
had instigated a few years earlier. The conspiracy had undoubtedly been
evoked partly by the Turco-Austrian treaty of Vasvar (of 10 August
1664), which the Hungarians rightly regarded as the betrayal of their
country.

Francis lUk6ccy was desperate. He had recendy sent an offer to the
Turics to try to turn over to them the fortresses occupied by the imperial-
ists on condition that the Porte should make him prince of Transylvania.
Giving heed to Rakoczy's offer, the Turks were inclined for a while to
depose Abafi, but they did not do so. Rakoczy would be the only promi-
nent conspirator whose life was spared, owing to the payment of a large
ransom and the intervention of his influential mother Sophia B4thory. In
the meantime speculation was rife, "but there is certainly no firm deol-

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249

slon up to now, and one can well believe chat at inresent Rikdosy hlmaelf
may be in the hands of the imperinlists/'

The Turks were negotiating in friendly fashion with the Swedes, which
might turn out well for Poland and Germany. The Bosnians were resent-
ful of the Venetian holdings in Dalmatia; a number of them were serving
In the seraglio and at the court. They had some Influence on Turkish
policy. They did not want to see the Veneto*Turkirii treaty last a lon^
time, nor see the sultan suffer the fact "that many places which had
mosques should have to remain in the hands of your Serenity." Such
were the snippets of news that the doge and Senate could glean from
Molin's dispatch of 4 September (1670).

Upon his return to Istanbul, if the Almighty spared him long enough to
get there, Molin assured the doge and Senate that he would take care to
look into the arsenals and to enquire whether the Turks were busy buUd-
iQg gnUeys, for unless they restored their armada, there could be no
persuasive evidence that they planned to break the peace. Within a few
weeks the sultan would go out on the hunt, and stay away all winter. The
kaimakam would go with him. The grand vizir would remain in Adriano-
ple with the court, attending to the needs of the government. *

Four months before Molin's long dispatch of 4 September (1670),
George Etherege, secretary of the English ambassador Sir Daniel Harvey
(and incidentally a notable dramatist), sent Joseph Williamson at White-
hall a detailed account of conditions at the Porte. In later years Sir
George was to serve the English monarchy at Regensburg. Now he wrote
Williamson that the sultan Mehmed IV was about thirty years of age. (lie
had ascended the Ottoman throne as a child in 1648.) Mehmed was of
medium stature, according to Etherege, "leane and long visag'd." Of late
he had been letting ''haire grow on his chin: his complexion is a darke
browne.** Whereas Etherege found his appearance not disagreeable,
Mehmed was generally regarded as ugly. A religious bigot, he was a
passionate lover of the hunt: **The fatigue hee undergoes in it is almost
incredible; great numbers of poore people are summoned in to attend
him, and many of them perish in the ffeild through hunger and cold — this
has chcitly got him the hatred of his subjects."

Etherege declared, however, that Mehmed was moderate in all other

" Senato (Secrcta), Dispacci Cnstantinopoli (1670), no. 10-4. fols. 374'-377', Amirinn-
poli, 4 Settembre 1670. Francis I Raltoczy was the father of Francis (Ferene) II (d. 17J5),
one of the ^reat Hgurcs in modern Hungarian history, who remains to this day a hero

amon^ hi.s people, with strcct.s iiiiinc-cl nftcr liiii) In Vc'szprciii nnil elsewhere.

As for the fortresses occupied by the imperialists, which Ralioczy proposed to turn over
to the Turks, we are informed by a dooament dated 1 1 July 1670, "Le ooae pare d'Un-

fjheria passavano con quietc. Andava I'lmpcrator inipossessando delle piazzc, ct il Ragotzi
mostrava prontezza nei fame seguir la conse^a" (Delib. Costantinopoli, Keg. 32, fols.

8y-«y|i7y-i74i).

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recreations and devoted to hit "hasachi" (hdseki), his mistress so to
speak, "and not given to that unnaturall vice with which he has been
slander'd." The sultana came from Gandia. Although Etherege looked
upon the women of the harem as lacking in refinement, the sultana could
practice "her little arts to secure her sultan's affection." Indeed, she
oould "twoone at pleasure." The sultana had ^ven his Imperial highness
a son and a daughter. . . . The Grand Signor's privy oounoU consisted of
only five perwns,

the favorite (Gulojili|, the Ghimacam of the Port, the mufti Vani Effendi. a famous
Arab preacher, and one of the pashas of the Bench (and counting the grand vizir,
there would be five] , most of die great men being with the Visler, who is imploy 'd
In Gandia. . . . This Ghlmacsin^s name Is Muscapha Pasha; hee was formerly
captaine pasha or admirall of the gallies, and has married the Visler's sister. Yet
this allyance keeps them not from secret emulations and hatreds, and it is
thought the Ghimacam will dispute the Grand Signor's favour with him at his
recume. The Visier, they say, exceeds not the age of two and thirty yeares; hee is
of middle stature and has a good mind; hee is prudent and Just not to bee
corrupted by money, the general! vice of this country, nor inclin'd to cruelty as
his father was. The Ghimacam is about the age of forty-five, well spoken, subtill,
corrupt, and a great dissembler. Hee tiatters the Grand Signor in his inclinations,
and ever accompanies him in his hunting, a toyle friiich nothing but excessive
ambition and interest could make him undergoe. . . .*

Vani Effendi, the "famous Arab preacher," was apparently the friend
and confidant of the kaimnkam Kara Mustafa Pasha, and was to go with
him in 1683, on the campaign that would lay unsuccessful siege to
Vienna.

Joseph WlUhunson was kept well Informed of the antics of Mehmed IV
and the affairs of the Porte. On 5 September (1670) milord ambassador

Sir Daniel Harvey wrote Williamson from "Bdgnuie,** a village near the

Black Sea, in which the English and other westerners used to seek a
change from the sometimes unpleasant atmosphere of Istanbul:

I have little more to adde than what I wrote you last, only that die Grand
Signor, being desirous to see in what manner the operation of the mines was

effected, hath lately caus'd a mine to be made neere Adrianople, and did order
thirty guilty and condcmmd persons to be blowne up thereby into the aire.
Which diversion pleased him so well that he is resolv'd to second it with a greater
mine and a greater number of the like persons.

Upon a sermon preach*d not long since by Vani Effendi, that famous Arab
preacher, the taverns here are all pull'd downe, the butts broken in pieces, the

" I'ublic Record Oihce (i'RO) in London. State Papers (SI>), 97, XIX, fol. 150, letter
dated May 1670.

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251

wine spilt, and the making and selling of it prohibited for the future upon no less
penalty than hanging or being putt into the gallies, which hath wrought a great
distraction here amongst many thousands of poore people and others who had
their dependance thereon i

Here are still consultations held concerning warr, though the result of them
bee incertaine. Yet I heare the Grand Vizir in his treaty with the Venetian Bailo
hath demanded Glissa and another towne in Dalmatia, pretending they were not
included in the capitulations and unless they render them, he says, he will renew
the warr this next spring.

The Turkish invasion of Poland, which Moliii had hinted at in his dis-
patch of 4 September 1670, came to pass less than two years later.
Harvey described the huge Turkish preparations in a dispatch of 1 July
1612}^ The war would last until the treaty of Zhuravno, signed on 16
October 1676, by which the Turks took possession of most of long-dis-
puted Podolia and the Polish Ukraine.'^ Suffering reverses against the
Poles, as he had against the Austrians and the Venetians, once more the
grand vizir Ahmed Kdprulu came out on top, but his success brought the
Turics into too close contact with the Russians, who would soon take
over most of the Ukraine.

In the meantime England and France had joined hands by the treaty of
Dover (in May 1670), but the commercial rivalry between the French
merchants and the English Levant Company continued unabated. Sir
Daniel Harvey, although a good friend of the erratic Marquis de Nointel,
maintained his vigorous opposition to Nointel's attempts to improve the
French position at the Porte. Trouble was brewing in Europe. It would
have its effect upon the Porte, but Harvey was not to see it. On 27 August
1672 his secretary John Newman wrote the Barl of Arlington from the
village of "Belgrade:"

Having remained secretarie to his Excellenoie, the lord ambassadour Harvey,
during his E^bassie, I held it espetially 'of my dutie to acquaint your Lordshipp

that last night (so it pleas'd God) hce dyed of a fcaver, the sixt day of his sick-
ness, here at his countrie house ten miles from Constantinople. . . .'^

Thus it was that in November (1672) Charles 11 notified the grand vizir
Ahmed KdprOlU that

having received advice of the death of Sir Daniel Harvey, our ambassador . . . ,
we have made choice of this bearer, our trusty and well beloved servant Sir John

I'RO, SP 97. XIX, fol. 156, dispatch dated at Belgrade on 5 September 1670.
" PRO. SP 97, XIX. fol. 187.

Diimont, Corps univcrscl diplnmdtiquc, VIl-1 (1731), no. CLVI, p. 325, tractatua
pticis between John ill Sobieski and Mehmed IV.
"PRO,SP97, XIX, fol. 189.

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Finch K', a principal gentleman of our Court and one of our Councell for matters
relating to our forreigne colonies and plantations, as one who by the employ-
ments he hath held on our part for many years In Courts of severall foreigne
Princes, we have Judged more particulaily qualified to succeed the said Sir Dan-
iel Harvey. . .

In 1672 Louis XIV went to war for the second time, his purpose being
to reduce the States General of Holland to wrack and ruin, but his gen-
erals soon had to face not only the Dutch, but also the Brandenburgers,
the Austrians, and the Spanish. The war ended in the various treaties of
Nijmegen (Nimwegen) and in that of S. Germain-en-Laye in 1678-1679.
During this period the young grand vizir Ahmed Kdpriilfi died (early in
November 1676); he was succeeded by his brother-in-law, the arrogant
and incompetent kaimakam Kara Mustafa Pasha. Meanwhile, come al
solito, the Venetians had had trouble with the Turks, especially in Bosnia
(with the new pasha in 1670) and, above all, in the village of Risan in
southwest Montenegro (in 1671), which Ahmed Koprulu asserted the
Venetians had fortified in violation of the treaty of peace.

For a while it was feared that the obstreperousness of the Bosnians and
the Turks* annoyance with the Risan affair might actually lead to a re-
newal of the war. That did not happen, for whatever the threats of the
sultan, Koprulu was painfully aware of the extent to which the long war
of Gandia had undermined the armed forces and depleted the treasury of
the Porte. The Turks' armada was in a sad state. The Arsenal at Istanbul
was hardly operating. No, the Turks needed peace more than did the
Venetians, especially since Kdprulti was contemplating the invasion of
Poland. As Levi- Weiss has said, "During the five years from 1671 to '76
Venice seemed free of the burden of the Turkish peril."*'

General histories have often recounted the large events of these years.
One can glean from the archival sources minor episodes which illustrate
the weekly and monthly state of affairs. Thus when the Venetian captain-
general turned over to the vizir Ahmed Koprulu some slaves {schiavi),
KdprQifi replied with a courteous note of dianks dated at Ganea on 10
June 1674. He also promised to inform the Porte that/uste from S.
Maura and Dulcigno were infesting the "Gulf," i.e., the Adriatic, and that
action must be taken to make sure neither these pirates nor any others,
ch' infestdno cotesto Golfo, could continue to damage Venetian ship-
ping. The vizir did state, however, that from the (Turkish) slaves turned
over to him he had learned another seventeen, loro compagni, still re-
mained by some odd chance in Venetian hands. He would await their

PRO, SP 97, XIX. fol. 195. On Sir John Plnoh, tee O.P. Abbott, Under the Turk in
Conatantinople, lx)ndon, 1920.

"Gf. Uvi-WeiM,"LeRelazionifr«VeiiesiaelaTurohia. . . Veneto-Tridentino,yil
(1925), 11-21.

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253

coming to Ganea "con raltro viaggio de' vascelli." In closing he admowl-

edged with thanks the receipt of a "little box" (cassetta) which tlie
captain-general had sent him, "e per fine le auguro ogni felicita!'"^

Friendly as relations seemed to be between Venice and the Turks, and
trustworthy as everyone knew Ahmed Koprulu to be, one had to remain
on guard. Thus the important stronghold of Corfu was protected (ac-
cording to a dispatch of Antonio Priuli, ftroveditor generale da mar,
dated on the island on 6 May 1675) by twenty companies of mariners
who sensed as reinforcements on the galleys, the galleass, the brigan-
tines, and the feluccas. When counted with the officials and soldiers
involved, they formed "a corps of 895. . . ." The garrison of Corfu con-
sisted of twelve companies, involving Italians, Greeks, and others,
"amounting to 679." In addition to the 1574 men thus listed, there were
*ie milltie ch'armano le publiche navi," consisting of ten companies of
625 infantry with their officers.

Other Goriiote forces amounted to 819 men, tra ufficUdi e aofcfati,
not counting the nearby garrisons on the islands of Cephalonia and
Zante. The sums given for the maintenance of these forces alone matte
clear the fact that they were a strain on the resources of the Repiililic,
considering the costs of protecting them from the Turks in the Morea,
but in the long run the island fortresses were of larger importance to
Venice than the Morea would prove to be, for they were bulwaifcs against
the Turks* intrusion into the Adriatic.*^

Corfu was apparently more of a naval than a commerciirf center. At the
beginning of August (1675) Antonio Priuli wrote the doge Niccolo Sa-
gredo from his island roost that French ships were not putting in an
appearance at Corfu, but they certainly were at Zante and Cephalonia as
well as at certain ports in the Morea. The French took on foodstuffs,
especially wines and wheat, and the way their vessels were making for
Cephalonia, Zante, and the Morea was "l>eginning to cause no small
change in the costs of wheat.**

A few months before this (on 23 May) Louis- Victor de Rochechouart,
the duke de Vivonne (and brother of the Marquise de Montespan), writ-
ing from Messina, had requested the right to load "at Zante, (Cephalonia,
and Corfu wine, vegetables [legumi\, ship's biscuit, and other kinds of
provisions, and in the event that we send ships and merchantmen of his
Mi^^ty |we ask] that one should not make them pay any imposts by way
of customs* duties.'*" Vivonne had been a m^ior figure in the French
expedition to relieve Candia in 1669.

ASV, Scnato, Prow, da terra e da mar, Filza 941, doc. dated 10.lunc 1674.

" Prow, da terra e da mar, Filza 943, pages unnumbered, doo. dated 6 May 1675. On 9
July (1675) Antonio Priuli wrote the Si^oria of the care he was exeiviaing in the expendi*
lure of pnlillc funds on die fleet and tlM "militias" (ibid.).

** Prow, da terra e da mar, Plln 943. doca. dated 1 and 3 Aviuat and 23 May 1675.

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Nevertheless, Antonio Priuli issued a public notice at Zante on 7 Oc-
tober (1675) that an impost must be levied on the export of wine in
accord with the senatorial decree of 26 January 1580 until, that is, the
Senate should choose to alter in some way the practice and legislation of
the past.*^ And such from month to month is the sort of material we can
gather from the Venetian Archives, nothing exciting to be sure but, for
this very reason, so much the better for the seamen and soldiers who
were leading their lives on the Mediterranean during the year 1675.
Priuli faced recurrent problems, of course, as when on 8 June of this year
he wrote the doge of his concern for the lack of wine for galley slaves
{condeniuiti). Maybe the French were drinking too much Greek wine.
But throughout this period the relations of Venice with the Porte were
peaceful, as shown by the copy of an undated letter (but certainly of the
year 1675), from Ahmed Kdpriilfi, gran tnsir, "all'eccellentissimo Ser
Antonio Priuli general. . . ."^

The world began to change, however, when the grand vizir Ahmed
Kdprulii died the following year (in 1676, as we have noted). He was the
second of five members of the Kopriilii family who virtually ruled and
were to rule the Ottoman state in the years between 1656 and 1710.
After the war of Gandia, as throughout the seventeenth century, the
Venetians were harassed by the corsairs who issued from the Barbary
coast, from Gastelnuovo (Hercegnovi) and Dulcigno (UlcinJ) on the
Montenegrin coast, from S. Maura, Lepanto, Scutari, and elsewhere, all
places supposed to be under Ottoman rule. Actually Ahmed Kopriilii
made prolonged and serious efforts to suppress piracy in the eastern
Mediterranean, but such was the everlasting corruption of Turkish pro-
vincial oflicialdom that his efforts were largely in vain. In the suppres-
sion of piracy and the general maintenance of law and order the Vene>
tians like the Turks were impeded by a constant lack of adequate funds,
as Andrea Valier complained to the Signoria in a dispatch dated at
Gephalonia on 10 July 1673.^' Piracy, however, was not the only afflic-
tion from which one suffered during these years.

The plague (i7 tmil conta^gioso) reached alarming heights at Corfu in
the summer of 1673, some persons being kept in quarantine, altri se-
queatrati neUe caae /oro, e Tn(n'8ero con ne' kusarettO^ Andrea Valier,

Prow, da terra e da mar, Filza 943, doc. dated 7 October 1675.
Prow, da terra e da mar, Filza 943.
" ASV, Scnato, Prow, da terra e da mar, Filza 941. digaUra, Cefalonia, li 20 Lu^io
1673 SUa\ N[ovol

^ Prow, da terra e da mar, Piiza 941 , doc. dated at Corfu, dal magistrato delta Sanitd U
29Agosto 1673, iindcf., <Mfi, docs, dated 22 September 1673 and 25 April 1674, signed by
Andrea Valier, proceditor general da mar. According to Valier, the keeper of the laxsa-
retto at Corfu had died within a period of two days, "ma sens' aleun socpetto di peste, ansi

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255

proveditor general da mar, seemed to have two mi^or concemSt the

pln^ne and the Turks.

In a long dispatch to the doge (and Senate) dated at Corfu on 16 March
1674 VaUer closed with reflections on the desirability of another union
of the Christian princes against "the common enemy," always the Turk.
The princes could assemble their forces at Brindisi or Otranto, and then
disembark them at various places on the island of Corfu which, Valier
said, was a stretch of land only twelve miles "from one sea to the other,*'
from the Adriatic to the Ionian Sea.^'' In looking toward the resumption
of warfare with the Turks, Valier was putting it only ten years ahead of its
time. If disgruntled Turks at the Porte were dissatisfied with the peace,
obviously they were not alone.

The Signoria and the Porte had been getting along well, however, and
from April 1672 Venetian merchants had enjoyed easy access to the
ports on the Black Sea, especially GafiFa (Feodosiya), paying toll on the
goods they imported only in the port where they were to be unloaded,
not also in Istanbul or Smyrna, the chief points of entry into the commer-
cial zones of the Porte. Despite persistent efforts, the Venetians could
not get the Turkish toll reduced but in 1675 owing to the new bailie
Giacomo Querini's skillful negotiations, various minor assessments, al-
legedly amounting to six percent of the total value of die merchandise
imported, were disallowed, presumably to the disappointment of the
Turitish customs officials to whom these "minuti balzelli'* may have
been a considerable source of income.^*

The accession of Kara Mustafa Pasha, the kaimakam, to the grand
vizirate initiated an especially troublesome period for Europeans at the
Porte, in Smyrna, and elsewhere in Turkish territory. Molin's diarist
Paganino refers to il caimacan, primo comandante di questa cittd,^^
i.e., Istanbul, but now, as grand vizir, **Black** Mustafa was first com-
mander of the entire Ottoman empire. He made life on the Bosporus
difficult for the French ambassador Gharies de Nointel, the English am-

con fede assoluta del medico chc era stata appnplcsia." Thereafter his father died, and so
did a woman of another family which lived in the same house. Thereupon Valier conHned
all the other householders to the lazzarctto, required all their clothes, etc., to be burned,
and also gave orders "purgar con diligenza la casa, mandarvi anco il medico et il barbiere
cbe li havevano tocchi insieme oon tutte le familie e robbe, abarrare affatto quella oon-
vnda e sospendere tutte le raduttloni cos! dl chlesa come forensi . . (Prow, da terra e
da mar, Filza 941, dispatch of Valier to the Signoria, dated at Corfu on 14 April 1674).

In emphasizing the strategic importance of the island of Corfu, Valier wrote, "Per
questo io replicher5, serenissfmo Prendpe, che la muraglla di legno, cos) bene Interpre-
tata da Temistocle per la salvezza d'Athene, dcve esser quclla che piu che le muraglie de
sassi difenda I'isola di Corfu che deve dirsi I'antemurale d'ltalia!" (Prow, da terra e da
mar, Filza 941, dispatch dated at Corfu on 16 March 1674, and signed by Valier).

I). Levi Weiss, "Le RelazlonI fra Venesla e la Tnichla . . . ," Veneto-Tridentino, VII
(1925), 24.

Dtario, MS. Marc. It. VII, 1608 (7514). p. 135.

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bassador Sir John Finch, and other European envoys. The Venetians also
suffered his hatred of Christians and his avarice. So did the Ragusei.

When the bailie Giacomo Querini returned home (in 1676) and gave
the Signoria his report on the affairs of Istanbul (the usual relaziojie di
Costantinopoli), he described Kara Mustafa as "bold, violent, haughty,
and fierce." Time was fully to justify his description.^ Qverini's sue*
cesser in die bailaggio, Giovanni Morosini (1675-1680), in liis report to
the Signoria contrasted the two grand vizirs whom he had known. Ahmed
Kopriilii he had found "veramente l>enefioo e reale," but as for Kara
Mustafa "si riconosce tutto venale, crudele e ingiusto."^^ Within a few
years of Morosini's report Kara Mustafa was to destroy himself, cripple
the Ottoman empire, and help bring about the downfall of the sultan
Mehmed IV.

Giovanni lilorosini had had a hard time in Istanbul. His successor and
oo-bai!ie Pietro Givran liad an even harder time, for Kara Mustafa im-
posed further fines and affronts (avanie) upon the Venetians — and

others — as he went on with his "grave e continuata oppressione dei
Gristiani."''^ The Harbary corsairs became more active under Kara Mus-
tafa;^^ commerce suffered, and the Venetians could obtain no redress of
grievances from the Porte. Giovanbattista Dona (Donado) was the last
bailie of the seventeenth century to hold the difiicult charge, and on 20
August 1684 he gave the Senate the last report of the century on the
Porte and conditions in the Ottoman empire.^ Doni*s original text is still
preserved in the Archivio Dona dalle Rose, long kept in the Palazzo Donk
on the Fondamenta Nuove in Venice. After the recall of Giovanbattista
Dona in 1684 the Republic was not again represented in Istanbul until
the year 1700 when the treaty of Karlowitz (of 26 January 1699) was
hnally ratitied.

^ Nicold Barozxi and Guglielmo Berchet, eds., Le RekutUmi degit stcui europei lette al
Senato dagH amhasctatorl venexfani net secofo decimo»ettifno, ser. V, TurcMa, 1-2

(Venice, 1872). 147:". . Vi c Cara Must.ifa, detto Cainiecan, fu bassa in Silistria, general
in Valacchia, e parente del Visit (Ahmed Kopriilii], nella di cui assenza e lontananza in
Gandtapotevatnaiiaveoesabentrare, mapociresisterefllletentasloiiiden«vairiti^ . . .6
pero gcnero c favorito del Re [Mehmed IV], ed uomo ardito, violento. nrgoglioso e fcrooe,
ma aitrettanto in ogni negozio facile e intraprendente, e chi s'appoggia a lui si sostiene e
•MniMin, essendo tvido dtre misuni d'arfento e dl danaro.**
" [hid., 12, 206-7.

N. Barozzi and G. Berchet, eds., Le Relaziont degli stati europei lette al Senato dagU
amhaaciatori venexiani .... ser. V, TuroMa, 1-2 (1872), 251ff. Givnin presented hte
report (rclaziouf) to the Senate in 1682.

^ The Christian corsairs were also active in the eastern waters (Senato, Delib. Costan-
tinopoli (Secretaj. Reg. 35 |1682-1700|. fols. IS^-IQ" [IK)"-! 171, doc. dated 10 De-
cember 1682, al proveilintr /general da m«r). The Venetians, however, were trying to
cultivate the friendship of the Turkish naval command, and on 10 December (1682) the
Senate instructed the Raggion Vecchie in Venice to send two telescopes "of the highest
quality" to Giovanbattista Dona, the bailie in Istanbul, "per dare in dono al oapiun bassa"
(ibid., fol. 19* [1 17*^1).

^ Barooi and Berchet, 1-2, 293ff.

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Turco Venetian Relations, the Siege of Vienna (1683)

257

Donik's relations with Kara Mustafa Pasha seemed to take a turn for the
better after he had spent an awkward first year in Istanbul, for in August

1682 Kara Mustafa asked him for the service of a good physician. The
Venetian University of Padua was famous for its medical school; in fact
the English ambassador to the Porte, Sir John Finch, had taken a doctor-
ate in medicine at Padua. Kara Mustafa seemed to have become very
friendly, bestowing gifts upon Dona. The high officials at the Porte
treated him with respect The rampant liatred of Christendom, however,
which was part of the Islamic fanaticism of the later seventeenth cen-
tury, was persistently fanned by Kara Mustafa, who wanted to enhance
his reputation by some great conquest.

Since the Turks were already dominant in the eastern Mediterranean,
having occupied the chief islands of the Aegean as well as the coasts of
the Balkan peninsula (except for Venetian Dalmatia), Kara Mustafa
looked to warfare with the Austrians, the traditional enemy of the Porte.
He was encouraged by the antl-Hapsburg stance of the Hungarians,
whose leaden had been incensed for almost twenty yean by the treaty of
Vasvir (of 1664), which was due to expire in 1684. Kara Mustafa had
rivals and enemies at the Porte. In the recent war with the Muscovites in
the Ukraine, he had not distinguished himself as a commander in the
field. The Turkish army had been defeated three times during the dismal
years 1677-1678. After another two desultory and uneventful years
Kara Mustafa was obliged to accept the unfavorable treaty of Radzin (in
1681), giving up most of Turkish Ukraine to the Russians. Although the
sultan Mehmed IV was much In favor of renewal of the treaty of Vasvir,
which Ahmed Kdprfllfl had negotiated to the maiked advantage of Che
Porte, Kara Mustafa was opposed to it, alleging that the Austrians had
done the Turlis no end of damage by their incursions into (eastern)
Hungary.''*

Kara Mustafa's friendly stance toward the Venetian bailie Dona was
undoubtedly the consequence of his intention to proceed against the
Hapsburgs, who had almost never been allies of the Venetians. The
Tufks had been at peace with the Republic for more than a decade and, if

there was to be war with Austria, It was well that they should remain so.
During the year 1682, however, serious strife arose in Dalmatia between
certain Turks and the Morlacchi, the latter being to some extent subjects
of the Republic. There was hardly ever continued peace in Dalmatia;
land tenure and rents of one sort or another were among the various
causes of dissension. The Tuiks had burned some of the Morlacchi*s
dwellings; the Morlacchi had thereafter killed some of the Turks in the

" Dumont, Corps universel diplomatique, VII-2 (Amsterdflm and The Hague. 1731),
no. VII, pp. 12-13, gives the text of an "Instrument" of peace dated at Istanbul in 1681,
which would have extended the peeoe of Vasvir for another twenty years, but Kara Mus-
tall Pasha obvlondy found H unaooepuUe.

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258

Venice, Auatria, and the Twk» in ifte Seventeenth Century

region of Zemonioo. Contemporary accounts, the Moriacchi versus the
Turks, were at variance one with the other. At any rate this time the
contention and the bloodshed produced an uproar in Istanbul in 1683.
The divan or Ottoman privy council, over which Kara Mustafa presided
as grand vizir, apparently considered war against Venice.

The kalknakam summoned the bailie Doni, however, to inforni him
tliat the Turiu would not have recourse to war if 220 or 224 Venetian
subjects (that many Turks were said to have been slain) were turned
over to the Porte for execution at Istanbul or in Dalmatia in the presence
of the armed forces that Kara Mustafa had sent to the disputed border.
The bailie was also summoned to appear before the Turkish authorities
to learn the divan's judgment as to the required reparation for the dam-
age done. Dona refused to do so, for such procedure was contrary to the
capitulations which the Porte had granted Venice.

Thereafter, to be sure, DotA was informed that the problem might be
solved by the Republic's payment of 1,500 "purses" {borse) or 750,000
recUi to the Porte. A "purse" was reckoned at 500 recUL As Dona de-
clined any such huge payment, the sum demanded was gradually low-
ered until, without authority. Dona agreed to pay the Porte 175,000
reali. He would also give the grand vizir 25,000 reali and a like sum to
the other ministers of state, making a total of 450 "purses" or 225,000
reali, a considerable sum but, in Dona's opinion, much less expensive
than wailire.

The Turits had been mustering their naval as well as their land forces.
Since there were rumors of an Austro-Turltish accord, they would be
prepared for action at sea as well as in Dalmatia and elsewhere. The

Venetians must take heed. But Dona's solution was costly economically
as well as humiliating morally to the Signoria, and obviously the peace of
1669 would seem to be in jeopardy. The English ambassador Sir John
Pinch had explained the situation in Istanbul in a letter of 8/18 October
1680 to Robert Spencer, the second earl of Sunderland, who had been
made Charles IPs secretary of state the preceding year:

My L<ord, affayrs in this country are incredible, indicible [unspeakable], nay
rially inconceivable. What is true today, is not so tomorrow. No promise is strong
enough to bind, no reasons, be diey never so cogent, powerfull enoagh to per-
suade. Impetuous passion accompany'd with avarice over'rules all laws and
capitulations.^

" Levi-Weiss, "l« Relazlofil fni Venezia e la Tarchia . . . ," Veneto-Trtdenttno, VII

(1925). 35-41. An unsigned and undated letter in the Public Record Office in London, SP
IState Papers) 97, XIX, fol. 310, gives a brief account of the "unhappy (as it is like to prove
In the end) ranoounter which lat'ly happened In Dalamacia between die subjects of Venice
and some of the lOttoman] Kmpire. . . ."

" PRO, SF 97, XIX, fol. 262, letter dated at Pera of Constantinople on 8/18 October
1680.

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Turco-Venetian RelatUma, the Siege of Vfemia (1683)

259

The affair of Zemonico was a sad illustration of Finch's view of the
Porte under Kara Mustafa Pasha. The bailie Giovanbattista Dona's accep-
tance of the (even reduced) financial dictates of the Turks did not, as far
as the Senate was concerned, effect a reconciliation with the Porte. In
the Senate Pietro Valier proposed a return to warfare with the Turks.
Why keep feeding their avarice with Venetian gold? On 2 July 1683
letters of the doge and Senate, dated the preceding 15 May, reached
Istanbul, recalling Dona from the bailaggio. He replied in a letter to the
doge on 10 July, dignified but almost desperate. The Senate had re-
moved him from the bailaggio, because in yielding to the Turkish de-
mands, he had exceeded his authority as bailie. He was not replaced, for
the Senate now had no intention in sending another bailie to the Bos-
porus as a hostage on whom the grand vizir and the divan might lay their
hands to wring more money from the Venetian treasury. The secretary
Giovanni Gapello, friend and associate of the dragoman Ambrosio Grille,
would represent the Signoria in Istanbul.^'

The grand vizir and the divan could easily take offense at the Senate's
failure to send another bailie (a consul general in effect) to answer for
the Republic. On the other hand the Venetians had never been enam-
ored of the Hapsburgs, and had as yet no interest in joining them in any
sort of entente against the Turks. The Venetians had, however, suffered
more than enough from the Tuiks who, for example, in January 1683 had
suddenly requisitioned three Venetian ships which were loading mer-
chandise at the docks in Istanbul. Despite the protests of the bailie Donii,
the Turks had used the three vessels for the transport of troops from
Cairo to F>urope. The Venetians did get their vessels back some nine
months later, but October was not a good month to load merchandise for
shipment to Venice in view of the late-autumn storms in the eastern
Mediterranean.

The grand dragoman Tommaso Tarsia had considerable difficulty in
securing a passport for Dona's departure after the Senate had recalled
him. One sensed a coming storm; rumor had it that Kara Mustafa Pasha
was more than hostile to Venice. If the projected campaign against

^ Barozzi and Berchet, he RelazUmi degU atati europei . . . , ser. V, Turchia, 1-2
(1872), 280-01. On Dona's career see the brief but interesting account In Paolo PretO,
Veneziu e i Turchi, Florence, 1975, pp. 340-51.

^ Giovanni Gapello was a secretary of the Council of Ten. He had been assigned to the
I'orte until the arrival in Istanbul of a new bailie to replace Dona, whose repatriation had
been voted by the Senate (Delib. Costantinupoli, Reg. 35, fols. 32''-39*). As stated above,
however, the Signoria decided not to send a new bailie to the Bosporus. Gapdlo's safe-con-
duct, dated 19 .fune 1683, reads, "Universfs et singulis, etc.: Partendo da questa citta il
circospetto, Hdelissimo se^retario del Consiglio di Dieci Gio. Gapello per condursi alia
Porta, ricerohiamo gKaniici, e commettemo alii rappresentanti e minlstri nostri, dl pre-
stargli ogni assistenza e favorc, lasciandolo passar liberamente con sue robbe, armi, e
bagaglio e facilitandogli il viaggio, pronti a corrisponder a gl'amici, e certi dell'obedienza
de rappresentanti e ministri nostri. +103, — 3, — 41" {Urid., M. 39*).

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260

Venice, Austria, and the Turks in the Seventeenth Century

Vienna should fail, would Kara Mustafa be able to employ the forces he
had amassed against the Venetians? The Arsenal in Istanbul had come to
life in almost furious fashion. While the Turks said they intended to clear
the Archipelago of corsairs, the secretary Capello was wondering why so
many ships and galleys were required for that purpose.***

Of course the future would depend upon the grand vizir Kara Mustafa^s
success or failure in the siege of Vienna. With the advent of September
1683, however, and Kara Mustafa's catastrophic defeat on the shores of
the Danube below the towering height of the Kahlenberg, the history of
Venice as well as that of Austria would indeed change and (from the
western point of view) very much for the better.

No episode in the history of Europe in the seventeenth century has
attracted more attention than the second Turkish siege of Vienna. The
centenary ^'remembrance of things past" in 1983 as well as in 1883 has
produced an abundance of literature on the subject Even a very brief
summary of well-known events should help put in perspective both the
Austrians' and the Venetians' drive after 1683 to continued warfare with
the Turks. It all began with Kara Mustafa Pasha's elevation to the grand
vizirate. Seeking glory for himself and wealth for the sultanate, Kara
Mustafa appears to have considered an attack upon Vienna at least as
eariy as August 1682.

Although the ulema and Sultan Mehmed IV were opposed to the re-
sumption of armed conflict with Austria, Kara Mustafa Pasha was persis*
tent, and at length won over the sultan to the belief that the Ottoman
occupation of the fortress towns of Gyor (Raab) and Komiirno would
help maintain peace between the Porte and the Ilapsburgs. The Turks
had held Gyor in 1594-1598; their occupation is still remembered and
resented. Gyor is a thriving city today, with massive public housing,
located at the confluence of the Raba, the Repce, and an arm of the
Danube. Slovak Komamo is on the left bank of the Danube at the mouth
of the Vah; Hungarian Komarom, the other half of the old fortress town,
is just across the Danube. Komarno-Komarom was taken and pillaged by
the Turks in 1543, 1594, and 1669. Kara Mustafa wanted to take it again,
and this time to hold it. In Slovak Komarno one Hnds today an interesting
small museum with recollections of the past, especially of Gabriel Beth-
len and Francis (Ferenc) R4k6czy, as well as of the Roman past in a
notable collection of ceramics.

The Turics* rearmament on a grand scale and the renewal of activity in

•"^ L«evi-\Veiss, in Vencto Tridentino, VII, 42-44. The Venetian Senate had been pain-
fully aware of Kara Mustafa's "vast ideas" and his hostility toward Christendom (I)elib.

Costantinopoli. Reg. 35, fols. 20-21" [118-1 lO"], doc. dated 26 December 1 682, olbaOo
in Costantinopoli), "i vasti pensieri del prime visir a danni della Christianita."

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Turco-Venetian ReUuions, the Siege of Vienna (1683)

261

the Arsenal had caused suspicion and alarm in Vienna and in Venice. By
December 1682 the imperiaUsts were quite alive to the possibility of
attack by the Turks.''^ In the early spring of 1683 the Ottoman army
moved northwestward in an almost straight line from Edirne (Adriano-
ple), reaching Plovdiv (ancient Philippopolis) in Bulgaria on 8 April,
Sofia on 17 April, and Ni§ on 24 April. At the beginning of May, despite
heavy rains, the army got to Belgrade, where on the 13th Mehmed IV,
who had led the march thus far, gave Kara Mustafa Pasha the sacred
insignia of the Prophet. Mehmed remained in Belgrade.

The Army moved on, arriving at Mitrovica on 27 May and at Osijek
(Esseg) on 2 .June. Then it pushed on directly north, reaching
Szckcsfehervar (Stuhlwcissenburg) in the center of northwestern Hun-
gary on 25 June, where the khan of the Tatars met with the now com-
mander-in-chief {serasker) Kara Mustafa. The Turkish army left
8z&kesfehkrvkr on 28 June, appearing before the Austrian fortress town
of Gydr (Raab) in the far northwest of Hungary on 1 July.

The scene is. to the modem historian, a bit confusing. Not far north-
west of Hungarian Gyor was — and is— Slovak Bratislava (Pressburg),
then in Austrian hands. The Austrians also held Komarno-Komarom, an
important place, as we have noted, on the Danube. Nearby Nove Zamky
(Neuhausel) on the Nitra river, just north of Komarno, was an Ottoman
fortress, and so was old Bsztergom (Gran). Eger (Erlau) was also Tuikish.
Although it is a little hard today to understand how Nov4 Zamky could
have been such a strong fortress town, it is easy to see the one-time
strength of Esztergom with its Castle Hill (Varhegy), where one always
visits the huge (modern) cathedral.

The disagreements in the imperial high command, with the usual dif-
ferences of opinion between Hermann von Baden of the war council in
Vienna (the Hqfkriegsrat) and the imperialist general Charles V of
Lorraine, then in the field of Gydr, presented the court with a perilous
and perplexing problem. Fearing that Hermann was then as much con-
cerned with I^)uis XIV's plans for territorial expansion in the West as he
was with the impending Turkish danger in the East, Charles felt that he
should return to Vienna. He would be needed for the defense of the city.
He therefore withdrew from well-fortified Gyor. Indeed, the Turks might
have laid siege to Gyor, as the sultan and the divan had assumed would
be the case. Kara Mustafa Pasha, however, decided that it would require
too much time and manpower to take Gydr, while in the meantime the
imperialists would be strengthening the old-fashioned fortifications of

" Cf. Recit du secours de Vienne en Vannie 1683 . . . , ed. Ferdinand Stfiller, Neue
Quellen sur (h'schichte des Tiirkenjahres 1683 aus dem Lothringischen Uausurchiv |in
tlie Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv, Vienna], MiUeilungen dea Osterreichiachen Instituta
sur G&KhichUiforachung, suppl. vol. XIII-1 (Innsbradi, 1933), 10.

262

Venice, AuatrtOt and the Ikrka in Uu Seventemth Century

Vienna, which city, it was now dear, had been Kara Mu8tafa*8 objective

all along.

Charles of lx)iTaine made his way northwestward to Vienna, where he
knew his presence was needed, for Kara Mustafa Pasha had now come
close to the Hapsburg capital. The Turks quickly overran northwestern
Hungary, as the Turkish grand dragoman Alessandro Mavrocordato in-
forms us, moving into Papa, Veszprem, and Tata in early July. Kara Mus-
tafa, however, lessened the driving force of his army by leaving ten to
twelve thousand troops in the area of Gyor to protect his rear and the
Turkish convoys which would bring him supplies.^ They could also try
to cut off the Christian return to Gyor and, possibly, take Bratislava. Any
large detachment of troops may well have diminished Kara Mustafa's
chances of seizing Vienna although his forces, if properly deployed (and
employed), would presumably have sufficed to g^ve him the city. In any
event the Tuikish host pushed on, reaching the town of Schwechat on 13
July, some seven miles southeast of Vienna, and today the site of the
city's airport^

* Such at any rate Is the number of troops which the RMt du secours de Vtenne en

I'annee 1683, p. 20. say.s were left at Gyor (Raab).

^ Daa Tagebuch des P/ortendolmetschers Alexandras Mavrokorddtos, in Richard F.
Kientd and Karl Teply, eds., Kara Mustafa vor Wien (1683) au» der Slcht tUrkischer
Quellen, Graz, Vienna, Coloj»ne, 1982, pp. 64-82, in which we may follow Kara Mustafa
Pasha's march to Vienna from the beginning of April to his arrival at Schwechat on 13 July.
MflvrokonUitiM (Mavrocordato) was a Greek, educated In Italy, and the grand drafoman of
the Turkish expedition. Note also Das tiirkischc Tagebuch der Relagerunfi W'len.s (1683),
ver/iisst com Zeremonienmeister der Hohen P/orte, ibid., pp. 109-14. Among the numer-
ous contemporary soaroes the reader may find especially Intereatfaii two lettera written by
an officer (in the service of the duke of Savoy), who was a participant in the siege from
beginning to end. The letters have been published with a brief introduction by Henri
Marczali, "Relation du siege dc Vicnnc ct dc la campagne en Hongrie 1683." Revue de
Hongrie, 111 (1909), 34-66, 169-98. 276-92. These letters were apparently written by one
Count Francesco di Prosasco (d. 1710); the Hrst should be dated immediately after 15
September (1683). the second probably at the beginning of the year 1684.

There is a large literature relating to the siege of Vienna in 1683, inspired to some extent
by the centennials of 1883 and 1983, In which context note Onno Klopp, Daa Jahr 1683
und der folgende gros.te Tiirkenkrie^ bis ztim Friedcn von CaHowUz 1699, Graz, 1882;
the valuable, anonymously published little volume on Der Entaatm von Wien am 12. Sep-
tendier 1683, out etner kriegehlatinlachen Studte, Beriln, 1883, 120 pp., with a useftil
plan of the "order of battle" (Schlachtordnunfi) of the Christian forces on the last day of
the siege, together with a detailed outline of the various units of Kara Mustafa Pasha's
army; Augustin Saner, Rom und Wien im Juhre 1683: Ausgewdhke Actenstiicke aus
romischen Archiven zur II. Sdcular/eier der Bc/reiung H'jen.s .... Vienna, 1883. a
collection of documents almost entirely from the year 1683; and see .lohann Newald,
Beitrage zur Gcschichte der Belagerung von Wien durch die Tiirken im Jahre 1683, 2
pts., Vienna, 1883-84. as well as John Stoye, The Siege of Vienna, London, 1964; Thomas
M. Bariter, Double Eagle and Orescent: Vienna's Second Turkish Siege and its Historical
Setting, Albany, N.Y., 1967; Ekkehard Eickhoff and Rudolf Eickhoff, Venedig, Wien, und
die Osmanen: Umbruch in SUdosteuropa 1645-1700, Munich, 1970; and Gfinter Diiriegl,
Wien 1683: Die awtUe TOrhenbelagerung, Vienna. Ck>logne, Graz, 1981.

Turco Venetian Motions, the Siege of Vienna (1683)

263

The Bmperor Leopold I end the court had begmi their retreat from

Vienna on 7 July, hmded for Krems, Melk, Linz, and Passau, which they
reached on the seventeenth,'*^ leaving Charles of Lorraine in command of
the troops. Meanwhile the Hungarian leader Imre Thokoly, after running
with the hare and hunting with the hounds month after month, finally
sided with the Turks, who seem to have promised him the kingdom of
Hungary. Par worse than ThOkdly, however, was the problem which
Louis XIV presented both to the empire and to Europe.

At Louis's behest the high courts of liett (acting also for Tout and
Verdun), Breisach (for Alsace), and Besan^on (for Franche Gomte) had
set about securing for France all the towns and territories that earlier
peace treaties had accorded the Grown. The so-called "chambers of
reunion" were thus created to look into the historical past and assert the
French claims, which brought about the eventual annexation of Saar-
brficken, Luxembourg, Zweibdicken, and (above all) Strasbourg (in
1681). Other towns were also added to the French realm. Europe was
almost thrown into turaioil. The projected union of H<rfland and Sweden,
Spain and Austria led Louis to moderate his ambition for a while, and the
Turks' investment of Vienna led him to postpone military action, but
only for a while. Nevertheless, the imperial court obviously had serious
cause for concern in the West as well as in the East.

When Leopold 1 and the court retreated from Vienna on 7 July (1683),
with dire misgivings, Count Ernst Rtidiger von Staifaemberg was left in
defense of the city. His heroic command during the Tuilcs* two months*
siege of Vienna was to make him a legendary figure. He was later to be
the patron of Eugene of Savoy and to advance the letter's career. Civilian
as well as military matters in the city were entrusted to the nAing Count
Kaspar Zdenko Kaplirs. who faithfully discharged the two commissions
which he had done his best to decline. Kaplirs' decisions, however, were
subject to Starhemberg's approval. The Capuchin preacher Marco
d* Aviano, the spiritual mentor of both Leopold I and Charles of Lorraine,

Walter Sturminger, BMlographie und Iktmographie der Tiirkenbelagerunggn Wiena
1529 mtd K83, Gnu md Goloi|ne, 1955. lists some 650 tides ralatliii to the slefe of

Vienna in 1529 (nos. 1-534. .1.101 -.14 16) and more than 3.300 to the sJege of 1683 (nos.
601-3148, 3501-4270), many of the works listed being contemporary with the events
they describe or the scenes they depict. Max Vancsa, "Quellen und Gesohlohlschrel-
biing." Gcschichte der Suidt Wien, ed. Anton Mayer. IV l (Vienna, 1911), pp. 1-108,
describes in detail the published sources relating to the tirst siege of Vienna in 1529 (pp.
23-36) and those rebtlnt to the seoond sleie in 1683 (pp. 40-77), with some llhtstratloas
In color.

*° Bin Tagebuch wdhrend der Belagerun/i von Wien im Jahr 1683 (the diary of Count
Ferdinand Bonaventura Harrach, written in 1698 during his fourth sojourn in Spain as the
Austrian ambassadorl, ed. Ferd. Mendik, in the ArcMv/Hr Sterreichische Qeachichte,
LXXXVi (Viemui. 1899). 211-19.

264

Venice, Auatria, and the Turka in the Seventeenth Century

was prominent throu^^hout the siege. Today there is a monument to the
revered Marco, hailing him as "die Seele der Befreiun^ Wiens XII Sep-
tember MDGLXXXIII." beside the Kapuziner Kirche, at the point where
the Tegetthoffstrasse runs into the Neuer Markt. The mayor of Vienna,
Johann Andreas von Liebenberg, was another stalwart and ever-useful
figure; a monument to von Liebenberg, "BUrgermeister von Wien im
Jahre MDGLXXXIII," may be seen today on the Ringstrasse across the
street from the University. There were in fact many other heroes working
in the city, but we shall limit ourselves to these four.

Althouj^h it is impossible to determine the size of the Turkish host
which laid siege to the Austrian capital (and undoubtedly Kara Mustafa
Pasha himself could not have supplied us with an even nearly precise
tigure), a maximum of almost 90,000 has been thought the likely size of
Kara Mustafa^s army when the siege began. It is hard to believe it was so
lar:ge unless we include in the figure such Tatar and Hungarian, Molda>
vian and Wallachian units as were actually present at the siege.

The Turks had been addicted to the employment of heavy artillery,
often east for them by Hungarian or Rumelian founders, since the earlier
fifteenth century, but they lacked heavy artillery at the siege of Vienna.
The transport of large cannon from Adrianople to Vienna would have
been too dithcult. It would also have delayed Kara Mustafa Pasha's west-
ward march too long. All along the way the Tuiks had had to build or
rebuild roads and bridges. Perhaps huge siege cannon (of the sort the
Turks had used at Constantinople in 1453) were not thought necessary
to take Gyor and Komamo, which had been the agreed-upon objectives
when the Turkish host went out from Adrianople to Belgrade. It would
soon become clear, however, that Kara Mustafa lacked sufficient cannon
power to demolish the obsolescent and indeed inadequate fortifications
of Vienna. And while the Turks were effective in their mining operations,
the besieged Christians showed themselves to be quite competent in the
fine art of countermining.

The siege began on 14 July 1683. The Turkish encampment hemmed
in the southern, eastern, and western ranges of the Viennese walls, em-
battlements, and moats, which to no small extent followed the lines of
the modern Ringstrasse. The major Turkish pavilions and tents stretched
along the area of the southeast and east, from the Molk and Lobel Bas-
tions {Basteien) to the Palace Bastion (the BurgbtMStei) and the Carin-
thian Bastion (the Kdmtnerbtiatei)^ which are shown on all maps of the
siege. The Hofburg or Imperial Palace, one of the major tourist attrac-
tions of present-day Vienna, was behind the Palace Bastion. The modern
Opera House (the Staatsoper) at the southern end of the popular and
fashionable Karntnerstrasse lies of course just north of where the
Karntner Bastion once stood. Despite attacks upon the area of the Scot-

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Turco-Venetian Relations, the Siege of Vienna (1683)

265

tteh Qate (the Schottentor) on the west, and various strikes made else-
where, the Turics concentrated their heaviest assaults, bombardments,

and mining operations upon the Ixibel and the Palace Bastions.^'

The Turks had very quickly set about the digging of trenches in the
wide expanse of the glacis and directing their light artillery at the de-
fenders whenever the latter emerged to impede them. The siege soon
leached die stage of hand-to-hand combat as well as mining and counter-
mining, as the Turks sought to take possession of the counterscarp to
bring their artillery and mining operations up to the southern ravelins,
the bastions, and the curtain wall. Life in Vienna had not been without
difficulties before the advent of the Turks, as we shall note presently, but
the crowded conditions of the city became a horror, replete with dysen-
tery and other maladies, during the two months of the siege.

As the Turks prepared their dugouts, trenches, and underground gal-
leries with protective travcFses at given intervals, diaries of Lonalne
dung with his cavalry forces to the northern shore of the Danube. From
the area of Krems and Hollabrunn southeastward to Marchegg (on the
Morava), Bratislava, Gyor, and Komarno, Charles tried to keep the long
stretch of territory clear of the Turks, Tatars, and Thokoly's Hungarians.
His Christian allies, especially the Poles with the assistance of the Aus-
trian cavalry, frustrated a Turkish-Hungarian attempt to take Bratislava
(on 29 July). Thereafter Charies defeated the Turks at the northern end
of his military spectrum (on 24 August). The encounter took place at the
foot of the Bisamberg,^^ across the Danube from Klostemeuburg.
Charies had to keep the area open, because he was waiting, and waiting,
for the arrival of the German and Polish troops which, It was hoped,
would break the Turkish siege of Vienna.

A brief chronolojiy of the siege (from 14 July tr) 12 September) is given in Mavrocor-
dato's diary in Kreutel and Teply, eds., Kara Musta/a vor Wien (1982), pp. 82-89, and in
ooMldeniMe deUiil In the diary of the master of ceremontae of the Porte, Ibid., pp. II 5-92.

The English render has cnsy access to :i gf)od account of the siege in Barker. DfHthlc Enfilc
and Crescent (1967), pp. 241-334, esp. pp. 254ff., and note Eickhoff and hyickhoff, Vene-
dig, Wien und die Otmanen (1970), esp. pp. 359-407. The siej^e, as viewed by the Ghrls-
tian nfticers in Vienna, is described day by day in the Ricit du ttctmn de WeiMIC cn
iannee lf>HJ, to which reference has been made above.

During the summer of 1683, while Kara Mustafa I'asha was at VMenna. the Venetians
were having financial and other difliculties In Isunbul (Delib. Cosuntlnopoli, Re^. 35,
fols. 41-42 1139-1401, doc. dated 21 August 1683, at aegretario Capello in
CoMantiuopoli).

** On the Turliish- Hungarian venture against Bratislava (Pressburg), cf. the diafy of the
Turkish master of ceremonies In Kreutel and Teply, Kara Mvan^ vor Wien (1962), p.

141; KIopp. Has Jahr 1083 (1882). pp. 285-87; Barker. Dnuble E<i^lc (itut Crcsi vni
(1967), pp. 287-88; Kickhoff and Eickhoff, Venedig, Wien und die Usmunen (1970). p.
391.

*^ Knra Mustafa vnr Wien ( 1 982). pp. 170-71. 207-8 (note 53). 223-^; Barker. Dou-
ble Eagle und Crescent, pp. 293-94.

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Venice, Atutria, and dte Tnrka Hi the Seoentteruh Century

The Germans and Poles did respond, even generously, to the appeals
of the Emperor l^opold and Charles of Lorraine, despite the financial
questions that arose and the diplomatic maneuvering that was inevita-
ble. A large body of troops, with the support of the Catholic court at
Munich, moved eastward into Lower Austria under the young Maximil-
Uiii Emmanuel von Wlttebbach, the elector and duke of Bavaria. An-
other laite contingent (of musketeers and horse), with the approval of
the Protestant court at Dresden, made their way south into Lower Aus-
tria under Johann Georg III von Wettin, the elector and duke of Saxony.
Prince Georg Friedrich von Waldeck commanded detachments of Fran-
conian and Swabian forces which came to the aid of the Austrians, as did
a small body of German troops under two sons of Ernst August of
Braunschweig [Brunswickl-Liineburg, to whose willingness to assist
Christendom against the Tufks we shall come shortly. Friedrich Wilhelm
von Hohensollem, the so-called Great Elector (of Brandenburg), pro-
vided no assistance at all. The French influence was strong in Branden-
burg, and Friedrich Wilhelm's demands for payment of military service
were beyond Leopold's capacity to meet them.

The Polish response under the flamboyant King John III Sobieski was
extraordinary. On 31 March (1683) representatives of Leopold i, Holy
Roman emperor, king of Hungary and Bohemia, and archduke of Aus-
tria, and John III, king of Poland and grand duke of Uthuania, had
reached an "everlasting offensive and defensive alliance** {foedua per-
petuum o ffensivum et de/ensivum), for the "daily experience" of their
subjects had made manifest the danger which the power of the Ottoman
empire posed for Christendom.'*'* The Sejni or parliament of the monar-
chical republic of Poland quickly ratified the alliance, which was almost
unusual, for any member of the unruly Sejm could dissolve the parlia-
ment and even annul Its previous resolutions by his single vote (the
Uberum veto). The Sejm also voted a large increase in the size of the
armed forces.

John 111 Sobieski left Warsaw on 18 July (1683), and went south to
Czestochowa to get the blessing of the Black Virgin, the "queen of Po-
land" on the height of Jasna Gora. He reached Cracow (Krakow) on 29
July, expecting to effect a union with Charles of Lorraine by the first
week of September. He left Cracow in mid- August, proceeding westward
to Qllwlce (Gleiwits), where he arrived on 22 August, then to Radbdrs

^ Dnmont, Corps universel diptomatique, VU-l (Amsterdam and The Flague, 1731),
no. zmv. pp. 62-64. The allianoe was ratified by Leopokl at Laxenbur^ on 2 May. About
the same time a treaty was made between Suftan Mehmed IV and Goant Imie ThSkOly,
promising the latter the kingdom of Hungary [ibid., no. xxv, p. 40). Leopold also made
separate treaties with Ernst August of Brunswick-L^ineburg and Max Emmanuel of Bavaria
{tbUL, noa. xxvm-xxnt, pp. 51-55).

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Turco-Venetian RelatUma, the Siege of Vienna (1683)

267

(Radbor) on the Oder on 24 August, and thence to Opava (Troppau) at
the Slovak border. He got to Olomouc (Olniiitz) in Moravia on 26 Au-
gust, Brno (Briinn) on the 29th, and Mikulov (Nikolsburg) on the follow-
ing day. By 30-vll August Sobieski had made it to the area around Holla-
brunn,^' where Charles of Lorraine came to meet him to discuss the
Turkish peril and the great military venture which lay ahead. The Poles'
arrival in each city had been made a festive occasion with tMnquels and
drfnidng bouts, which doubtless delayed their progress by more than a
day or two, but on the whole Sobieski had in fact moved rapidly.

The imperialists and the Poles, assembling north of the Danube in the
region of Hollabrunn, came southward across the river at Tulln. The
Bavarians crossed the Danube near the point at which the river Traisen
flows into the great waterway, while the Saxons made their crossing at
the fortress town of Krems. Moving from Tulln in central Lower Austria
eastward to Weldling and Klostemeubuig on the northern slope of the
Wienerwald, the allied Christian forces gradually and with much diffi-
culty ascended the Leopoldsberg and the higher Kahlenberg. The
"Vienna Woods" was, and is, a mountainous part of the countryside with
heavy vines, wild hedges, trees, and thickets, forming in various areas an
impenetrable undergrowth, through which in one way or another the
Austrians, Germans, and Poles had had to make their way up the slopes
of the Leopoldsberg and the Kahlenberg. Klostemeuburg, with its fa-
mous Augustinian monastery, is a tourist site today, and so is the top of
the Kahlenberg, site of the old Gamaldulensian monastery, with its some-
times hazy view of Vienna. The Emperor I^opold, who had come down
the Danube with the apparent intention of joining the allied armies, was
strongly advised not to do so, for his superior presence (and the
picayune protocol of the day) would be distressing to Sobieski, who
would have to take a subordinate position. Also Leopold was hardly a
soldier, and the Viennese needed the Polish army.

After untold hardships of mountain-climbing up the Leopoldsberg and
the Kahlenberg. the allied forces were finally ready to descend upon the
enemy by 12 September. Kara Mustafa Pasha had made almost no effort
to occupy the heights and thus prevent the Christians' ascent to their
strategic vantage point. Early in the morning of the 12th the Austrian,
Saxon, and Bavarian troops, forming a straggly left wing under Charles of
Lorraine (in so far as a wing could be maintained on the rough terrain),
came down slowly from the wooded heights to meet the Turics. Later on,
Sobieski and the Poles made their difficult descent, forming the honor-

Cf. Fertl. Bonaventura Harrach's Ta^ehuch xtfdhrend der Rclugerung von Wien im
Jahre 1683, ed. Ferd. Men6ik, in the Arch. /. daterreickUche Geachichte, UCXXVi
(Vienna. 1899). 244.

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268

Venice, Austria, and the Turks in the Seventeenth Century

ific right wing. Much of the planning and reconnoitering had been done
by Charles of Lorraine, who kept the testy Sobieski in good humor by
endless tact and acquiescence.**

Every schoolboy used to know — or ought to have known — that the
allied Christian forces won the "battle of the Kahlenberg/' All day on the
historic 12th of September in 1683 men were on the move, the Chris-
tians coming down the rough and brambly hills and mountainsides, and
the Turlis feverishly active in the areas to the south of their encamp-
ments. Kara Mustafa Pasha withdrew some troops from the trenches, but
the siege of Vienna had to be continued. If most of the Turkish men-at-
arms had been removed from the dugouts and bunkers, the defenders of
the city, however tired by now, might well have emerged to launch an
attack here or there upon the rear of the diverse Turkish units then
facing the Christians descending from the Kahlenberg and the
Leopoldsberg.

The air was rent with musltet fire and cannon shots, with rallying cries
and exhortations, kettledrums and trumpets. To both the Turks and the
Christians war cries and the sound of "ogni sorte d'istrumenti" were an
important part of combat. The battle of the Kahlenberg lasted until eve-
ning, until the Turkish lines broke, and the enemy began to flee. In their
more than hasty retreat eastward in the direction of the fortress town of
Gydr, Kara Mustafa and most of his various forces got beyond the Riba
river well before the Austrian, Bavarian, and Polish armies began their
own eastward march. The booty which fell into Christian hands was
enormous, the Poles getting much of the treasures which Kara Mustafa
and the major Turkish officers had had to leave behind. In fact among the
most interesting memorials of Sobieski's role in raising the siege of
Vienna are the large, beautifully embroidered Turkish tents which are
still to be seen in the castle museum on Wawel Hill in Cracow.

Soon after the flight of the Turks the Elector Johann Qeorg of Saxony
returned to Dresden, the capital of his electorate, which was becoming a
beautiful city (and which suffered severely in the Second World War). A
strong Protestant, he had helped stop the Turks' westward advance at
Vienna, but he resented heartily the Hapsburgs' almost tiercely pro-

*^ On the importance of Charles of Lorraine's activities before, during, and after the
siege of Vienna, see Paul Wentzcke's bioj^raphy of Ch.'iries. Feldhcrr dcs Kdiscrs: l^hen
und Taten Herzog Kurls V. von Lothringen, Leipzig, 1943, esp. pp. 198ff., 22 Iff.
VVentzcke is very well informed, but gives no references in his book to the sources. On 15
September 1683 Charles of Lorraine wrote Francesco Barberini, the cardinal protector of
Poland, "Le Roy de Pologne s'est acquis dans ce rancontre una gloire immortelle d'estre
vcnu de son royaumc pour une si grande entreprise, e(t| d'y avoir agit en grand roy et en
gran capitaine" (Augustin Sauer, Rom und Wien im Jahre 1683, Vienna, 1883, doc. no.
64, pp. 62-63).

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Turco-Venetian Relations, the Siege of Vienna (1683)

269

Catholic policy in the regions of Hungary and Transylvania where they
had been able to exercise their will. At least for the time being, he had
done with the llapsburgs. On 13 September John III Sobieski made a
triumphal entry into Vienna. He was acclaimed by the populace, but his
preceding the emperor into the latter's own capital was a serious breach
of dynastic protocol.

Leopold was received into Vienna, however, with all due reverence on
14 September. He met Sobieski in dignified fashion on the following day
in a field at Schwechat. The meeting was not a diplomatic success, for
Leopold slighted Sobieski's son Jakob when the latter was presented to
him. Sobieski and especially his wife Maria Gasimira had hoped that
Jakob might marry Leopold's daughter, the Archduchess Maria Antonia,
which might help secure his election as his father's successor. But now
the Hapsburgs were less interested in the Polish alliance, and after no
end of marital, diplomatic maneuvering (Maria Antonia was no beauty),
she married Max Emmanuel von Wittelsbach, the elector and duke of
Bavaria, who had helped a good deal in relieving the siege of Vienna.*'

Despite the multiple sources we now have at hand, it is difficult to get a
clear picture of the extent to which the Turks had done damage to
Vienna during the course of the siege. Their lack of heavy cannon seems
to have removed much of the interior of the city from the range of their
fire. Also Kara Mustafa Pasha had wanted to take the city and revel in its
wealth, not necessarily to destroy it, for in the latter case he would only
have acquired ruins. Whatever the ruination, restoration was deariy
(and remarkably) rapid, for just thirty-three years after the siege Lady
Mary Wortley Montagu found Vienna (in September 1716) a ''populous
city adorn'd with magnificent palaces," with apparently no evidence of
Turkish destruction. Lady Mary enjoyed herself in Vienna, almost over-
whelmed by "the first people of Quality," the magnificence of the opera,
and "the fashions here, which are . . . monstrous and contrary to all
common sense." As for the city itself, however, she described it thus on
8/18 September in a letter to her sister Frances Erskine, countess
of Mar:

This town, which has the honnour of being the emperor's residence, did not at
all answer my ideas of it, being much lesse than I expected to find it. The streets
are very close and so narrow one cannot ol>serve the fine fronts of the palaces,
tho many of them very well deserve observation, being truly magnificent, all
built of line white stone and excessive high. The town being so much too litde for

Gf. Lodwig von Pastor (and Rob. L«iber), Oeschichte der PSpste, XIV-2 (Freiburg Im

Brelsgau, 1930), 770-71. 825-26, 1006-7: "Rei den Mefraten der Fursten spiele das
solldne Gesicht der Braut eine untergeordnete Kulle!" {ibid., p. 771, note 2).

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Venice, Austria, and the Turks in the Seventeenth Century

the number of the people that desire to Mvc in it, the builders seem to have
projected to repair that misfortune by claping one town on the top of another,
most of the houses being of 5 and some of them of 6 storys. You may easily
imagine that the streets being so narrow, the upper rooms are extream dark, and
what is an inconveniency much more intolerable in my opinion, there is no
house that has so few as 5 or 6 familys in it. The apartments of the greatest ladys
and even of the ministers of state are divided but by a partition from that of a
tailor or a shoe-maker, and I know no body that has above 2 floors in any house,
one for their own use, and one higher for their servants. Those that have houses
of their own, let out the rest of them to whoever will take 'em; thus the great
stairs (which are all of stone) are as common and as dirty as the street. Tis true
when you have once travell'd through them, nothing can be more surprizingly
magnificent than the apartments. They are commonly a suitte of 8 or 10 large
rooms, all inlaid, the doors and windows richly carv'd and gilt, and the furniture
such as is seldom seen in the palaces of sovereign princes in other countrys: the
hangings the tinest tapestry of Brussells, prodigious large looking glasses in
silver frames, fine Japan tables, the beds, chairs, canopys and window curtains of
the richest Genoa damask or velvet, allmost cover'd with gold lace or embro-
diery — the whole made gay by pictures and vast jars of Japan china, and almost
in every room large lustres of rock chrystal.*"

*" Rol>ert Halsband, ed., The Complete Letters o/LcuiyMary Wortley Montagu, 3 vols.,
Oxford, 1965-67, 1, 259-60, and cf., ibid., pp. 2911f.

Copyrighted material

The Conquests of the Austrians in
Hungary y the Revolt of the Turkish Army,
and the Venetians in the Morea (1684-1687)

he Turkish ^rand vizir Kara Mustafa Pasha had failed in dismal
fashion in the unforgettable siege of Vienna (from 14 July to 12
September 1683), the Ottoman disaster of the century. In their
retreat the Turks were badly defeated on 9 October at Parkany
(Sturovo), and after a brief siege they had to give up the city of Eszter-
gom (Gran), the old primadal see of Hungary on die right bank of die
Danube opposite ParkHny. Several thousand Turks had perished at
Parfc&ny, a second great setback for Kara Mustafa, hut the Turks surren-
dered Esztergom (on 26 October) with hardly any loss of life which was,
nevertheless, another serious setback for Kara Mustafa, whose future
now looked dim. And indeed it was. He was strangled at Belgrade on 25
December by order of Sultan Mehmed IV. On 5 March 1684 the Holy
League was ratified at Una, binding the Emperor Leopold I, King John III
Sobieski of Poland, and the newly-elected Doge Maro' Antonio Giusti-
nian to a war against the Turks under the aegis of Pope Innocent XI.' The

* Jean Duntont, Corps universel iliplnmatiquc, \'\\-2 (Amsterdam and The (lactic,
1731), no. XXXIX. pp. 71-72. Leopold and John Sobieski had already been bound together
by fl ifoedus pcrpetuum offengHmm tt defetuiffum, which was agreed to at WarMw on 31
March lOH.I. and ratiHed by Leopold <n Arte nostra L<ixihur/ii (I,axenbur>») on the follow-
ing 2 May {ibid., no. xxxiv, pp. 62-64). On the execution of Kara Mustafa Fasha and the

271

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272

Venice, Attstria, and the Turka in the Seventeenth Century

and-Tuiltish activity of the Venetians in the Mediterranean would im-
pede the concentration of the sultan's forces in central Europe. Also, of

course, the Venetian fleet in the south would be an important adjunct to
the Austrian and Polish armies in the north, and the success of the Aus-
trians now gave the Venetians the opportunity for which they had long
been waiting.

As von Hammer-Purgstall has put it, this was to be the fourteenth
crusade preached by the popes against the Ottoman Turks. Francesco
Morosini had been named captain-general of the Venetian fleet. Having
emerged from the cloud cast upon him by the surrender of Gandia some
fifteen years before (in 1669), Morosini had been considered a likely
prospect for the dogate when Alvise Contarini died (on 15 January
1684). But he would ser\'e the Republic best as its commander-in-chief
at sea, and Marc'Antonio Giustinian had been elected doge (on 26 Jan-
uary).^ On Tuesday, 25 April, the feast of S. Maik, when Giustinian was
attending mass with the imperial ambassador Francesco della Torre in
the basilica a messenger arrived from Vienna with word of the signing of
the anti-Turkish treaty. The new allies would render one another all
possible aid against the infidel; reconquered territories would revert to
their former Christian owners. As always, the other Christian princes
would be urged to join the anti-Turkish league.''

Christians* acquisition of his skull (allegedly that now In the Historisches Museum der

Stadt Wicn). see .F.W. Zinkeisen, Gcsch. d. osman. Reiches in Europa, V (Gotha. 1857),
112; note also Thos. M. Barker, Double Eagle and Crescent, Albany, N.Y., 1967, pp.
348-60, on the seisure of Parkiny and the occupation of Esstergom, and, UritL, pp. 69,
36.1-64, on the execution of Kara Mustafa Pasha.

On the Turkish peril, the compheations of French and !*ohsh diplomacy, the formation
of the Holv Ix-'ague, and Innocent Xl's persistent efforts .igainst the Turks, note Ludwif* von
Pastor (and Rob. Leiber), Geschichte der Pupate, XIV-2 (1930), 694ff., 725ff.. 787-840.
and Hist. Popes, XXXII, 38ff.. 83ff.. 168-245.

^ As noted above, Dores l>evi-\Veiss, "I>e Kela/.ioni fra Venezia e la Turchia dal 1670 al
1684 e la formazione della Sacra Lcga." V'enefo-rrt'dentt'no. \'ll (1925), 1-46; VIII (also
1925). 40-100; IX-X (1926), 97-116, with an appendix of unpublished documents, ibid.,
pp. 1 17-54, has described in detail \'eneti:in relations with the Porte from the end of the
war of Candia (1645-1669) to the creation of the Holy League in 1684, at which time
Francesco Morosini, who had surrendered Gandia to the Turks on 5-6 September 1669,
w as reappointed captain-(teneral of the sea to uke command of Venice's reentry into war
with the Turks.

Some four years after Morosini's death Giovanni Oraxiani {Joaimea Oraiianua Bergo-

men.sis) published a detailed biography entitled Francisci Mditrnceni Peloponnesiaci,
Venetiurum pritwipis, gestu, Padua, 1698. Antonio Arrighi has also written a biography
of Morosini (in Latin), which was brought out at Padua in 1749. We have already made
several references to both Graziani and Arrijjhi. There is a modern biography by Gino
Damerini, Morosini, Milan, 1929, which we have also cited. AlthouJ^h Damerini provides
no footnotes, his work seems to be based on the old Venetian historians listed in his
bibliography (Alesaandro Locateili, Fierantonio Facitioi, Pio Tebaldi, Michele FosoarinI, et
al.).

"* The facts are well known, and have been frequently recounted (cf. von Mammer-Purg-
stall, Gesch. d. osman. Reiches, VI (Pest. 1830, repr. Graz. 1963], 443, trans. Hellert, XH
|1838|, 160; Romantn, Storia documentatu di Venezia, 3rd ed., VII [1974], 339; Zinkei-

The Austriaru in Hungary, the Venetiana in the Morea

273

The Rtissinns might have been effective helpmates, but Moscow was in
near chaos during the minority of Peter I and the regency of his half-sis-
ter Sophia. Also the Porte was making every effort to pacify and reassure
the Russians. The German princes, however, as well as Gosimo III de'
Medici, the Hospitallers, and others soon showed their willingness to
support the Christian cause against the Turks by contributing (or leas-
ing) the services of their soldiers and seamen to the multiple forces of the
Holy League. Bavarian and Hanoverian troops were to be found in the
Ghristian ranks in both Hungary and the Morea. The Turks thus had to
face the Poles in Podolia, the Austrians and their allies in Hungary and
Transylvania, and the Venetians in Dalmatia, continental Greece, and
the Morea.

Although John III Sobieski, along with Charles V of Lorraine and their
German allies, had broken the Turkish siege of Vienna, Sobieski did not
succeed in rewinning Podolia. After his death, however, it was reas-
signed to the Poles in the peace of Karlowitz (in 1699), and remained a
part of Poland until the second partition (in 1793). Sobieski had had too
many problems in Poland to campaign successfully against the Turks,
who always found strong support in the Crimean Tatars. The imperial-
ists, on the other hand, seemed to be marching from victory to victory,
taking Visegrad on the Danube after a five days* siege (on 18 June 1684)
and defeating the Turks near Waitzen (Vac) on 27 June. The imperialists
soon occupied Waitzen, some miles east of Visegrad. Upper Hungary
was falling into Ghristian hands.

On 23 July (1684) Charles V of Lorraine wrote the Emperor Leopold of
a "gloriosissima vittoria" which the Ghristian forces had achieved over
the Turks "yesterday on the feast of S. Maria Maddalena.'* Having got
word of the whereabouts of the Ottoman army under the command of
one Suleiman Pasha, Charies left behind all his infantry and part of the
cavalry to the extent they were required to continue the siege of Buda.
With the rest of the cavalry, a thousand infantry under the command of
Count Franz Karl von Auersperg, and some fifteen hundred Hungarians,
Charles went off to meet Suleiman's army, which was then encamped on
the height of Ercsi, a small market town on the Danube nineteen miles
south of Buda. All night they marched. At the break of day they were
within half an hour of the enemy's camp. The Tuiks emerged from the
camp, drawing up for their defense. For four hours they tried to outflank
Charles's squadrons, but in vain.

sen, CJcsc/i. </. nsman. Reicbcs, V, 1 13-14; Ueinrich Kretschmayr, Gesch. von Veiicdi^, III
[Stuttgart, 1934, repr. Aalen. 1964], 342-43). On the entry of Venice into the Holy
League, see also the work of the Venetian noble Nicola Beregani, Hiatoria delle guerre
d'Eurnpa dalla compursa dell'armi Ottomanc ncll'Hun^hcria I'anno 1683, 2 vols., Ven-
ice, 1698, 1, bit. III. pp. 88-89, and esp. bk. iv, pp. 1 10-11, 125-36. Beregani also provides
us with a weH-lnformed aocount of Kara Mustafa Pasha's siege moA Ae failure at Vienna
{Urid., 1, bks. h-iii, pp. 14-82, 91-92).

274

Venice, Austria, and the Turka in the Stventtenth Century

Finally, thanks to heaven, we threw the Turkish army into the greatest confu-
sion, pursuing them, and this can be compared to the liberation of Vienna, since
all the enemy's camp has been left in our possession, all the tents, barracks,
baggage, cannon, foodstuffi, and munitions. More than four thousand Turks
have been done away with, a large number wounded, and two thousand Janiso
saries all killed. Besides, we have the great standard [bandiera], which the Gran
Sultano confers upon the grand vizirs to denote their command as general, as
well as the pavilion of the serasker [Suleiman PashaJ, who was commanding their
army. Prince Ludwl| von Baden has pursued the enemy with two regiments of
oavaliy for the space of two hours, and acquired some cannon. Also the Hungar*
ians and Prince perome) Lubomirski's Poles pursued the Turics even farther. I
cannot praise enou)!»h to your imperial Majesty the great perseverance of all your
cavalry as well as that of all your officers who took part in this engagement, for
which credit must l>e attributed to His Divine Majesty. . . .*

At Regensburg on 15 August (1684) a treaty or rather an armistice was
finally agreed to by emissaries of the Bmperor Leopold I and Louis XIV,

confirmed by the latter at Versailles two weeks later and on the same day
(28 Auj^ust) by Leopold at Vienna.^ Whatever a treaty with Ivouis XIV
might be worth in the long run, it was reassuring at least for the time
being, and Charles V of Lorraine continued the imperialist campaign
agiiliMt the Tuiks. Despite his recent victories, however, he was unaUe
to take Buda (Ofen) in the late summer and early autumn of 1684. Never>
theleas, another year lay ahead.

After the doge and Senate recalled Giovanbattista Dona from the bai-
laggio in Istanbul (in 1683), there was to be no Venetian bailie on the
Bosporus for the next seventeen years. We depend largely upon the
dispatches sent by the bailies to the Signoria for our knowledge of what
was going on in the streets and behind the scenes at the so-called Sub-
lime Porte. No bailies, however, did not mean no news. Other envoys,
rarely so well informed as the Venetian bailies and dragomans, sent re-
ports home to their governments with information often as valuable as it
was interesting. Thus a year after the failure of the Turkish siege of
Vienna, Lord James Chandos, the English ambassador to the Porte, sent
the BngllA secretary of state a long account (dated at Pera on 3 Sep-
tember 1684) of conditions In Istanbul and elsewhere in the Ottoman
Empire.

* An Italian translation of Charles of lx>rraine's letter to the Emperor l^eopold appears as
Che JlcfoMone dtl atgnor duea M Lorena a mm Maeatd Cemrwa detta vUtorIa tiUima

contra Turchi sntto li 23 Lxi^lio 1684, in MS. Marc It. VII, 656 (7791), fols. 54-.S5. dated
"da! campo vicino a Buda. . . ."On the Turkish defeat, cf. von Hammer-Purgstall, Gesch.
d. osman. ReicheB, Vi, 438, trans. Hellert, XII, 1S2.

' Dumont. Corps itnircrsvl dijiUmuitique, VII-2 (1731). IIO. XLVII, pp. 81-83. The armi-
stice was supposed to last for twenty years.

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275

Ghandot makes much the same observations concerning Sultan
If ehmed IV as other governmental agents and travelers to Isunbul:

This Gran Signore by the violent death of his father |Ibrahim| coming to his
Empire almost in his infancy hath ere since bin nursed and cajoled in all sorts of
effemiiMoy In so much chst he delights in nothing more than his Harem or Worn*
en's Company and hunting as they call it, and it hath bin the snbtilty of all his
cheife visirs (niayor|sl of the I'allace-like) to keep him in the greatest ignorance
of all his important affairs. . . . His new visir Azem hath bin for neare forty dayes
(or rather hath counterfeited himself so to be) in a sick and dying condition, but
now his maske being off, he appeares out of all danger; diat which put him in s
panic feare was 4,000 mutinous sefferiees who, wanting Uieir pay, demanded no
lesse than the visir's head for satiafactlon, but were appeaa'd againe with 25
dollars a man. . . .

The Turks had heard so much bad news

that |the sultan] is now groane allmost out of patience with it, for indeed ere
since their great overthrow before Vienna their hearts have bin more than halfe
conquer'd and broke, their fortune and conduct growing every day weaker and
weaker insomuch that this Empire is for certaine at this day in as tottering and
ruinous a oondition as can possibly be imagined.

Chandos found it too much to provide the English secretary of state with
a detailed record of

the many great and small victory 's the Germans have had over the Turks, and the
Poles against both Turkea and Tartars, and the many places th*one and di*odier
have taken from them, and die great ravage and spoile the Venetians have made

in the Morea and on severall considerable Islands. ... In generall I doe assure
you 1 have not heard that the Christians have missed being victorious in all their
attempts on and rancounters with the Turks. . . .

The Turks were indeed in a bad way, for

at present |in early September 16841 the Germans are besieging Buda with a
powerful army, the I'oles C]aminietz (Kamenets-Podolski, onetime capital of I'o-
dolia], both masters of the feild, and so like to continue . . . , for the Turks have
no where a body of men capable to looke either of them in the face, nor is it
possible for the Turks to remedy it, for before they shall be able to raise men and
bring them together the summer will be over so that in all probability Huda and
Gaminietz must fall into the Christians' hands, the consequence whereof is no
lease than all the KIngdome of Hungary to his Gaesarean Majesty and the recov-
ery of the better part of the Kingdome of Poland to that king with an addition of
Moldavia and Valachia, etc., and yet the Turkes struggle all they can to prevent
these misfortunes, the Gran Signore now doing that which never |a) Gran Si-
gnore did before him, which is to presse men with a halter, hanging those immedi-

276

Venice, Auetria, and tiie Turha in the Seventeenth Century

ately up that refuse to serve him in his warres, and on the other hand he hath
doubled the pay of his Janizary's and Spahis, and yet all in vaine, for his men are
so terrify'd and dismay'd that they runne as fast from the warres as they are
battled to it, tho' death is in the oaae if they are taken flying from their colors.

Ghandos was well aware of the fact, however, that the war of the Holy
League was not confined to land, for

the \'enetians gaule the Turks most sorely by sea, exposing their weake and
blind side to all the world, with their powerful armada, for the truth is the Turks
are so contemptibly weake at sea that they have not so many as ten men of warre
in all the woHd ready to put to sea to help tbemselfes, nor seamen to man two of
their men of warre, so that the Venetians are patrones of the sea and at liberty to
attempt what islands they please. All the Turks aime at in this case is to have fifty
or sixty light, nimble galleys that shall outsaile and row the Venetians' galleys
with which they fly and steale provisions into what places they think fitt.

In concluding his dispatch, Ghandos tried to look into die future and to
assess the Ottoman lot, "kismet," in Europe:

My opinion is that the Gran Signore will endeavor his uttmost for a peace with
the Christians, nay rather than falle he will buy it with great concessions and

money to boot, but if he cannot prevaile, he will bring all the force and power he
is able into the feild next summer and have a faire pull for all. If he succeeds, all
he lost the two years before will be recover'd. If he miscarry's, all he hath in
Europe will be for certaine lost, how ere he faires for the rest.^

The war had its ups and downs. For the Turks there were mostly
downs. They did recover Waitzen (Vac), but the imperialists under
Lorraine with Polish, Bavarian, Hanoverian, Franconian, and other Ger-
man troops raised the Turkish siege of Esztergom (Gran) on 16 August
1685. Three days later the Christians stormed the fortress town of Nove
Zamky (NeuhMusel), where they slaughtered the Turkish garrison.^ The
Christian success at Nov6 Zamky was celebrated throughout Europe.
The imperialist forces also did irreparable damage to the Turics on the

" Public Record Oflioe (PRO), State Papers (SP) 97, XX, foi. 5, dispatcli dated 3 Sep-
tember 1684.

' See especially the Relaxtone stncera e reate di quanta i occorso nelH regni di Vh-

f^teria, Croazia, Schiavonia, ed ultri confitii de' Turchi, etc., durante la campagna
ddl'anno 1685, compresavi non solo la battaglia di Strigpnia [i.e., Gran, Esztergom) e la
presa di Neuheuftel [Novc Zamky), ma anco quetta di Coron in Mwea .... Vienna,
Austria, 1685, published by Gio. Van Ghelen. atampatore academico, who wrote a pref-
ace to this work, which covers in minute detail the battle at Esztergom, the seizure of Nove
Zimliy, and Francesco Moroslni's occupation of Coron (UHd., pp. 41lf.), to which we ^all
come later. There is a good map of the siege of Esztergom (Strigonie) in Henri Marczali,
"Relation du siege de Vienne et de la campagne en Hongrie, 1683," Revue de Hongrie, III
(1909). pp. 288^.

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The Austriuns in Hungary, the Venetians in the Morea

277

Croatian borders. Their success in Upper Hungary was such that the
Turks abandoned several strategic sites, including Waitxen, to which

they now set Bre. While seeking to disarm the Russians in everyway, the
Turks turned for support to their old friends, the French.

Louis XIV's ambassador at the Porte, M. do Guillera^ues,'' had Hnally
been accorded the "honor of the sofa," which meant that, when received
by the grand vizir, he would sit with the latter on the raised floor or divan
(leewan), and not be placed at a lower level than the vixir*s sofa, to which
indignity Kara Mustafa Pasha had reduced Guilleragues*s predecessor,
M. de Nointel.^ Shortly before his death Guilleragues also secured an
ambassadorial exemption from customs duties. The French were af-
forded some measure of defense against the Barbar>' corsairs as well as
assistance in the recovery of goods seized by the latter. Among other
concessions granted by the i'orte, Louis XIV was recognized as protector
of the sacred sites in Palestine.

The Turlcs were dealing gently with the Russians. They wanted peace,

and they needed it. When, however, after the fall of Nove Zamky the
serasker Ibrahim Pasha sent his emissary Ahmed Chelebi to the imperial
commander Charles V of Ix)rraine with overtures for peace, to which
Charles did not reply, Ibrahim was executed at Belgrade for treason.
Kara Mustafa's successor as grand vizir, Kara Ibrahim, who had been as
ineffective as he was "black,** lost the sofa in his turn, and had been
exiled to the island of Rhodes, where he was put to death in December
1685. The next grand vizir and serasker Suleiman Pasha, a Bosnian, who
was hardly abler than his immediate predecessors, now set about in
devious ways to try to repair the military, financial, diplomatic, and
political errors of the two Karas.

In May 1686 Suleiman Pasha set out again for Hungary to take com-
mand of the frightened Ottoman forces. He sent urgent messages to the
khan of the Tatars, who had not yet appeared for the current campaign,
as well as to the pashas of Temesvar (Timl^oara), Szekesfehervar (Stuhl-
weissenburg), and OsUek (Eszek, Esscg). Despite his alleged efforts to
reorganize the various divisions of the Turkish troops in Hungary, his
attempts to break the imperialists' eleven-week siege of Buda (from 18
June to 2 September 1686) were utterly futile. Charles of Lorraine, the
young elector Max Emmanuel of Bavaria, and other Christian notables
present at the siege were determined to take Buda, the "key to the
Ottoman empire,** and so they did, with a long night of pillage and

* Gabriel Joseph de Lavergne, vfseoant of Oulllerailues, died at Istanbul on 5 March

168.S.

^ As stated above, Charles Marie Franyois Oilier, marquis d'An^ervilliers et de Ndntd,
WM the French ambaMador to tlie Porte from 1671 to 1679.

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278

Venice, Auatria, and the Turks in the Seventeenth Century

slaugbter. The Turks had h«ld Buda for afanost a century and a half.
Certainly a new era seemed to have begun in east, central Europe.'®

Despite the Turks' long occupation of Buda, one finds today almost no
evidence in the streets and squares of the city to attest to their presence.
There is one notable exception, however, i.e., the Httle tomb (tiirbe) of
Gill Baba, a famous member of the mendicant Bektashi Order, who is
said to have died in Buda on 2 September 1541, the very day that Sultan
Suleiman made his triumphal entry into the city.'' Gfil Baba's tomb now
stands in a small ^rden on the southeastern slope of Rose Hill. It was
built between 1543 and 1 548, and entirely restored in 1962. Apparently
every Turk who comes to Budapest today pays a visit to the tomb of Giil
Baba, whom Suleiman is alleged to have called "the guardian of Buda."

Szekesfehervar (Stuhlweissenburg) was also taken from the Turks.
This came about in mid-May 1688, as recorded by an inscription {Alba
Regalis recuperata 9/19 Mai 1688) in the center of the city at an en-
trance to what was the old wall-— on N^pkdstirsasig Utja — behind
which lie the extensive remains of ancient Roman Alba Re^. A fountain
with the dates 1001, 1688, and 1938 in Szabadsag Ter stands in com-
memoration of S. Stephen and the renewals of the city's liberty. Another
large plaque on a wall bears the dates 1543-1688, the years of Turkish
domination in Szcskcsfchervar.*^ One of the oldest and most important
cities in Hungary, it stood at the crossroads of the western part of the
kingdom, as shown today in striking fashion by the large topographical
layout in the Military Museum on Castle Hill in Budapest. Yes, there are
reminders of the Tuiks in present-day Hungary.

On Uie Christian offensive against the Turks from October 1683 until September 1686
(after Kara Mustafa Pasha's defeat by John Sobieski and Gharies of Lorraine under the

walls of Vienna on 12 Septombcr 1683). sec (amonjj various other w orks) von Flammer-
Purgstall, Gesch. d. osman. Retches, VI (1830, repr. 1963), 420-76, trans. Hellert. XII
f 1838), 126—207; Ziiriteisen, Oeacft. <L ostncm. Retches, V, 1 10-24; Onno Klopp, DaaJahr

und dcr fol^ende ^rossc TiirkcJikrie^ his zum Friedcn von Carlnwitz 1699, Graz.
1882, pp. 338-406; E. Kickhoff and R. Bickhoff, Venedig, Wien und die Osmanen, Mu-
nich, 1970, pp. 408ff.

The siege of Buda (Ofcn) had been hard and costly, but the determined efforts of Charles
of Lorraine and his (Jernian allies were crowned with startling success on 2 September
(1686), as described by Nicola Bcregani, Historiu dclle guerre d'Europa, 2 vols., Venice,
1698, II, bk. Ill, pp. 107-29, 146-47; cf. Paul Wentzcke, Feldherr d. Kaisers: Leben und
Taten Herzog Karls V. von l^thringen, Leipzig, 1943, pp. 251-78, and note von Hammer-
Purgstall, VI, 474-76, 736-38, trans. Hellert. XII, 205-7, 511-14.

Needless to say, the loss of Buda dismayed the Ottoman court, as shown by the Lamento
tUlliehemetlV., regnante imperatore de'Turchi, per lu perdita fatta dtUa Retd CIttd dl
Buda neliOngarid c </t'//<i mag^ior parte del fertilissimo Regno di Mona, occupato
daUe Jorse delta Serenissima Republica Vieneta . . . , printed in Venice by Giuseppe
Tramontin in October(?) 1686. As seen in Venice, the Ghrlatlan tuooest at Buda was •
victory of the "Lega oontro gli Ottomani," which indeed It was.

" Cf. Setton, Papacy and the Levant, III (1984), 459.

"IbkL, III (1984), 472, 479, and IV. 697. 1102.

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The Austriann <n Hungary, the Venetian* in the Morea

279

The Venetians were kept well informed by frequent reports from Ra-
gusa (Dubrovnik). Odd and fragmentary as some of these awisi are,
they reflect the current news upon which both the imperial government
and the Venetian Signoria sometimes had to base their decisions. Also
these awisi have never been published, and (as far as I know) they seem
never to have been used; in any event the Venetian Senate regarded
them as important enough to be entered into their official records. Thus
letters from Ragusa dated 26 October 1686, which apparently reached
Venice on or just before 13 November, brought the news that entire
families of Turks were fleeing from Belgrade, taking with them in boats
going down the Danube their most valuable possessions. Terror reigned
among the Turks in Bosnia and the Herzegovina. The messenger whom
the grand vizir Suleiman Pasha had sent to Sultan Mehmed IV "con la
nuova della caduta di Buda" had returned with a "catiscerif/* ordering
Suleiman to "hold on to what remains/* According to the letters from
Ragusa, the sultan had removed from office the grand mufti who had
given Kara Mustafa Pasha the fetva or authorization to attack the Chris-
tian emperor "contrary to the disposition of their laws, inasmuch as he
[had] asked for peace.

The Ragusei lived on a precipice. The Turks might easily have pushed
them over the edge, but diey never did. The Porte preferred the annual
tribute and the various imposts which they levied upon the Ragusei (at
not infrequent intervals) to the possession of another half-dead city, of
which they had too many. Although rivals in the trading depots of the
Ivcvant, the Venetians and the Ragusei had generally maintained friendly
relations. Fear of the Turks had helped to keep them at peace with each
other. The Ragusei were thrilled by the imperialists' victories in Hun-
gary and by those of the Venetians in the Morea. If, conceivably, the
Venetians could clear the Tuiks and the Barbary corsairs out of the
Adriatic, Ragusan life and commerce might begin anew. In letters of July
1686 the rector and councilors of Ragusa gave eloquent expression to
their devotion to Venice and to their high hopes for the continued suc-
cess of the Holy League "con gloriose imprese contro il commune
nemico.""

'•^ ASV, Senjito. Deliberationi Costnntinopoli (Secreta), Reg. 35, fol. 67* 1165"], iivvisi
reported in Venice on 13 November 1686. bjjsed upon letters from Ragusa of 26 October,
and cf., ibid., Reg. 42, portano le letterc da A{(i4u.sa deili 26 Ottobre J686, a defective oopy
confusing the Re (the sultan) with a Be (a bey).

** Senato, Delib. Gostantinopoli (Secreta), Reg. 35, fols. 63'ff. Iiei'ff.], docs, dated July
1686, in which the Ragusei protested their friendship and loyalty to Venice — "quellMnal-
terabile et humilissima divotione, che dal corso di tanti secoli sempre li eccellentisshni
Rettore e Gonslf(iiafi deireccenentisaliiia RepuMica di Ragusa . . . hanno proffessato aHa
Maesta di questa Serenissima Republica, anima il loro proffondissimo ossequio a sperare
dalla regia mano della Serenita vostra (the doge Marc'Antonio Giustinian] la continuatione
di quelle gratie ohe al mantenlmemo della loro libertd hanno sempre conosclute dirette.

280

Venice, AuuriOt and the Twrk» In the Seventeenth Century

Facing setbacks everywhere in Hungry and in die Morea, the Turks

had already had recourse to various subterranean ways of seeking peace.
If they could stop Morosini from going too far in the Morea and in conti-
nental Greece — for in the past the Venetians had usually been anxious
for peace and trade with the Vorte — they could concentrate on the re-
covery of their losses in Hungary. This seems to lie l>ehind a letter sent to
the Venetian noble (and erstwhile bailie) Giovanbattista Doni by a con-
fidant in the Turkish subcapital of Adrianople (Edime). The letter is
dated as early as 3 March 1685. Its contents were serious enough to be
brought to the attention of the Senate, which directed Dona to say no
more in reply than "I have received your letter of the 3rd of last March,
and having studied the contents thereof, I must tell you that, because of
the laws of this government, it is forbidden to private citizens to meddle
In these affairs and to continue with such communications. 1 shall there-
fore make no reply to other such letters as may come to me. I must make
this known to you, and I wish you well.*'"

On 18 July (1686) the Venetian Senate passed a motion, prepared as
usual in the Gollegio, to request the Gapi of the Gouncil of Ten to make
proper provision in Venice for the young Antonio Olivieri "because of
the long service rendered by his father as dragoman of the Turkish lan-
guage in Constantinople. " Antonio, who was himself proficient in Turk-
ish (a giovine di lingua), had also been a faithful servitor of the state,
and he was now in Venice "per li successi della guerra presente." In due
time, however, he would presumably return to the Bosporus to serve
Venice at the Porte.'*

Not yet, however, for the war went on, to the continued joy and aston-
ishment of Ghristendom. After the imperialists' acquisition of Buda, they
advanced to take Simontornya in west-central Hungary and, of more
importance, 8ikl6s and FOnfkirohen (Pecs) in the south. Szeged, also in
southern Hungary at the juncture of the Theiss (Tisza) and Maros
(Muref) rivers, yielded to the force of Christian arms after a siege of
some three weeks. The grand vizir Suleiman Pasha took up his winter
quarters in Belgrade, and the commander of the Tatars did so at Te-
mesvar, about seventy-hve miles northeast of Suleiman's encampment.
Since the Ghristians showed no interest in the peace feelers which Sulei-
man extended to Hermann, the margrave of Baden, president of the

. . . : 8*MSionri vosura Serenita che non pud eiser maggiore Tiniinita nostra devotioM
pid imento II deslderlo che hablrfanio di vedere colmate le fiorie della Serenlasftna

Republica con tutte le maggiori felicita, e che la Sacrosanta I>ega sempre pi& s'awansi OOfI
^oriose imprese contro U commune nemico . . ." {ibid., fol. 64").

*'8enato, DellberatlonI GoMantinopoli (Secreta), Reg. 35, fol. 63 [161 1, doc. dated 8

June. 1686.

Senato, Delib. Costantinopoli (Secreta), Reg. JS, fol. 63 [1611, doc. dated "1686, a 18
Lutflto la Pregadi."

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281

imperial war council (Hoflirie^srat), the Turks began preparations on a
grand scale for continuance of the war in 1687.'^

On or just before 1 March (1687) a Ragusan vessel, a marciliana,
brought to Venice letters from Istanbul dated the preceding 8 January.
As soon as the letters arrived, the secretary of the Ragusan envoy to the
Signoria brought them to the door of the Sala del Gollegio in the Doges*
Palace. These letters confirmed the reports which had already reached
Venice of a revolt in Istanbul against Sultan Mehmed IV and the kislar-
aga or chief of the black eunuchs. The rebels were bent upon taking the
lives of both of them as a consequence of the fetva of the grand mufti,
reproving the sultan for having lost the most important fortresses in the
Ottoman empire. The grand mufti had also chided Mehmed for having
given himself over entirely to the pleasures of the chase. The kislaraga
was upbraided for having spent his time accumulating treasures while
letting the interests of the Ottoman monarchy lapse into disaster. It is
not, however, clear what the kislaragl^ could do in a society dominated at
this time by grand vizirs, pashas, aghas of the janissaries, and other
military figures at the I'ortc.

It was being said that the Gran Signore, to tr>' to avoid the impending
danger, had taken a solemn oath to abandon the futile sport of hunting.
In order to assure the people of his good intentions Mehmed had had all
his dogs killed, and had given the necessary orders for the massing of
troops throughout all Turkish territory in Europe, in tutta Rumelia. To
save his hide the kislaraga made a show of contributing all his available
funds to help meet the costs of the war, "and has sent into Anatolia to
raise troops."

The people in Istanbul had written Mustafa Kopriilii Pasha, son of the
rugged old grand vizir Mehmed (1656-1661) and brother of the latter's
adept successor Ahmed. Mustafa was then serving as serasker at the
Dardanelles. The populace wanted him to come to Istanbul to take over
the reins of government, but since their letter did not bear the sultan's
seal (re^i^^^io si0llo), he replied with exhortations for them to calm down.
In due time he would assuredly come, he said, but they must keep within
the limits of allegiance to the state and the confines of the law.

It was also reported that the messenger sent by the Gran Signore to
Sulaiman I, the shah of Persia, brought back word that "when Babylon
had been restored to him, he might be induced to assist him, but that
otherwise, when the war with the Christians was over, his objective
would be to get back that fortress which belonged to his domain of old."
The Turks were sinking into a sea of troubles. Although they appeared to
be preparing "militie grandi" for the coming campaign, "non si vede-

Von Hammer-Furgstail, Gesch. d. osman. Reiches, VI, 476. trans. Hellert, XII, 207-8,
and of. Zinltelsen, Oeach. d. osman. Reiches, V, 124-25.

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282

Venloe, AuMrta, and the Turk» in the Seventeenth Century

vano provisione di vettovaglia." There were no provisions in sight. The
grand vizir Suleiman Pasha was basing his hopes largely on the help of
the Tatars. He had sent one of his dervishes to the great khan to get him
to make every possible effort to amass troops and push forward with
them quickly.**

The Ra^nMn envoy In Venice was Iceeping the Signoria abreast of
what was happening among the Turks. Although the Ragusei prided
themseWes upon their independence, which they skiUfuUy maintained

for centuries, they were almost subjects of the Porte, and were always
knowledgeable when it came to Turkish affairs. They knew what was
going on in Belgrade as well as in Istanbul. On or just before 29 March
(1687) the Ragusan envoy turned over to the Venetian Gollegio letters
sent from the grand visir Suleiman Pasha*s headquarters at Belgrade.
The letters were dated 23 February, and brought the news that two
weeks before (on 10 February) a certain Mehmed Agha, whom Suleiman
had tried to send to the Hapsburg court with proposals for peace, had
Just returned to Belgrade.

Suleiman had addressed his letters to the Emperor Leopold I, and
although Mehmed Agha was courteously received by the imperialist gen-
eral Donat Johann Meissler at Dobrodzien (Guttentag) in Upper Silesia
and by his colleague Antonio Carafa at Eperjes (Presov) in eastern Slo-
vakia, he was not allowed to go on to Vienna. Since the letters Mehmed
carried were not written by the Gran Signore, Carafa informed him, he
could not carry them to the imperial court. Inasmuch as it was the grand
vizir who had sent Mehmed, however, the latter could discuss his mis-
sion with Carafa "as if with the vizir of his imperial Majesty."

Flaving turned over the grand vizir's letters to Carafa, Mehmed Agha
had been obliged to wait for a reply. In the meantime the grand visir had
sent other letters ^m somewhere below **Varadino" (Grosswardein,
Nagyvirad, now Oradea). In response to the Turkish overtures Carafa
informed Mehmed that if the Turks were longing for peace, the Gran
Signore must himself write the Emperor Leopold, and have a pasha con-
vey his letters directly from the Porte to Vienna. These letters must be
subscribed by the grand vizir, the agha of the janissaries, the spahilar
agasi, and the other military commanders, and dien it might be possible
to negotiate treaties of peace.

The imperialist letters which Mehmed Agha took back to the grand
visir Suleiman Pasha seemed unlikely to lead to a cessation of hostilities.

SeiMto, Delib. Costantlitopoli (Secreta), Reg. 35, fols. 68-69' {166-1671, doe. dated 1

March 1687. which text may al.so be found ibid., Rej». 42. The marciliana. i.e., marci-
gliana, referred to in the text, was a vessel common in the later sixteenth and seventeenth
centuries. Equipped with both square and lateen (triangular) sails, it was still seen in die
Adriatic in the later nineteenth century (cf. the Dizionario di marina medievaie e mo-
derno, Rome: Reale Accademia d'ltalia, 1937, p. 435).

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The Awttriana in Hungary, the VenetUm» in the Morea

283

They required "that if the Turks desired peace, they must surrender to
the emperor all the fortresses in the kingdom of Hungary, the fortress of
Kamenets-Podolski to King John Sobieski along with the entire province
of Podolia, and the kingdom of Candia to the most serene Republic of
Venice."

The grand vizir was alleged to have summoned the agha of the Janis*
saries, the spahilar agasi, and other commanders to a meeting of the war
council. They apparently all agreed (con voti universali) that peace was
essential, and affixed their signatures and seals to a statement which
they intended to send to Garafa. Some of those present, however, ad-
vised that they await the sultan's decision (wn reggio catiscerif ). There-
upon they designated a pasha with the dignity of two horsetails {di due
tuii) to take such an answer to the Christian encampment at Eperjes
(PreSov). Considering the later attitude of the war council, this report
seems more than doubtful.

A monk who had arrived in Belgrade from Moscow reported that the
"grand duke" — Sophia Aleksycevna, the half-sister of Peter I, was then
ruling Russia — was gathering a large army to move against the Turks,
"and that the khan of the Tatars was excusing himself for not being able
to serve the vizir in the next campaign, being compelled to guard his own
frontiers." At Belgrade the word now was that general Heissler had put
to flight a troop of Tatars and Turks. The troop had been serving with
Imre Thokoly, the pro-Turkish aspirant to the throne of Hungary, to
guard a baggage train of provisions and munitions intended for £rlau
(Eger, Agria).

The grand vizir was reported to be putting in order the mint at Bel-
grade, which had not yet begun to produce coinage. He was causing
trouble for himself as well as for merchants and artisans, for he had
already corrupted coinage at the Porte (as we are told) by adding forty
ounces of copper to every hundred ounces of silver.*'

The Ragusei kept feeding the Venetian Signoria reports and rumors.
Details might be wrong, as we have noted, but the general tenor of the
news bulletins (avvisi) that they passed on usually proved to be accu-
rate. There is often some truth in the talk of the town. Letters from
Belgrade dated 10 April (1687) brought word that the grand vizir Sulei-
man Pasha had sent the aforesaid Mehmed Agha, now called Mehmed

"Senato. Uclib. Costantinopoli (Sccreta). Reg. 35, fol. 69 |167|, doc. dated 29 March
1687, which text may also be found, ibid., Reg. 42. On the career of Donat Johann Heissler,
note the AU^emciyic Deutsche Biofirapbic, XI (1880, repr. Berlin, 1969), 671-72, nnd on
Antonio Carafa, sec the account of G. Benzoni, in the Dizinnario binfirujico ^/c^»/l Italiani,
XIX (1976). 48.S-94, with a full bibliography relating to Carafa's career. On Suleiman
Pasha's corruption of the Ottoman coinage, cf. von Hammer- Purgstall, Qesch. d. oaman.
Reiches, VI, 467, trans. Hellert, XII, 194.

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Pasha, to the general Garafa for the second time in an effort to
make peace,

but the [Turkish] ministeis cleariy placed slight hope in such negotiations, and
the vizir himself was making quite a show of the diligence he was exercising to
amass troops for the battlefield. Sermons were being preached every day in the
encampments of the ablest troops, encouraging them all to Hght courageously
for Mohammed and to free themselves once for all from the Christians' oppres-
sion or to give their lives in the effort to do so.

It was being bruited about in Belgrade that within six days Suleiman
Pasha would have

to exhibit the tut, that is the horsetail, the signal for his departure, and after
another fifteen days, as soon as the troops arrive, which they say are expected to

be numerous, (he would have] to get the tents and pavilions ready for the march.

Letters from Constantinople dated 14 March bring the news that the kaimakam
[Redjeb Fasha] was preparing troops and munitions to help the grand vizir.

In fact the kaimakam Redjeb Pasha had issued such rigorous orders for

the recruitment of troops in Anatolia that if and when they were fully
carried out, "those realms would remain deserted." Word was spreading
abroad in the Turkish capital that the next campaign was going to end
the war either to the advantage of the Turks or to the total destruction of
the Ottoman empire. Officials at the Porte were saying that the ten gal-
leys and thirty ships which had been armed in the Arsenal at Istanbul
were to be united with the thirty ships from the Barbary coast "in order
to meet the fleet of the most serene Republic of Venice."

The Venetian captain-general Francesco Morosini, to whom we shall
come presently, had been doing almost unbelievably well both on land
and at sea. At any rate word had come to the Bosporus that the Turks had
managed to get aid in the form of money and provisions into Kamenets,
which should help protect the stronghold against the rising aspirations of
the Poles.^ As usual in the awisi, the news came piece by piece. Al-
though the surviving archival texts, dispatches and awtsi, do not pro-
vide us with the smooth, literary continuity of the contemporary and
later chroniclers, they usually furnish us with firsthand, reliable data,
uncolored by the chroniclers' brushes. To be sure, they are not always
wholly reliable (what sources are?), but they tend to be more factual and
objective in content than the work of the chroniclers who have had time
to mull over the consequences of this event or that

2" Senalo, Delib. Costantinopoli (Secreta). Reg. 35, fols. 7(r-7r (168''-169'j. doc. dated
7 and 9 May, 1687, according to an awiso transmitted to the Venetian Stgnoria by tlie
Ra^usei in "le lettere di Relfiradi delli 10 Aprile." On the kaimakam Redjeb Pasha (Red-
acheb), note von ilammer-l'urgstail, Gesch. d. osman. Reiches, VI, 477-78, 493-95, trans.
Heiiert, Xil. 208-10, 233-37.

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285

About mid-June (1687) one Zuanne Vincenzi delivered to the Vene-
tian Gollegio in the name of the Ragusei further letters, one in Turkish
accompanied by a translation. The grand vizir Suleiman Pasha was still
at Belgrade. According to reports of 27 May he then had at his command
60,000 troops, although the Turits were contending that his army far
exceeded that figure. They claimed that he had 30,000 troops with him,
and that there were 15,000 Tatars in the "fields of Sriem" (Srem) com-
manded by the son of the Great Khan. Furthermore, they maintained
15,000 Turks were quartered in the villages of "Samun" beyond the
Sava, while troops were continually coming in from Istanbul. It was
alleged that the kulkiaya or lieutenant-general of the janissaries was
expected with 25,000 foot, which suggested an addendum of some thou-
sands of soldiers to the grand vizir's forces. Foodstuffs, however, were in
short supply in the area between Belgrade and Esseg, and so the vizir
would have to bring them from Belgrade.

At the grand vizir's court it was said that, first of all, the Turks would
try to help Eger (Erlau), which was entirely without supplies of any kind.
The vizir had apparently decided upon two avenues of approach to Eriau
without identifying either one of them. It was also being said that when
the vizir had got the Ottoman army into the fields of Srem, he planned to
cut the bridges to force the soldiery into combat.

Upon the return of Mehmed Agha to Belgrade five days before (on 22
May) with letters from Hermann von Baden and the general Antonio
Garafa, word soon got abroad that the Emperor Leopold's demands en-
tailed, as we know, the return of the so-called kingdom of Gandia to
Venice, Podolia to the Polish king, and all the fortresses in Hungary to
the Hapsburgs. If the Porte wished to continue to hold Belgrade, it must
pay tribute. The grand vizir had the imperialist letters read to the council
of his capi diguerra who, angered by the pretensions of von Baden and
Garafa, were now reported to have sworn with tears in their eyes to rid
themselves of these Ghristian vexations with scimitar in hand and no
sparing of bloodshed.

The grand vizir declared that during the first days of the new moon,
which would be about 9 June, he ought to have the army move into the
fields of Esseg (Osijek). He had gone there on 24 May witfi the agha of
the janissaries (Mustafa Pasha of Rodosto] and the defterdar (Esseid
Mustafa Fasha] to pick out the best places for his encampment. Although
the vizir was putting on a good front, and appeared to be full of coura-
geous resolutions, it was clear that he was suffering an inner consterna-
tion, "which one also observes in all his other leaders.'"*

The grand vizir Suleiman Pasha now wrote the Ragusei, from whom he

" Seiiato, Delib. Gostantinopoli (Secrets), Reg. 35, fol. 72 |170|, doc. dated 19 and 21
June 1687.

286

Ventce, Austria, and the Turks in the Seventeenth Century

had just received a dispatch which the Ragusan envoy Marino Gaboga
had delivered to him. In his reply Suleiman stated that he had had the
Venetian dragoman write a letter for him to the signori di Venecia,
obviously with suggestions of peace. Having received no reply to the
letter, he blamed the Ragusei for failing to see to its delivery. He was well
aware, he said, that this was not the consequence of the Ragusei's negli-
gence, reminding them that the Turks' loss of a few fortresses did not in
any way indicate the diminution of the Ottoman empire. It was merely
taking a few drops of water from the sea. Obviously he wanted the Ragu-
sei to bear in mind the power and extent of the Ottoman empire. The
Venetians, deceived by the governmental instability of a year or two, had
embarked upon their enterprise of conquest with ''untimely indecision"
{irressolutione immatura)^ contrary to their usual practice. He seemed
to have no doubt that the Venetians would pay the price of their
rashness.

If after the death of the late grand vizir Mustafa Pasha, the Venetians
had come forward with the claim "our money has been taken from us,"
and their request for its return had been rejected by the Porte, Suleiman
could have understood their failure to abide by their promise of peace.
Then they would not have been so severely censured but, no, they had
made their hostility manifest with such arrogance that it might appear
they had never enjoyed the friendship of the Sublime Porte and the
advantages it had brought them. Their brazen insolence was bringing the
wrath of the Almighty down upon them. If in the future the Venetians
intended to continue with such ambition and hostility, one might hope
that affairs would take a different course, and that the Venetians would
be doubly defeated.

If the unruly Venetians gave sincere thought to renewing their friend-
ship with the Porte, however, the most serene, invincible, and powerful
sultan would certainly exercise toward those people, who were the ser-
vants of God. his clemency and grace. As for the Ragusei, they must not
delay for another hour the payment of the tribute which they owed the
Porte "in conformita delPantico costume consignato al publico errario."
Suleiman, therefore, instructed the Ragusan government to send an-
other ambassador to Belgrade with the tribute so that the latter might
join Marino Gaboga in making the customary payment. The letter
seems a little confused. Did it reflect Suleiman's state of mind?

As Suleiman Pasha gave the Ragusei to understand that hard times lay

" Senato. Delib. Costantinopoli (Secreta), Reg. 35, fols. Jl^-jy [nO^-UVl entry
made on 21 June 1687, "data nella custodita citta di Belgrado. tradocta da Giacomo Portis,
traduttione consegnnta dal Vinoentl." Two other vereions of this letter are given, ibid.,
fols. 73*-75' [ 1 7 r- 1 73^1. in one of which "Marino" is tdentiSed as Marino Gaboga. Per
other (Italian) translations of this text, see, iMdL, Reg. 42.

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The AuMriana in Hungary, the Venetians in the Morea

287

ahead for the imprudent Venetians, he had of course no inkling of the
disaster which would soon overtake him and the Ottoman army under
his command. On 12 August 1687, however, the Turks suffered a crush-
ing defeat near the village of Darda, about five miles north of Esseg
(Osijek) and directly south of Mohlcs, where the Turks had over-
whelmed the forces of Louis II of Hungary one hundred and sixty-one
years before (on 29 August 1526).^*^ It was the Turks who were facing
hard times, for a seven months* drought had produced famine. A small
measure of grain cost two ducats. On 25 August a fire swept through
Istanbul, destroying a thousand houses and three hundred and twenty-
five shops. A week later (on 1 September) the fire burned down part of
the Seraglio.^'*

It was not long before the imperialists took Esseg (Osijek) and Valpovo
some fourteen miles to the northwest, near the Drava, terrifying the

Turks in Croatia, Slavonia, and southern Hungary — not to speak (as we
shall do shortly) of the Venetians' success in the Morea and in Attica. As
the imperialists advanced, the Ottoman troops became rebellious, de-
manding the removal of the grand vizir or the deposition of the sultan.
Whether Mehnied IV could survive these setbacks was a question, but
very shortly it became clear that Suleiman Pasha could not.

As the imperialists approached the Turkish encampment near Peter-
wardein (Petrovaradin), Suleiman Pasha convened his war council,
which decided to send a company of sipahis and silihdars across the
Danube as a first line of defense. For two days a relentless rain poured
down upon the troops, soaking them to the bone, for they had been sent
out without tents or a baggage train. Lacking food and forced to
bivouack in the mud, as von Hammer-Purgstall says, they gave vent to
their bitter resentment of the supreme command. Upon retracing their
steps to come back over the river, the sipahis and silihdars discovered
that the bridge had been barricaded by order of the grand vizir who, at
ease in his encampment, was leaving them stranded.

When their commander, the vizir Jafer Pasha, also returned to the

" On the Christian defeat at Mohacs in 1526, cf. Setton, The Papacy and the />ev«nt, III
(1984), 248-50, with notes on the sources, and on the dramatic victory of the Christians
near Mohacs in 1687, see the oontemponury newsletter Diatinta e verissima Relatione
detta ttefSnatata vtttoria ottenuta datte armi cesaree aotto la condotta del ttereniBsimo
duca Carlo di Lorena cniitrn t'efn'rcito del firan visir, combattuto e dis/atto nelle vici-
ntinse di Darda colla morte di otto mila Turchi, quantitd di Schiavi, presa di tutto il
bagaglio ed acquisto di cento pesxi di cannone, con attre diatitue parlicolaritd, aeguita
li 12 Agosto 1687, i^inrnn della fcstivitd di S. Chiara. Venice, (1687|, printed by Gio.
Francesco Valvasense. The battle of 12 August, in which the Turks were crushed, is some-
times called the battle of Hariiiny (some miles northeast of Darda). It broke the Turkish
ascendancy in Hunfjary.

Von liammer-l'urgstall, Gesch. d. osman. Reiches, VI, 480-81, trans. Hellert, XII,
213<-14.

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Venice, Auatria, and the Turk» in the Seventeenth Century

enoamimient, the troops tore down the barricades, recrossed the river,
and came on toward the ornate pavilions of the high command. The
grand vizir tried to appease their fury with provisions or gold. The rebels
would allegedly have neither, but demanded that Suleiman Fasha
surrender to them the seal and sacred standard of the grand vizirate.
Dismayed by the obstreperousness of the troops, Suleiman fled to
nearby Peterwardein and was soon followed, in eaiiy September (1687),
by some of his chief ofiioers, including the vizir Jafer Pasha, the defter-
da r Esseid Mustafa Pasha, and the agha of the janissaries Mustafa of
Rodosto."

An avviso from Istanbul, dated in the suburb of Pera on 1 7 September
(1687), provides the immediate sequel to Suleiman Pasha's flight. Ad-
vised that the troops were not only on the point of revolt but had re-
solved to strangle him, Suleiman abandoned the army at Peterwardein,
and having embariced on the Danube with a small following, he sailed
down to Belgrade. From there in four or five days he reached the ftnontier
of Wallachia where, taking post-horses, he hurried on to Adrianople
(Edirne) "to await the orders of the Gran Signore." Suleiman's courier
arrived in Istanbul the evening of 1 6 September, and departed the follow-
ing morning. Some were saying that Mehmed IV had ordered Suleiman
to come to Istanbul, others that an executioner had just left (on the night
of 17 September) '*to take his head."

Siavush Pasha had been chosen as Suleiman*s successor "per capo
della militia," and Mehmed had ordered the kaftan and sword to be sent
to Siavush "per la sua confirmatione." In the meantime the report was
circulating "that the rest of the troops are disbanding, and that the new
serasker (Siavushl is in no position to offer any resistance: the mutiny,
once begun, could have grave consequences!"

Furthermore, "the vessels of the Gran Signore are at Tenedos, where
they claim that the aberrant recruits have mutinied; they have killed
their commander, who is named Mehmed Pasha, and have wounded
Marra Bey, the captain of their squadron. The kapudan pasha is at Samos
with a part of the gallcys."^^ The spirit of revolt was spreading. It would
soon reach the capital.

The rebellious troops in the encampment near Peterwardein prepared
an indictment to be sent to Sultan Mehmed, to which all the mi^or of-
ficers subscribed. Suleiman Pasha was accused of having promised the

" Von Hammer-Purgstall. Gesch. d. osman. Reiches, \1, 490-91, tnnt. Helleit, XII,
228-30, and cf. Zinkeisen, Gesch. d. osman. Reiches, V, 126-28.

*• Senate, Delib. Costantinopoli (Secreta), Reg. 35, fols. 75*'-76' [173''-174'], entry in
the register dated 23 October 1687: "Fera di Costantinopoli 17 Settembre 1687." which
text may also be found, ibid., Reg. 42.

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The ^tMCriofw In Hungary, the VenetUma in the Mona

289

troops three aspen at Esseg and five at Sz^kesfehirvir (Stuhlweissen-

burg) to make up for their lack of victuals. lie had assured the volunteers
enrolled to help relieve the siege of Buda a full twenty aspers. In each
case he had broken his word, and had then struck from the roles a large
number of soldiers on the flimsiest excuses. Various other charges were
lodged against him, notably that he had abandoned the army.

As indicated in the awiao of 17 September (1687), even before re-
ceiving the emissaries of the mutiawis soldiery, Mehmed had confirmed
their election of Siavush Pasha as serasker, the first news of the revolt
having frightened him into submission. As usual in a political or military
turmoil among the Turks, heads began to fall. Death was meted out in the
main encampment, now under the walls of Belgrade, and on the shores of
the Bosporus. The army was moving eastward, making for Istanbul. Su-
leiman Pasha's head was sent to the rebels along with a letter from the
sultan, urging them not to continue on to Istanbul but to take up dieir
winter quarters at Sofia and at Phillppopolis (Flllbe, Plovdiv), for the
advance of die Christian enemy was a serious menace to the Porte. As for
the new serasker Siavush Pasha, he was soon to die at the hands of
rebellious troops in Istanbul, as he tried to defend the liarem which, alas,
fell into the hands of the military mob.

Once more Mehmed IV turned to the family of the Kopriilus to help
him resolve the crisis, summoning Mustafa Pasha, the son of Mehmed
and the brother of Ahmed, from his command over the castles on the
Dardanelles. Mustafa Kdprillfi was named the kaimakam, and as the in*
surgent army moved eastward from Adrianople, he summoned the
ulema, scholars of Moslem law and religion, to a meeting in the mosque
of Hagia Sophia (on 8 November 1687). There he told the silent au-
dience that, as they all knew and as the rebels had insisted, Mehmed the
Hunter had no thought of anything but the chase. For some years he had
avoided the appointment of men capable of rectifying the defeats of the
Ottoman army and the frustrations of government

Why, then, did the mullahs have no word to say? The Padishah must be
removed from the throne. The ulema gave its consent by continued si-
lence, well aware that the decision had already been made. Leaving
Hagia Sophia, the assembly went to the iron-barred apartment in the
Seraglio, where princes of the house of Osman were confined. Mehmed's
elder brother Suleiman was released from his long imprisonment, and
placed upon the throne.

Suleiman II spared his worthless brother's life. Mehmed had come to
the throne as a child in 1648, as von Hammer- Purgstall says, "the play-
thing of the opposing parties of the harem and the aghas, until (Mehmed]
Kopriilii's iron hand broke the back of revolt (in 1656], and for five years
paved with heads the groundwork, upon which the dominance of his

290

Venice, Auatrla, and the Turks in the Seventeenth Century

great son [Ahmed] was based for fifteen years. "^^ That was a bygone era.
The Ottoman empire would have to stumble along into the next century,
suffering severe blows during the military hegemony of the Austrians.

The news on the Riako was of Austrian success and Turkish dismay.
Venetian participation in the anti-Tuiidsh drive began in the summer of
1684 when (on 18 July) the fleet under the captain-general Francesco
Morosini left the island of Corfu, heading for the Tuikish-held island of S.
Maura (Leucadia, Levkas). The Venetian forces arrived off shore on the
evening of the twentieth, and on the following morning the galleys and
galleasses entered the harbor on the northern end of the island under
Fort S. Maura. The Turks had taken the island in 1479.^® While the
mercenaries under the command of Carlo di Strassoldo were being dis-
embarlted, the Turks made no effort to prevent or even hinder their
landing. On Sunday morning, 23 July, the captain-general Morosini at-
tacked Port S. Maura from the sea. He had sent the Turkish garrison a
letter the previous evening, threatening them with "absolute slaughter"
{restremo eccidio) if in the course of that day they did not surrender the
fortress.

The Turks replied that they intended to maintain the fortress for the
sultan, its lawful owner, and so Morosini and Strassoldo had to go on with
the operations they had Just begun. On Monday, 24 July, Morosini re-
sumed his attempt to batter the walls from the sea. He did better this
time, easendo bwma ceUmOf "but the effect was not such as one hoped
for, since there was little damage done." In fact the Turics in Port S.
Maura were encouraged, believing that the Venetian forces could cause
them no more damage than the fleet had already managed to do.

Morosini now ordered a dozen pieces of heavy artillery to be put
ashore, "and so our men kept at it with trenches, batteries, and mortars
to shoot bombs and cannon balls, continually harassing the fortress with

" Von Haimiier*Par|stall, Oesch. d. osman. Reichea, Vi, 491-98, tram. Hdlert, XII,

231-41. and cf. Zinkeisen, Gcsch. d. osman. Retches, V, 143-44. On the coronation of
Mehmed IV's brother, Suleiman II (III), on 27 November 1687, note Nicola Beregani,
Hisioria delle guerre d'Buropa, 11 (1698). bk. vii, pp. 372-74.

On the Turkish seizure of S. Maura (Leucadia) from Leonardo III Tocco. the last
Christian ruler, in 1479, see K..\I. Set ton. The Papacy and the Levant (1204-1571), 4 vols.,
Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society. 1976-84, II, 514-15. After elaborate cere-
monies Morosini, accompanied by a large suite, had sailed with the fleet from the Lido on
10 .lune 1684, his Hrst stop (on the twelfth) being the port of Rovigno (Rovinj) in Istria
(Alessandro Locatelli. Racconto histoHco delta veneta guerra in Levante diretta doA
valore del Serenissimo Principe Francesco Morosini . . . dall'anno 1684 sine all'anno
1690, 2 vols. In one, Colonia, 1 691 , 1, 9-1 2). Thereafter the fleet (or parts thereoO stopped
at Lesina (Hvar), Cattaro (Kotor), Gurzola (Korcula), and Corfu. On the fleet, the com-
HMnden, and the volunteers, cf. Bere£ani, I, bk. v, pp. 137-40. Carlo di Strassoldo was
attended by liia brodier Nieotrfd, who Is aometfanes improperly described as "the Qeneial."

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The Austriana in Hungary, the Venettam in the Morea

291

every sort of attack." Though it proved to be short-lived, the siege of S.

Maura was a fatiguing venture, as the soldiers dug trenches and raised
bunkers. Not the least of their difficulties was that they did not even have
enough water to drink. Some days later, however, a large breach was
opened in the landward wall of the fortress. Again Morosini sent the
Turkish garrison a demand to give the fortress up to him. This time the
Tuffcs responded with the white flag of surrender, and one evening be-
tween 7:00 and 8:00 p.m. (verso U23e mexMM deUa sera) their emissar-
ies emerged to arrange the terms of the capitulation. It was agreed tliat
they might leave the island with their wives and children, their arms, and
as much baggage (but only as much) as each one could carry.

On the morning of 7 August (1684) the Turkish-held slaves came out
of Fort S. Maura first, and were given their freedom. Toward midday the
Turks made their exit, some of whom were embarked that same evening,
while others stayed up all night waiting for their embarkation. They were
gathered in the lee of Morosini*s flagship to protect them from iqfury. On
the morning of 8 August they were sent the dosen or so miles north to
Prevesa (Prevesa), where they did not wish to go, for the Pievesani had
given them no assistance during the siege. Furthermore, as they had
issued from Fort S. Maura, the Turks had received little protection from
the rapacious Christian soldiers, who seized some of their black slaves,
and robbed them of arms and other things. Within the fortress there was
hardly a house that had escaped untouched by the showers of bombs and
cannon balls that were rained upon them. Nevertheless, an eyewitness to
the siege and seisure of Port S. Maura has left us his assurance that,
"fortificato in buona forma,'* the fortress would prove impregnable."
Well aware that the Venetian hold upon S. Maura would not be secure as

"Hdfifwnic dell'acquittO di S. Maura, in MS. Marc. It. VII. 656 (7791). fols. 31-32,
which text infoniM us that Morosini's forces included Dalmatian oltramarini, Greeks,
papal troops (papaHni), Florentines, and other Italians. GirolanioGomer. Morosini's chief

military and political rival (each entertaining hope of ultimate elevation to the doj»atc),
had sailed from Corfu in early July (1684) in a vain attempt to take S. Maura before
Morosini could reach the island (Francesco Muazzo, Storia dellu ^uerra tra li Veneti e
Turchi dal 1684 al J696. Bibi. Nazionale Marciana. MS. Ital. VII, 172 |8187), bk. I, fol. 4").
Corner's ill-advised venture was apparently costly to his reputation (cf. James M. Paton,
The Venetians in Athens [1687-1688], from the '7.srona''qf GHstq^bro fMNIOOfelk, Gam>
bridge, Mass., 1940, pp. 48-49. with notes on pp. 93-94).

On Morosini's occupation of S. Maura, see also Looatelli, !, 53-64, and on Gario dl
Strassoldo and his brother Niccolo (a volunteer), ibid., I. 23, 46, .SI , 5S, 63-64, 75, 84, 93,
€t alibL As for S. Maura, Bere^ani, 1, bk. vi, pp. 188-97, ^ves a full and accurate account of
MortMlnrs capture of the Island forttess, as does OraslanI, Franetmoi Mauroceni . . .
gesta, lib. m, pp. 225-33, who gives S. Maura the earlier name Leucadia (Levkas). There Is
also, among other sources, a day-to-day account of the siege with a description of the
island In Olo. Bactlsta Moro, Prt'me Mosse dell'armi venete contra I'impero Ottomano
nella campagna, MDCLXXXIV {MS. Marc. It. VII, 171 |8308|,fols. 10'-19'), which woifc Is
also given in MS. Marc. It. VIl, 400 (8310).

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292 Venice, Austria, and the Turks in the Seventeenth Century

long as the Turks held the nearby mainland port of Prevesa, Morosini
moved toward the port during the night of 20 September (1684), and
forced the Turks into surrender nine days later on Michaelmas.^®

As the Venetians now looked toward renewed warfare with the Turks
on land as well as at sea, they turned to a large extent to the Germans to
supply them with a field army. They were soon negotiating with the
dukes of Brunswick-Liineburg and Wiirttemberg, the elector of Saxony,
and other princes in the northland. The rulers of Brandenburg and Ba-
varia were not interested in employing their troops in Greece, but sev-
eral princes were. The Venetians would provide an occupation for the
German forces at loose ends, pay their wages, and remove them from the
streets and taverns of the principalities. The military contracts tended to
follow much the same lines, and so let us look at the contract dated 13
December 1684, which the Venetians negotiated with Bmst August,
duke of Brunswick-Liineburg, prince of Osnabriick, and (from December
1692) the first elector of Hanover. Of Ernst August's half-dozen sons the
eldest, Georg Ludwig (bom in 1660), would become George 1 of England
in 1714.

Ernst August agreed to send to the Serene Republic for service against
the Turk three regiments of infantry, each consisting of 800 combatants
in eight companies, "veteran soldiers, well-clad, and armed with mus-
kets and swords." With these troops must come, as nominal commander,
one of the duke*s sons, and so one did. Ernst August's third son, Maxi-
milian Wilhelm, was appointed general of the Brunswick-Liineburg
troops who, at least at first, would be under the actual command of an
experienced officer. The latter would receive his orders from the cap-
tain-general Morosini. As the campaign advanced, Maximilian Wilhelm
was to play a prominent role in the conduct of military affairs. The Vene-
tians' contract with his father was signed on his eighteenth birthday. His
mother, of course, was Sophia, daughter of Priedrich V of the Palatinate
and Elizabeth, the daughter of James I of England. There are frequent
references to Maximilian Wilhelm, the "prince of Brunswick," in Moro-
sini's dispatches to the Venetian Signoria. Brunswick became a Catholic
in 1692, entered the ser\'ice of the Empire in warfare on the Rhine, in
Hungary, and elsewhere, and died in Vienna at the age of sixty in 1726.

To revert to the contract, the troops of Brunswick-Luneburg were to

■"M'crd c distiiita Relatione tlell'acqnisto delta fnrtezzu di I'rcvesn fatto daU'armi
dellu Serenisnima Republica di Venetia nel giorno di S. Michel' Arcangelo sotto la pru-
dente vatorosa condotta deU'iUustriss. . . . Francesco Morosini . . . , Venice, 1684,
newsletter printed by Gio. Francesco Valvasense in the Frezzeria at S. Marco. Note also
LocateUi, I. 65-66, 73-79; Beregani, I. bk. vi, pp. 198-200, 227-29; and Gio. Bauista
More, Prime Mossc dell'armi venete, MS. cit.. fols. 23'-24', 29'-3V. R.C. Anderson,
Naval Wars in the Levant. 1559-1853, Liverpool, 1952, pp. 194-236, has followed the
Venetians' naval activity from 1684 to 1698.

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The iliMCrtefM In Hungary, the Vmniam in the Mona

293

serve on land, on terra fenna, wherever required, and were to be put
aboard ships only for the necessary transport to the scenes of action.
They were to be kept together under their own banners, in their own
units, and not dispersed. If any of these German soldiers deserted to the
Venetian forces, they were to be returned to Brunswick's command, "e
cosi reciprocamente." They were to be allowed full freedom of religion,
and If they died, they were to receive an honorable burial "no less than
for those of the Roman Catholic religion." The Oennan commander was
to have military Jurisdiction over his troops In both civil and criminal
cases. He was supposed to notify the Venetian captain-general of the
deaths of any and all Brunswick-Liineburg ofRcers, and present their
successors to the captain-general. The Venetians had had a long experi-
ence of paying the wages of dead officers and non-existent troops.

The Republic was to provide the necessary artillery and munitions,
and must also make payment for arms broken or lost in hostile engage-
ments with the Turks. The sick and wounded were to be put without
delay Into military hospitals or other proper places to receive the neces-
sary care **at a reasonable price.'' Once the campaign had started, the
Venetians must make available food for the troops and fodder for the
horses. In the meantime the foodstuffs and the cloth necessary for cloth-
ing which the Brunswick-Liineburg troops would bring with them into
Venetian territory were to be free of import duties. Also the prices of all
items necessary for the campaign, especially the costs of food, were to
be set at appropriate levels, so that the Brunswick-Liineburg troops
"might eqioy without discrimination the same advantages and conve-
niences as those of the Republic."

When the Brunswick-Liineburg troops joined with the Venetian forces
in an engagement against the Turks, they would divide the booty "ac-
cording to the usual practice." When they fought the Turks by them-
selves, without the Venetians, they would get all the prohts of plunder,
"Intendendosl prattlcar con loro 11 medesimo vicendevolmente." All the
captured cannon and munitions, as well as all the Tuifclsh captives, were
to be given up to the Venetians. The latter agreed to a monthly stipend of
233^4 "Hungarian ducats" (ongari) for each German company of one
hundred combatants which, when the wages for the colonel and his staff
were added, would amount to 2,010 Hungarian ducats a month for a
given regiment of eight companies. The so-called Hungarian ducats were
widely coined In various north-Italian mints.

The Venetians promised to make payments three months In advance,
together with a **gift" of another month's wages to help the troops meet
the "extraordinary expenses" of their journey to the Venetian Lido.
Further financial concessions would be made to help the troops get
started on the expeditions to the Morea. The Signoria regularly made
large advances in the wages of soldiers and seamen, for expeditions al-

Copyrighted materia)

294

Venice, Amtria, and the Tyrka in the Setteiueenth Century

most always got under way much later than expected, and the mercenar-
ies had usually spent in Venice (and at the Lido) a large part of their
wages before their departure from the city.

The first review of the Brunswick-Liineburg troops would be held at
the Lido, and deductions would be made in payments to the extent that
the soldieii in each company fell short of the required one hundred.
Thereafter reviews would be held every month throughout the duration
of the coining campaign to adjust payments to the numbers of surviving
combatants. Besides the wages to be paid, the Venetians were to provide
the troops with ship's biscuit (biscotto), "for every head a monthly por-
tion of forty pounds," and to furnish them with satisfactory lodgings,
baggage trains, and boats to take them to the Lido for some days of rest
and restoration from the hardships of the long journey to Venice.

The Signoria's treaty of December 1684 was to last for one year, be-
ginning with the day the Brunswick-LQneburg troops arrived at the Lido,
for which an allowance of at least two and one-half months had to be
made "for the journey of the troops from Hanover to the Lido." The
treaty might remain in effect for a longer period than a year, depending
upon the wishes of the high contracting parties. Upon the termination of
their service the troops were to be supplied first with naval transport and
then with baggage trains to take them to the northern borders of the
Veneto **verso il Tyrol." If peace should be made between the Republic
and the Porte before the expiration of the treaty, the Signoria must
adhere to all the terms of the contract. Upon reaching Venice, the
Brunswick-Liineburg troops were to "promise fealty** to the Republic for
the period of their service.*^*

lx;on de Laborde, Athencs aux A^V, XVI' et XVII' siecles, 2 vols., Paris, 1854, II,
74-78, and Documents ineditit ou peu connus sur I'htstoire et les antiquites d'Athene9t
Paris, 1854, pp. 128-32, doc. dated "in Venezia li 3/13 Dec. 1684." For almost 140 years
these two works have remained indispensable for the period they cover. Selections from
Pranoesoo Morosini's dispatches and the minutes of his war council are given in the second
volume of Laborde's AOiinee and republished, together with other material, in the com-
panion vohtne of Aoeunictica. Although, vnfortunateiy, Laborde dalmt chat he hfanself
cnmorlbad Morosini's dispetohes from the signed originals, the facts arc demonstrably
otheiwisa.

In AthineB, II, 219, and Documents, p. 192, Laborde reproduces Moroainl's signature
from a formal document, which had nothing to «lo with any dispaioh sent finmi the Morea or
Athens. The signature appears thus:

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The Auatriana in Hungary, the Venetiana in the Morea

295

Francesco Morosini had made a good start in the Venetians' war with
the Turks by the capture of the fortress and island of S. Maura on 7-8
August 1684 and by that of the mainland port of Prevesa some seven
weeks later (29 September). He resumed his offensive in the early sum-
mer of the following year with an army (as usually stated) of some 8,200
combatants, consisting of 3,100 Venetian mercenaries, 2,400 soldiers
from Brunswick-LOnebuig, 1 ,000 Maltese under the banner of the Hospi-

Laborde transcribes the above as Francesco Morosini Capitan generale, reproducing
the original (he says) for two reasons — first, to share with his readers that sense of "inti*
mate communication which autographs establish between the one who reads and the one
who has written, whatever the distances of time or place, an intimacy which 1 have enjoyed
in holding in my hands all the correspondence of the great captain; the other reason being,
in my own interest, to excuse the errors that I may have made in deciphering and copying
this wretched handwriting."

First of all, Laborde's transcription of Morosini's signature is incorrect. It should read
Francesco Morosini, Cavalier, Procurator, Capitan generale. Secondly, Morosini did
not himself write the dispatches in question; they are all in the hand of a secretary. Al-
though Morosini signed the dispatches (not the minutes of the war council), it was never in
the formal fashion given above. Obviously Laborde employed a copyist (sometime after
1845) to whom, for whatever reason, the Venetian archivists did not make the original
texts available. They gave the copyist an inferior text.

A note dated 1829 and inscribed at the end of the volume or "tile" (filsa) of the original
dispatches and minutes of the war council makes it clear, however, that the archivists were
well aware they possessed the originals of Morosini's dispatches. Perhaps the fact that
Laborde had received access to the Archives by order of Prince Mettemich, who had been
a friend of his father, was the reason for the originals* being withheld from his copyist. The
Austrian domination of Venice was not popular on the lagoon. For the archival reference
to the originals of Morosini's dispatches and the minutes of the war council, see below.
Chapter X, notes 3-4, and cf. Setton, IV, 1101-2, note 211.

I have based this account largely upon the signed originals of Morosini's dispatches,
which (as far as I know) have never been used before, and also upon the contemporary
"newspapers," which usually carried accurate reports of current events.

As for military "treaties" or contracts, it is of course well known that warfare was a
business in which the services of professional mercenaries and other hirelings had been
bought and sold In the military maritet from the time of the Italian condottleri in the
fourteenth century. Eventually the Swiss, Germans, Bohemians, Swedes, Scots, and others
also made the practice of arms their m^jor occupation, and by the middle of the seven-
teenth century the German princes (and others) were leasing regiments of their native
veterans and recruits in "commercial enterprises" (Soldatenhandel), a source of profit as
well as a solution to certain social problems. See in general Fritz Redlich, The German
Military Enterpriser and His Work Force: A Study in European Economic and Sociai
History, 2 vols., Wiesbaden, 1964-65 {yierteljahrachrijt fiir So*icd-und Wirtschciftage-
schichte, Beihefte 47-48).

Warfare was also a grim, demoralizing business. On the dismal character of some of the
dominant figures in the Thirty Years' War, see Redlich, 1, 200-205. As the "standing
army" gradually came into existence, it led to the standardization and increased produc-
tion of arms, gunpowder, clothing (including uniforms in due time), artillery, transport,
and other necessities brought about by military operations. On the furnishing of supplies
by contract to the armies of the later seventeenth century, note Redlich, II, 21-24; on the
salaries and various other sources of income gleaned by generals, colonels, captains, and
lieutenants, ibid., II, 27-66. On the reigning princes of the later seventeenth and eigh-
teenth centuries as military entrepreneurs, see Redlich, II, 88-111. Incidentally, Duke
Johann Friedrich of Brunswick-Liineburg (d. 1679) was one of the first German princes to
lease his regiments to a foreign power, which power in fact happened to be Venice {ibid.,
II, 95-96).

296

Venice, Austria, and the Turks in the Seventeenth Century

tallers, 1 ,000 Slavs, 400 papal troops and 300 recruits from the grand
duchy of Tuscany. Goron (Koroni) fell to the Venetians on 1 1-12 August
1685 after a siege of forty-nine days,"'^ and thereafter they occupied
Vitylo (under the fortress of Kialepha) and Passava on the west and east
coasts of the central prong of the southern Morea. The Venetians also
took the town of Kalamata at the northern end of the Gulf of Messenia.
The old castles erected on the hills at Passava and Kalamata — castles
whose beginnings went back to the eariy thirteenth century — ^were de-
molished by Morosini's orders, but the ruins are still there to remind the
traveler of a turbulent past.

In the following year (1686), after the death of Carlo di Strassoldo,
Morosini was joined by a distinguished Swedish soldier, Count Otto Wil-
helm von Konigsniarck, the third son of Johann Christoph von Konigs-
marck (1600-1663), who had been a prominent figure in the Thirty
Years' War, one of Gustavus Adolphus's commanders. Otto Wilhelm ac-
cepted an annual stipend of 18,000 ducats to take command as general
of the land forces of the Republic, made up largely of Italians, Hanover-
ians, and Saxons, with some Swedes, French, and others. He was accom-
panied by his wife Catharina Charlotta, countess von Konigsmarck, and
a large household, which included Catharina's lady-in-waiting Anna
Akerhjelm, whose letters and journal are an important source for the
Moreote and Athenian campaigns.

Von Konigsmarck took ship at Venice on 13 April (1686), and landed

'^^ Relazio7ie del gloriuso acquisto della Jortezzu di Coron, capitate del regno della
Morea, fatto sotto il prudentc v(doroso commando deU'cccellentissimo Signer Cavalier
e Procurator Francesco Morosini. cupitan general da mar, il giorno di 11 Agosto 1685,
Venice, 1685, printed by Gio. Francesco Valvasense: ". . . doppo 49 giorni di duro ostina-
tissimo assedio. . . ." Cf. the detailed account in Locatelli, 1, 124-52, and on the Venetian
occupation of Vitylo (Kialepha), Passava, and Kalamata, as noted below in the text, see,
ibid., r, 1 72-77. Beregani, I, bk. viii, pp. 293-99, and bk. ix, pp. 315-30, has also described
at lenjjth the sic^e and seizure of Coron as well as the near destruction of Kalamata by
Morosini's forces {ibid., I, bk. xi, pp. 362-63, 370-72), on which note Graziani, Francisci
Mauroceni . . . gesta (1698), lib. ill, pp. 249-70, 276-77.

■^■^ Laborde, Athenes. II, 256-349, and Documents, pp. 214-307, has republished Anna
Akerhjelm's letters and journal (with a French translation) from Giorvell's Svenska Bib-
liotheket. III (Stockholm, 1759). Rediich's two volumes on The German Military Enter-
priser (1964-65) contain ten references to Otto Wilhelm's father, the well-known Swedish
general Johann (or Hans) Christoph von Konigsmarck; on Otto Wilhelm, see Locatelli, I,
201ff., and Beregani, I, bk. xiii. pp. 413, 424-25, and II, bk. i, pp. 2, lOff., et alibi.

Although Francesco Morosini's experience of warfare had been largely confined to the
sea, he was well aware of the basic technical, social, and economic changes which had
transformed the military in Europe in the later sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. If as a
seaman Morosini was not entirely at home in the world of Dutch-Swedish-German warfare,
his field commander Otto Wilhelm von KSnigsmarck was. having learned a good deal from
his father and the Swedish military tradition.

Turkish tactics on the battletield changed very little from the mid-sixteenth to the mid-
eighteenth century, whereas "in Europe technological advance led to tactical revolution,"
on which note V..I. Parry, "La Maniere do combattre," in Parry and M.E. Yapp, eds., VViar,
Technology and Society in the Middle East, London, 1975, esp. pp. 227-28, 247-56, with
a rich bibliography of contemporary sources.

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The Austrians in Hungary, the Venetians in the Morea

297

with Qerman reinforoements at 8. Maura on 5 May In good time to begin

the Venetians' third campaign against the Tuiks, again In the Morea.
When further units arrived from Italy on 23 May, an army of some 10,800
men went into action, taking Navarino Vecchio (Zonkhio, ancient Py'os)
on 2 June with almost no resistance on the part of the Turkish garrison.
Two weeks later, on the hfteenth, the Venetian forces obtained Navarino
Nuovo despite a valiant defense of the port by Its oonunanders Jafer
Pasha and Mustafa Pasha. The Turkish serasker or oommander-ln-chief
In the Morea, Ismail Pasha, had made an ineffective effort to relieve
Navarino Nuovo (to the south of il Vecchio), and when he failed, Jafer
and Mustafa surrendered. Moving a little to the south, von Konigs-
marck's troops invested the fortress of Modon (Methoni) on 22 June,
while Morosini hovered offshore around the island of Sapienza."*^ Modon
succumbed to the force of Christian arms on 10 July and now, possessing
both Goron and Modon, Venice had leoovered the "chief eyes of the
Republlo" ioculi oapUales Comunis).^

Having won the southwest of the Morea, Morosini and von Konigs-
marck turned their attention to the northeast. On 29 June (1686) the
latter took possession of Argos while the serasker retreated to Corinth.
The Venetian commanders' objective was to take Napoli di Romania

■'^ Morosini has given us a rough sketch of the Moreole campaign of 1686 in a letter
which he addressed from on hoard his galley on 26 .lune 1686 to the Turkish commander
Ahmed Agha "Desdar" and the other Turks in Modon. rejoicing in the Venetians' conquest
of "Vecchio e Novo Navarino, che fanno a pieno comprendere non potersi plu Monsulmani
oontrastare I'invito valore di qneste poderose forze, oh« dal potente braccio del
Grand' Iddio sono guidate. Voi pure sapete a qual Hne sla qua comparsa questa formidabil
armata ch'in terra ct in marc v'ha immediate ristretto tra i'angustie d'un miscrabilc asse-
dio. . .

The failure of Aiiined Agha and his feiiow Turks to surrender prompdy the fortress of
Modon would have no other effect "che a rinovare I'horlda memoria delle straggi e scent-

plo attroce di Coron — e siamo certi che havete veduto le sette navl partire con H TurchI
medesimi dell'una e deil'altra fortezza di Navarino per dove meitlio h a loro piacoiuto." The
Turkish serariier or connnander In the Morea, Isnurtl, was a frightened failure, "tame volte

battito. rotto. c dispcrso da nf)Sf ri valorosi soldati. e che sempre piu s'allontana da cfanenti.
. . . Lo dicano quelli spetialmcnte di Navarin Novo, ch'hanno veduto presto disperalo ll
caso dliaver dalle sue manl alcun soooofso, et imparlno ll oommandantl da Seffer BassA
|the commander at Navarino Nuovol a non resistere con imprudente ostinatione alia vo-
lonta e salvezza de gl'altri hahitanti di qucste fortezzc, che non devono esser piu del (Jran
Slgnoie, ma del*eooeisa nostra Kepuhlica. . . Morosini was prepared lo HMNint a bat*
tery of twenty mortars to tire bombs at Modon as well as another of twenty cannon, and
"tutta la citta dovra in breve esser arsa e dcstrutta e col sagriHtlo di voi tutti Incenerita.
. . . I)i galcra, aquc di Modon, li 26 Zugno 1686" (Bibl. Nazlonale Marciana. MS. U. Vli,
675 18209). fols. 13*-14'. and note MS. Maro. It. VII. 657 17481). fob. 66-67').

Ahmed Agha, coarelono di Modon, returned a brief reply to Morosini. The Tnrlis also
depended upon the Almighty, and they would tight to the last man. "e quando non potremo
piu, poneremo focco, e si abbrucciaremo, e cosi la fortezza non sara ne vostra ne nostra!"
(Urid., fol. 14*), triilch did not happen.

Cf. Sctton. I. 1 78, and on the Venetian seizure of Navarino Vecchio (on 2 .lune, 1686),
Navarino Nuovo (on IS June), and Modon (on 10 July), see Locatelli. 1. 210-J7; Beregani,
II. bk. i. pp. 4-19. 22-23. 26-^; and Grastairi. lib. lu. pp. 283-98.

298

Venice, AuMria, and the Turks in the Seventeenth Century

(Nauplia), an important and well-fortificd port. They encountered no
little difficulty in their quest for Nauplia, but while the serasker was said
to be awaiting their advance at Lepanto and Patras, von Konigsmarck
seized the height of Palamidi, which looms over Nauplia. Never one to
lose time, the Swedish held marshal kept the city under a heavy bom-
bardment, according to Anna Akeri^elm, so that a fire raged within its
walls for fourteen days. Von Kdnigsmarclt repelled several attacks by the
serasker's forces as well as sorties from Nauplia.

The Venetians' success was assured, however, when on 6 August
(1686) von Konigsmarck defeated the serasker Ismail near Argos. It was
the last encounter in which the Turk had assembled all his available
forces to stop the Christian advance in the Morea. Von Konigsmarck had
had his horse shot out from under him in the engagement, but he immedi-
ately mounted another, and continued in the fray. If it was a glad day for
von Kdnigsmarck, it was also a sad one, for his nephew Kaii Johann had
just died of the pestilence which was ravaging the Venetian army. Many
others also succumbed to the several illnesses afflicting the host, as
Anna Akerhjelni wrote her brother Samuel Mansson from the island of
Zante on 18 December (1686).*'* The campaign was much harder going
for the Christian soldiery than it has sometimes been depicted. Neverthe-
less, by the end of the season the Venetian forces, having occupied
several strategic ports and islands, had gained control of most of
the Morea.

The campaign of 1687 fulfilled the highest hopes of the Venetian Si-
gnoria, for Morosini, von Konigsmarck, and Max Wilhelm of Brunswick
now took possession of all the strongholds in the Moren but one. Venice
and the German princes, however, had been paying a high price for this
success. The polyglot army was still rent with various maladies, includ-
ing the bubonic plague,''^ to such an extent that the Elector Johann

* Letter of Anna Akerhjelm to her brother Samuel Minsson Akerhjclm, dated at Zante

on 18 December \(>H6, in Lahorde. Athenes. H, 264-69, and Di>cnments, pp. 222-27; in
general note von Hammer-Purgstall, Gesch. d. osman. Reiches, VI, 484-88, trans. Hellert,
XII, 219-25; Laborde, II, 85-95; Kretschmayr, Oesch. von Venedig, III, 344-46. See also
Locatelli. I. esp. pp. 243-69, and Berc^ani, If, bk. ii, pp. 75-84, who dates the battle of
Argos on 6 August 1686 (ibid., pp. 80, 82). The Turks surrendered Nauplia (Napoli di
Romania) on 29 August (ibid., pp. 98-101): "La conquista dl questa Impoitante qnanto
famosa piazza, metropoli di vasta e seconda provincia, che porto seco il dominie di piu di
trecento villaggi, abbatte del tutto neila Feloponneso le speranze de' Turchi." Cf. Graziani,
Francisci Mauroceni . . .gesta, lib. iv, pp. 303-11.

■'^ On the existence of the bubf)nic pla>*iie in the Venetian forces, note Morosini's dis-
patch of 17 December 1687, as cited by I^aborde, i'\fheue.s, II. 208-9, luui specie d'epide-
mid (icconipd^natu da bugnoni (Venetian for fcu/)bont| e da jlussi di sangue, and note
below, pp. 314-15, 333-34, 342-43, 347, 352-53. Beregani. 11, bk. ii, p. 89. says that in
the late summer of 1686 the Venetian forces were being assailed by "una mortale disen-
teria. accompagnata d'acute febbri, che molto piu delle scimittarre de' Turchi miecevano
le vite de' piu riguardcvoli comandanti," and on the mal contttggioso in the summer of
1687, see, ibid., bk. vi, pp. 285-86. Graziani, Franc(8c< iHauroceni . . .gesta, lib. iii, pp.
240-4 1,244, and lib. nr, pp. 315-16, 339, also emphasises che perl! of the pestttenoe from
1684 to 1687.

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The Auatrians in Hungary, the Venetians in the Morea

299

Qeorg III of Saxony finally cancelled his military contract with Venice.

Apparently 3,350 Saxons had been recruited for service in the Ntorea in
1 685; by the time the contract was cancelled in 1 687 there were 800 left,
of whom many had become crippled. Every year more military hirelings
were needed, and every year they came. The months of June and early
July of 1687 were spent in the basic training of an army of 7,000 men and
in planning for the coming campaign.^

On 23 July the bulk of the Venetian army was landed near Patras,
defeated the main Turkish force remaining in the Iforea, and promptly
occupied the city of Patras, an important acquisition.''^ Thereafter the
Christian troops seized the twin forts of "Rumelia" and "Morea" on the
north and south shores of the entrance into the Gulf of Corinth. Next
they took the castle at Lepanto, the ancient (and modern) Naupactus.
The Turks set fire to the lower town of Corinth before abandoning the
seemingly impregnable fortress of Acrocorinth. They also withdrew from
the historic ramparts of Gastel Tom^e on the northwest coast of the
Morea opposite the island of Zante. Their resistance to the Venetians
had crumbled everywhere in the peninsula,'*" and they had to pull out of
Mistra, capital of the old Byzantine despotate of Mistra.

In Christendom it was a time for celebration, and festivities were held

On the preparation of troops and ships for their departure eastward, the expected
arrival at the Lido of "another regiment of Brunswick," and the imminent embarkation of
Antonio Mutoni, count of S. Felice, and his bombardiers for the vova^e to (Jreece, see
Archivio di State di Venezia. Senato Mar. Reg. 153,fol8. 129(167|, 131^-132' {169*^- 170'].
docs, dated 28 and 31 May, 1687. Mutoni sailed from Venice on 28 June, headed for S.
Maura, to join the Venetian fleet under Morosini, ai the campaign of 1687 wm fetting
under way.

A survey of Moroslnl's activities and the Venetian campaigns from the occupation of 8.

Maura (168-1) to that of Athens (1687) is given in Antonio Arrighi. De vita etr^ms testis
FraneiBci Mauroceni Peloponnesicun, principis Venetorum . . . , Padua. 1749, lib. iv,
pp. 292-344. Afrighl, however, adds little to our knowledge of time campaigns. On the
events of .lune and early .luly 1687, see I>ocatelli, I, 32 Iff.

^ The battle of Patras was fought on 24 .luly (1687), the day after the Venetian forces
were landed (cf. James M. Paton, Mediaeval and Renaissance Viaiton to Greek Landa
1 1951 1, pp. 124-25, 128; see also Locatelli, 1, 330-36, and BereganI, 11, bk. vi, pp.
289-96).

*" These events were well reported by the journalists of the time: Verissima e distinta
Relatione delta vittoria ottenuta dalle armi delta Sereniaaima Repttblica di Venetia
delVacquisto fatto delle quattro piazze Patrasso e Lepanto can U due Dardanetti et tdtri
ucquisti sotto il prttdente valnrosn cnmando deirHlustrissimn et eccelleiiiissimo Signor
Cav. e Proc. Francesco Moroseni, capitangenertU da mar, Venice, 1687, which tract was
reprinted and the type reset at least once. Another refoHone on die same subject was
printed by Ixjonardo Pittoni at Venice In 1687.

The occupation of Acrocorinth was a ^reat event for. with the exception of Monemvasia,
It had cleared the Turks out of every fortress In the Morea by 21 August 1687, as described
In the Nova c dislinla Relatione della conqnista detUt famosa citta di Cnrynthn in Aforca
c d'altri diversi luochi J'atta duU'armi della Sereniasima Republica . . . sotto il com-
mttndo deU'iUustriiUL . . . Francesco Morosini .... con la total espulsione del Seras-
chier da quel Refino. comdndiiuic de' Turchi, li 21. A^osto 1687, Venice, 1687, published
by Antonio i'inelli, stampator ducal, and cf. Locatelli, I, 346ff.; Beregani, II, bk. vi, pp.
300-303; and Gnutlanl. lib. iv, pp- 317-32.

300

Venice, Austria, and the Turks in the Seventeenth Century

in various Italian cities, glorying in the victories of Charles of Lorraine
over the Turks as well as in those of Francesco Morosini. On 12 August
(1687), as we have noted, I>orraine had inllicted an overwhelming defeat
upon the main Turkish army under the grand vizir Suleiman Fasha near
the village of Darda, just south of historic Moh&cs. By 21 August Moro-
sini and von Konigsmarclc had crushed the Turks in the Morea. Celebra-
tions were held in Rome, Perrara, Padua, and elsewhere.^^ There can be
no question, however, but that Lorraine's success made tliat of Morosini
possible.

The Venetians now possessed all the Morea except for Monemvasia,
the rugged, island fortress on the southeast coast of the peninsula. Mon-
emvasia remained in Turkish hands until 1690. it was known as Malvasia
in Venice, where the name is still attached to several Hi and ccUli on the
lagoon. The Morea was an impoverished land, but the inhabitants real-
ized some return on the export of currants, almonds, fruit, olive oil, and
tobacco. The wine of "Malvasia" was, however, probably the chief Mor-
eote product in which the outer world was interested. Monemvasia and
the wine were known as "Malmsey" in England, where the wine had been
popular for centuries, long before the year 1478 when Duke George of
Clarence, the brother of Edward IV, was allegedly drowned in the Tower
in a "barell of Malmsey wine.*'^^

Verissima e distintu Relatione dclle solenissime J'este e Juochifatti nell'Alma Cittd
di Roma in occasion delle presenti vittorie nellVngaria (especially at Darda on 12 Au>
j»ustl sotto il cnmandn del serenissimo ditv<t Carlo di Ixyrena e in Ivcvante sottn il cn-
mundo deliillustriss. . . . (Ho. Francesco Morosini . . . per la Serenissima Republica di
Venetia, Venice, 1687, and cf. the Distinta e verissima Relatione della segnalata vit-
toria ottenuta dalle armi cesaree sotto la cnndotta del sereniftsimo duca Carlo di Lo-
rena contro I'esercito del gran visir, combattuto e disfatto nelle vicinanze di Darda, . . .
seguita li 12. Agosto 1687 .... Venice (1687|; Descritione delle feste fatte in Ferrara
dalla pietd e generositd de suoi concitadini per le gloriose vittorie ottenute daU'armi
imperiali e Venete contro il Turco . . . , printed by Bernardino Pomatelli in Perrara
(16871; and (among other such newsletters) Vera e distinta Relatione delle solenni alle-
grezze e fuochi Jutti dalla mtMgnifica cittd di Padova per le gloriosissime vittorie ed
acquistifatti daU'armi tnvitisslme delta Serenissima Republica di Venetia (which cele-
bration took place at I'adua on the night of 26 November 1687|, Padua, 1687.

*^ E. F. .lacob, The Oxford History oj England: The Fifteenth Century, 1399-1485,
Oxford, 1961, p. 581.

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Francesco Morosiniy the Invasion of Attica,

and the Destruction of the Parthenon

fter encircling the Morea in triumph, following the victory at
I'atras, the Venetian fleet under the captain-general Morosini
reached the area of Corinth on 13 September 1687. In the
meantime the troops had gone by land from the Gulf of Corinth to the
Saronic Gulf to wait for him. Two days after his arrival Anna Akerhjelm
noted in her diary that the captain*general had proceeded on horseback
to Corinth **to see the place,** t>eing well received l>y von Kdnigsmarok.
**! obtained permission on this occasion to go to Corinth," Anna now
wrote. "I should have been most distressed not to have been able to say
that 1 have been there." Von Konigsmarck was then entertaining certain
officers as his guests. They were all in a merry mood, according to Anna,
and "his Excellency spoke to them of Aristotle in Latin and in Greek.
They have all agreed that they will send for the captain-general at Athens
in order to teach him to speak Latin!*'* Doubtlen the wine was flowing
freely.

Morosini's prime consideration was now the protection of the Isthmus

of Corinth, as he emphasized at a meeting of the war council (consiilta di
guerra) held at the isthmus on 17 September. One must prevent the
entry of Turkish troops into the Morea. The Venetian forces had also to

' Anna Akeri^elm, Journal [Dagbok], in Laborde, Athinea, II, 314-15, and Documents,
pp. 272-73. entry dated 15 Septwmber. 1687, and ef. Beiciuil, 11. bk. vi. pp. 30511.

301

302

Vtnice, AmtriOt and du Turks in the Seventeenth Century

provide security for the peasantry in the fields, for their labors would
redound to the "public good." Having taken all the Morea except for
Monemvasia, the question before the war council was how best to em-
ploy the remaining weeks of September and October. There were those
who advocated an attempt to take Athens, and others who thought that
their next objective should be the island of Negroponte (Euboea), which
Venice had lost to the Turks in 1470.'

Having approved of the idea of trying to seize Athens when meetings
of the war council were held on 12 August and on 14 September, Moio-
sini had now changed his mind. At the war council on 17 September he
declared that if Athens were in fact taken, and the troops lodged in the
city for the coming winter, it would be difhcult to supply them with
provisions, for the Turks lorded it over the surrounding countryside.
Indeed, the serasker, the Turkish commander-in-chief, had his station in
Thebes, a little more than a day away from Athens. One would have to
face the wear and tear of defending the three miles of roadway ^m
Athens to Porto Lion, as Morosini always called Piraeus, in order to
convey provisions and munitions from the fleet to the city. Contempo-
rary sources estimate the distance from Piraeus to Athens at from three
to six miles. Forage would be so scarce, Morosini said, that the mounted
men would lose their horses. Furthermore, he did not see how the occu-
pation of Athens could prevent the Turiu from moving back into the
Morea, for they still held Megara, which gave them control over the road
from Athens to Corinth.

The captain-general Morosini thus regarded "the enterprise of Ath-
ens" {iimpresa d'Atene) as likely to be unprofitable, since the Venetian
forces might be obliged very quicltly to abandon the city and destroy it,
which would mean the uprooting and ruination of the poor Greeks as
wen as the loss of an annual subvention of 9,000 reali which the latter
had promised to pay the Venetians if Athens were spared. Morosini was
convinced it would be better for the Republic's foroes to remain in Cor-
inth, where they would have easy access to food and forage. The cavalry
and horses could be lodged safely at Tripolitza (Tripolis), "which is a
wide area in the middle of the kingdom [of the Morea] possessed of
handsome and commodious dwellings, with very fertile fields producing

^ On the Turkish seizure of Negroponte, cf. Setton, II, 300-3. In an entry in her diary
dated 19 August 1687 Anna Akerhjelm informs us that the Held marshal Otto Wilhelm von
Konigsmarck had considered cutting a canal through the isthmus of Corinth to divide the
Morea from continental Greece and to move the troops by water from one gulf to another,
"but his Excellency, becoming convinced that this was not as easy as one had imagined, it
was decided that the troops would be sent by land to the other gulf {Journal, in Laborde,
Athenes, II, 306-9, and Documents, pp. 264-67). Massimiliano Pavan, L'Awentura del
Partenone, Florence. 1983, p. 185, mistakenly puts the Turliish conquest of Negroponte in
1540.

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Francesco Morosini and the Deatructton of the Parthenon

303

a quantity of hay, of which there is a goodly harvest already reaped (for
us] by the Turks." Unless the cavalry wintered at Tripolis, it would not
be possible to supply every horse with four pounds of fodder {biada)
every day.

Morosini believed that his views rested on firm foundations for, as he
emphasized, it was of vital importance to have and to hold the *'king-
dom.*' The letters he had just received hom the Senate in August, sent
(as always) in the name of the doge, had made that fact more than clear.
The war council finally agreed, therefore, that the troops should remain
in winter quarters at Corinth to the extent that the fortress of Acrocor-
inth could hold them (c/ie dentro la fortezza capir vi potesse). The
cavalry and the remainder of the German troops, in accord with Moro-
sini*s wishes, would make Tripolis their haven for the winter, whereas
the Venetian fleet with the seamen and certain mercenaries {(Atrama-
rini) would take cover in the harbor of Napoll di Romania (Nauplia)
where it was alleged that, thanks to the Almighty, all signs of the pesti*
fence had been "totally extinct" for the past fifty days.

Although acceding to Morosini's desire for the soldiers and seamen to
spend the coming winter at Corinth, Tripolis, and Nauplia, the war coun-
cil decided that before going into the aforesaid quarters they should try
to take Athens. However hesitant, Morosini went along with the idea.
The conquest of the important island of Negroponte (Euboea) would
have to be postponed until the spring of 1688. As a prelude to the Athe-
nian venture, however, it was now proposed that the Venetian ships
(navt) should first sail toward Negroponte to arouse the fears of the
Turks and draw them to the island. Thereafter the galleasses and galleys
should carry all the soldiery in good health to the "shores of Athens,"
i.e., to Piraeus, to see whether, before taking action, it might be possible
to extract from the Greeks "a contribution of 50,000 to 60,000 reali as a
subsidy for the state coffers."

If nothing came of this endeavor, then the Venetian forces ought to
launch an attack upon "that walled enclosure" (quel reciiito), i.e., the
Acropolis, and to employ all possible force to take the place by storm in
order to wrest from the Turks such a convenient shelter. It would in fact
be highly worthwhile also to destroy all the nearby Turkish villages in
Rumelia, i.e., on the mainland, and drive the Turks from the area of the
Isthmus of Corinth, for this would lead to peace and quiet in the Morea.^

' The minutes of the meetinj^ of the war council on 1 7 Septemtier 1 687 are to be found in
the Archivio di Stato di Vciiczia (ASV), Scnato, Provveditori da terra c da mar, Filza 1 120:
Arnuua, Capitan general, da 20 Settembre [actually from the 17thj 1687 sin 19 Maggio
1688: Francesco Morosini, Ckxvaiier, Procurator, without pagination, and cf. Laborde,
Athenes, II, 122-26, and Documents, pp. 155-59.

The Turks had added to "that walled enclosure" (in 1686?) by demolishing the little
temple of Atliena Nik£ on the southwest comer of the Aoropolis and Incorporating the

304

Venice, Auatrtat and cJke Turks in tht Seventeenth Century

More than onoe, moreover, in the next six months, Morosini and the
Venetian hi^ oommand would also consider the complete destruction

of Athens.

As Morosini reported to the Venetian Signoria from the "gulf of Ae-
gina, at the strait of Corinth," in a dispatch of 20 September (1687), he
had explored with Otto Wilhelm von Konigsmarck and the war council
the problem they faced in determining their next move. There was gen-
eral agreement that the season was too far advanced for an attempt upon
Negroponte. Cold and rainy weather lay ahead. The soldiers, especially
those who had been recruited some time before, were clad only in the
usual garb and lacked warm cloaks. The fortress of Negroponte was de-
fended by a garrison of some 5,000 combatants; it was well supplied with
no end of military equipment, foodstuffs, and everything else necessary.
The Turks had built a new fort [Kara Btbk] near die bridge connecting
Buboea with the mainland, putting about forty pieces of artillery into the
fort to cover the area of the bridge and the nearby shoreline. Obviously
Negroponte was too much for the Signoria's weary troops.

Athens, however, was another matter. A feigned approach toward Ne-
groponte, as was suggested, might lead to the serasker's withdrawing
troops from Attica, Boeotia, and the Megarid. Nevertheless, after these
meetings of the war council Morosini continued to mull in worrisome
fashion over the decision to try to take the Acropolis, as he informed the
doge and Senate In his dispatch dated 20 September, for what purpose
would the possession of Athens serve? The surrounding region was in-
habited by Turks, who would allow neither food nor fodder to come from
the countr>'side.

In Morosini's opinion it was a mistake to believe that Athens could
serve as an outpost for the protection of the Morea, for the city was two
days* march from the Strait of Corinth and more than thirty miles from
Megara, "which is the direct route by which one goes from Rumelia to
Corinth." To Morosini's satisfaction, however, as we have Just seen, the
council had agreed with his proposal that the major portion of the sol-
diers and seamen should be lodged in the strongholds of Acrocorinth,
Tripolis, and Nauplia. This would, he thought, assure the peasants of the
safety of their own homes and make it possible for them to return to the
land, "which has remained in large part uncultivated for so long a time."

As for Athens, if the Greek inhabitants, most or all of whom dwelt in

stones Into the western bastion covering the approach to the fortress. When the bastion

was removed hy laidwi^ Ross and the architect Eduard Schanhcrt in 1835-1836, as every
Student of Greek history knows, the stones were found, and the temple was reereoted on its
old foundation. Owing to the faulty reconstruction, however, the Athena Nflt£ had to be
rchuilt in 1935-1940 (Adolf Michaelis. Dcr Parthenon. I^eipzig, 1871. p. 88; Martin L.
D Ooge, The Acropolis qf Athens, New York, 1908. pp. 192-95; Ida Thallon Hill. The
Ancient City o/ Athene: Ita Topograph and ifonumenta, London, 1953, pp. 164-65).

Copyrighted materia!

Franoeaco Moroaini and the Destruction of the Parthenon

305

the lower city, did not produce the 50.000 to 60,000 reali which Moro-
sini wns (i,oin^ to demand, the Venetian forces would (despite his doubts)
try to seize the Athenian fortress, the Acropolis, from the enemy. Moro-
sini was always beset, he says in this dispatch (of 20 September), by two
problems, danaro e biacotto, money and ship's biscuit. Without money
there was no way to feed the soldiers and seamen, no way to support the
Republic*s military operations in continental Greece and the Morea. The
glorious triumph thus far achieved could turn to ashes. Long-winded as
usual, Morosini was also (as frequently) in deep despondency. Com-
plaining of his "depressed and battered health," he feared the charge of
captain-general was becoming too much for him. Perhaps, force ma-
jeure, he would have to withdraw from the scene, recommending that
Girolamo Garzoni, proveditor deU'armata, should take over the respon-
sibility of the war with the Turks. In the meantime he was sending the
present dispatch by a fast felucca to Venice, and he appealed to heaven
to cure the ills that assailed him.^

In another dispatch dated 20 September (1687), Morosini wrote the
doge Marc'Antonio Giustinian that immediately upon his arrival in the
Gulf of Aegina, in accord with his instructions from the Signoria, he had
bestowed gifts and expressions of gratitude upon the Count von Konigs-
marck, the prince of Brunswick, and Louis de la Tour d*Auvergne, lord of
Turenne, as well as the other officers in conformity with their rank, in
thankful recognition of their outstanding service "nellMnsigne vittoria di
Patrasso." Von Konigsmarck's stipend was increased from 18,000 to
24,000 ducats; Max Wilhelm of Brunswick was given a jewel worth 4,000
ducats; and Ixiuis de Turenne a sword of honor valued at 2.400 ducats.
The officers received promotions and various other appropriate consid-
erations, including jewelry and gold chains, while the troops were given
their reward in an extra month's salary.^

Everyone assumed there was small likelihood of the Athenians' finding
so large a sum as 50,000 to 60,000 reali In any event Morosini, von
Konigsmnrck, and their ofHcers emerged from the Gulf of Aegina during
the evening of 20 September (1087). sailed quietly through the night
with a fair wind, landed in Porto Lion the following morning, and disem-
barked some 8,000 infantry and 600 horse with no interference from the
Turics. At the risk of repetition — and Morosini's dispatches are very

* ASV, Senato, Trovv. da terra e da mar, Filza 1120, dispatch dated "di galera, golfo
d'Egena, stretto di Gorinto, 20 Settembre 1687 8|tll) n|ovo|," and signed by Morosini, and

cf. i-.-ibordc. Atheyies. II. 126-31, and Documents, pp. 159-6.1.

^ Senato, Prow, da terra e da mar, Filza 112U, dispatch also dated "di galera, golfo
d'Egena, stretto di Gorinto, 20 Settembre 1687 sftil) n|ovo|," and signed by Morosini; as to

the rewards in question, see Lahorde, Athcncs, II, 97. 1 19. 275. and Dncuments, p. 232.
on which note also Locatelli, i, 354; Beregani, II, bk. vi, p. JUU; and Arrighi (1749). pp.
543-44.

306

Venice, Austria, and the Turks in the Seventeenth Century

repetitious — ^we shall return shortly to their historic entry into Porto
Lion. Piraeus was called Porto Lion, as everyone was aware at the time,
because of the great marble lion which then stood on the inner shore of
Piraeus, not at the entrance to the port. Morosini, as is well known, sent
the lion to Venice, where it now stands before the Arsenal.*

At die appearance of the Venetian fleet in the enclosure of Piraeus, the
leading Greeks of Athens came down to make obeisance to Morosini in
the harbor. They offered their property and their lives, says Cristoforo
Ivanovic, "per le maggiori glorie della Republica." They were benignly
received, and assured of defense against the Turks. They told Morosini
and von Konigsmarck that there were six hundred Turks capable of bear-
ing arms in the fortress, determined to hold out against the Venetian
forces, because they believed the serasker in Thebes would come to
their assistance. Morosini promptly ordered that the army march upon
Athens, which Ivanovic puts at a distance of five miles from the harbor.^
The Turkish residents of the city had taken refuge in the fortress, which
henceforth we shall call the Acropolis.

Having thus landed at Piraeus on Sunday morning, 21 September, the
Venetian land forces under von Konigsmarck's command were put on
the road to Athens that very afternoon. Morosini has given us a detailed
account of what followed in his long, important dispatch to the doge and
Senate on 10 October (1687), to which we shall come in a moment, for it
was not until then that Morosini sent a full report to Venice. We shall
deal with the facts in the chronological order in which they are given in
the texts.

The earliest statement we have of the Turkish surrender of Athens to
the Venetian forces appears in the minutes of a meeting of the war coun-
cil aboard the captain-general Morosini's flagship in Porto Uon on 29
September (1687). It was in this context we first hear from Morosini that

* On the size of the Venetian forces, note James M. Paton, ed.. The Venetians in Athens

( 1687-1688) , /mm the "Istoriu" of Oisto/oro Ivanovich, Cambridge, Mass., 1940, pp. 9,
67. L^borde. Athenes, II, 133, and William Miller, "The Venetian Revival in Greece," in
Essays on the Latin Orient, Cambridie, 1921, repr. Amsterdam, 1964, p. 406, both foHow
Alessandro Locatclli, Rticcnnto historico della vcneta ^uerra in Levttnte, 2 vols, in 1,
Colonia, 1691 , 11, 3, in putting the size of Morosini's army at 9,880 foot and 871 horse. On
the biblioiraphy relating to the late medieval and early modem history of Athens, cf. K.M.
Setton, Catalan Domination of Athens, rev. ed., I-ondon, 197S, pp. 261-301 (and in the
present context), pp. 297ff., and sec esp. Faton's notes to his edition of Cristoforo Ivanovic
(cited above) and his volume on MeeHaeveU and Renaissance Visitors to Oreek Lands,
Princeton. 1951. Paton's two slender volumes are very valuable. Note also the attraetive
book by Massiniiliano Pavan, L'Avventura del Partenone: Un Monumento nella storia,
Florence, 1983, and the brief survey by Peter Topping, "Venice's Last Imperial Venture,"
Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, GXX-3 (1976), 159-65.
^ Paton, The Venetiatis in Athens, p. 10.

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Francesco Morosini and the Destruction of the Parthenon

307

in the brief span of the ei|^ht days employed in the conquest of Athens we have
effected, thanks to the Divine Providence, the surrender of the fortress itself
with ever greater glory attending our arms. It seems that the calmness of this
clear weather, in contrast to the other miserable and rainy periods of these past
weeks, offera us the Incentive to consider whether we ought to pursue some
other Important and proHtable enterprise. In the present period of success per-
haps we should not entirely lose sight of a possible attempt upon Negroponte,
especially in view of the present consternation of the serasker, who has allowed
this already sadly battered fortification miserably to perish without having the
heart to try to relieve It.

In summoning the present meeting, however, my sole motive has been zeal for
the public good, as I have not made any judgment in advance as to what speciHc
enterprise I should propose to you. Thus 1 have desired that the most useful and
expedient decision should be pondered and assessed with sage and thorough
debates as to what the season might allow us to do (as winter lay ahead] In order
to put an end to this so fortunate and renowned campaign with the addition of
new and happy events.

After a good deal uf rctlection and argumentation, as we are informed,
**ben essaminato ogni punto sopra la materia Importante/* although
there were those who did not wish to abandon the Idea of an attack on
Negroponte since things were going so well "nella presente favorevol
congiontura,*' others were strongly opposed to the venture. The taking
of Negroponte would be an arduous and difticult affair. The winter was
on its way; the weather would be unreliable. Negroponte was defended
(as we know) by a garrison of 5,000 combatants, not to speak of the
assistance which the serasker might well render Negroponte, even if he
had not helped the Turks in Athens. The Venetian forces numbered at
least 9,000 men. Including the soldiery aboard the ships. It was, there-
fore, finally agreed that before trying to reach a decision in the council
the captain-general Morosini should discuss the problem in private with
the lord general von Konigsmarck to sound out his views for while, con-
ceivably, the latter might not disagree with the proposed assault upon
Negroponte, the war council could only reach a "mature and stable'*
decision after learning at the next meeting how von Konigsmarck and the
other generals assessed the situation. Von Kdnigsmarck was not present
at the session of the council on 29 September.

Among those present at this meeting were of course Morosini who, as
we have noted, had begun the debate over the critical question of Negro-
ponte, as well as his friend Girolamo Garzoni, the proveditor d'armata,
who was to lose his life the following year when the Christian forces did
seek to take Negroponte. Garsoni's sepulchral monument may still be
seen at Venice In the church of the Prari, over the main entrance. Also on
hand at the meeting were Pietro Qverini, capitan estraordinario of the
galeasses; Agostino Sagredo, captain of the galeasses; Benetto Sanudo,

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308

Venice, Austria, and the Turks in the SevefUeenth Century

captain of the Gulf, i.e., the Adriatic; Carlo Pisani, governator de' con-
darinati, i.e., commander of the vessels rowed by galley slaves; and Zorzi
Emo, commissioner of the fleet. ® There is no evidence that any one of
them brought up the sad fact of the explosion in the Parthenon, the
temple of Minerva, which had occurred three days before this meeting of
the council.

From 2 October, taking the important texts in chronological order, we
have the minutes of another meeting of the war council, at which Moro-
sini stated that he had gone to Athens the day before to confer with von

" Scnato, Prow, da terra e da mar, Filza 1 120, minutes of the war council dated "1687,
29 Settembre stil novo, Porto Lion:" "Ridotti d'ordine, etc., in questa gaiera capitana
lleneralitia fltMnfrascritti tnustrissimi signori che coi veto dellberativo e oonsultlvo ill pre-
sente formano la consulta di guerra, Tilhistrissimo et eccellentissinio si^nor Frunoesoo
Morosini, cavalier, procurator, capitan general, cosi disse:

"Nel breve giro d'otto giomi impiegati alPespugnatione d*Atene conseguitasi, merc^ alia
Divina Providenza. la rcsa della fortezza medesima con Jjloria sempre magjiiore di
quest'armi, pare che la tranquillita de' tempi sereni a differenza degl'altri sinistri e piovosi
corsi nelle settimane passate porga eccltamento di pensare se si debba prosseguir ad
alcun'altra operationc di proticuo rimarco. c forsc anco nella prcscnte prospcrita a non
perder totalmente di vista qualche attentato sopra Negroponte, attesa massime I'attual
costematione del seraschier, che lascid miseramente perire questo giji debellato reeinto
senza haver cuore di soccorrcrlo.

"lo pero nel convocar di prcsente questo congresso col solo motive zelante del publico
bene, come non mi son preflisso di proporle qual si sia positiva intrapresa, cost ho deside-
rato che sia con savii e maturi dibattimenti pondcrata c discussa la piu utile e conferente
risolutione, a cui pcrmettesse il tempo di potersi ancora dar di mano per chiudere con
nuovi aggregati di felicissimi c\-enti il fine di si fortunata e celebre campagna.

"Con sodezza de pcsati riftlessi e di vive rajjioni, ben essaminato ogni punto sopra la
materia importante, di che si tratta, fu considerato che quanto veramente militan per un
capo degl'essentiali vantaggi nella presence favorevol congiontura per non ahbandonar
I'impresa di Negroponte, che si fara sempre piu ardua e difticile, cosi dall'altro canto
s'appresc per gagliardo I'ostacolo dclla staggione, che non promette stabilita de tempi
propitii. e I'oppositione insieme vigorosa d'haver a contender con un pressidio di 5 m.
combattenti senza il soccorso, che fosse per introdurvi il seraschier, quando il nostro
accampamento non sarebbe maggiore di otto in nove mille huomini, compresa la militia
delle navi. e senza il dibattimcnto di quci che d'ordinario mancano dalle fattioni, s'e percio
d'unanime sentimento rissolto prima di devenire a qual si sia deliberatione che dall'eccel-
lentissimo signer capitan general sia tenuto nel proprio stesso particolar dlsoorso coH'ec-
cellentissimo signor general Konismarch a Hnc di scandagliar il precise delle sue intention!
per doversi poi doppo, mentre non dissenttisse egli dalPattentato predetto, maturare e
stabilire in nuova sessione col suo intcrvento e degl'altri generali il deoisivo dl questo
gravissimo punto, che merita d'esser con tutta la pesatezza equilibrato e OOlKsluSO.

"Francesco Morosini, cavalier, procurator, capitan general.
Gierolamo Garzoni, proveditor d'armata.
Pietro Querini. capitan estraordinario delle galeazze.
Agostin Sagredo, capitan delle galeazze.
Benetto Sanudo, capitan di Golfo.
Carlo Pisani, governator de' condannati.
Zorzi Kmo, commissario d'armata."

This document is misdated 27 September (1687) in Laborde, Athenes, II, 163-65, who
gives a rather defective text, which is repeated and also misdated in his I>ocumetit8, pp.
164-66.

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Franccaco Moroalni and the Deatruction the Parthenon

309

Konigsmarck. They had discussed at length a number of problems, espe-
cially the army's next move. The Turks had been thrown into such fear
and trembling by the fall of Athens that Morosini was, to be sure, won-
dering whether it might not be well to attempt "la bella inipresa di Ne-
groponte." lie told von Konigsmarck that in Venice the government and
the populace were said to be living in anxious expectation of news of
some truly great conquest. Von Kdnigsmarok, however, as we shall be
told again in Morosini*s dispatch of 10 October, objected to the very
thought of directing the campaign toward so hard and hazardous an
enterprise as an attack upon Negroponte at so late a date. But he did
suggest, since Athens had been taken, perhaps they should rcmnin
where they were, taking up winter quarters in the city. Then they could
try to drive the serasker from Thebes, and destroy that Tuikish outpost
so close to the Morea. The fleet might well pass die winter in Piraeus.

Although Morosini had reminded von Kdnigsmarck that the war coun-
cil had already fixed upon Corinth, Tripolis, and Nauplia for the winter
quarters, he added that the most discouraging news had come of late that
the pestilence was rampant in more than a dozen places in the Morea. It
was therefore agreed that Athens was probably the best place for the
troops to remain in during the winter. Also they would not attempt to
take Negroponte. Not only was the season late, but they lacked adequate
manpower, and they could not risk a failure. They must wait for rein-
forcements. Yes, now one could clearly see that the attack upon the
Acropolis, la fortczza d'Atene, was truly the work of divine inspiration.
The taking of the city was a glorious achievement. The troops would be
safe in Athens, and the Heet secure in Piraeus.

The shattered Turkish garrison, having unfurled the white tlag of
surrender, was to come down from the Acropolis "the day after tomor-
row*' {po9domani)t 4 October, and then the Christian garrison would
take over immediately. As for von K5nigsniarck*s proposal to attack and
drive the serasker from Thebes, the war council would have to settle that
question at a later session.^ As in the minutes of the war coiineil held on
29 September, so in those of the session of 2 October, also held in
Piraeus, there is no mention of the destruction of the Parthenon.

In the long and important dispatch of 10 October (1687) Morosini
finally informed the doge and Senate of how the Venetian fleet emerged
from the Gulf of Aegina during the evening of 20 September, landed in
Porto Lion the following morning, and disembarked the infantry and
cavalry with no interference from the Turks. It was ail done "nel breve

' Minutes of tlie meeting of the war council on 2 Oct«)bcr 1687. in Scnnto. Prow, da
terra e da imr, Plitt 1120, witliout (as always in this "Hie") pagination, and cf. Laborde,
Athinea^ 11, 167-71, and Documents, pp. 166-70.

310

Ventec, AuBtria, and the Turks in the Seventeenth Century

giro d'una notte." Upon the appearance of the fleet in Porto Lion the
Turks had shut themselves up "nella fortezza," i.e., they had taken ref-
uge on the AcropoHs, resolved to defend themselves, declaring that they
would not and could not surrender the Ottoman fortress.

The Venetian high command decided, therefore, immediately to
kunoh an attack "with the fury of arms," and the general von Kdnigs-
marok went quickly to woik. By the morning of 23 September two bat-
teries had l>een set up to fire at the upper reaches of the Acropolis, one
of six cannon and the other of four mortars (mortari da bombe), as
Morosini says, "to harass the besieged." In the meantime an inspection
of the fortress had made clear that it was unassailable on three sides. An
assault was possible only on the western slope of the Acropolis "against
the entrance at the fortihed gateway." The Venetian cannoneers di-
rected a continuous barrage of artillery at the western approach to the
fortress to reduce the damage which the Tuiks* artillery was beginning to
do their Christian assailants, and which made impossible any likelihood
of erecting earthworks to approach the gateway and upper walls of the
fortress.

The ceaseless bombardment of what Morosini calls that "barbarous
site" {barbaro luogo) continued for four days, from 23 to 26 September
(1687), under the direction of Antonio Mutoni, the count of S. Felice,
and finally "one had the satisfaction of seeing one bomb fall, amid the
others, with a lucky strike [con fortunato colpo] on the evening of the
twenty-sixth.'"® Morosini does not mention the fact in this context, but

*** In this dispatch of 10 October Morosini deariy gives Mutoni credit for firing the
"lucky strike" which destroyed the Perdienon: "Gol getto poi defle bombe continuatosl a

flagellar dal sopraintendente Conte di S. FcMce rinterno del barbaro luofto. s'hebbe il
coiitento di vederne fra le altre a cader una la sera di 26 con fortunato colpo. ..." A
certain Major Sobiewolsky In his account of the Hessian regiment at Athens says that the
fatal shot was tired by a lieutenant from Liineburg in one of Max Wilhelm's three regiments
(cf. Adolf Michaelis, Der Parthenon, I^eipzig, 1871, p. 346, no. 18). The Florentine agent
in Venice, Mattco del Teglia. seems to attribute the shot to his friend Rinaldo de la Rue,
who was later lulled at Negroponce in mid-September 1688 (Paton, MeduMeval and Renaia-
aance VMtora to Oreek Lands fl951|, pp. 125-26, 128). Still odiers have been given
credit for the shot that was soon to be heard round the world, on which see T.E. Mommsen,
"The Venetians in Athens and the Destruction of the Parthenon in 1687," American
Joumai t4 Archaeology, XLV (1941), 544-56, esp. pp. 549ff. As Monunsen notes, how*
ever, the account given by Sobiewtrfsky seems oonvlnoing, although Mutoni was In general
ohaige of the heavy artillery.

Mutoni's cannonading of the Aoropolls was subjected to a good deal of harsh oritloisni as
being wasteful and incompetent (i7 concefo della suapocca habilitd e la credenza ch'hab-
bia ptu parole che/atti). Morosini constantly defended Mutoni, with whom von Konigs-
marok ImkI become dissatisfied and angry. In fsct, according to a (somewhat inaccurate)
contemporary account, von Konigsmarck was removing Mutoni from command over the
artillery in order to replace him by another bombista (Sobiewolsky 's Liineburger?) at the
very moment when the "lucky strike" ignited the day's supply of gunpowder which the
Tuilis were storing in the Parthenon:

"11 Ghlnisniarah #1 levd la sopraintendenza ai moruri con sostituirii un altro bombisu,
ma nel panto <di*en per lime la oonaegna una bomba getata a caprioio e aensa r^la andd

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Francesco Morosini and the Destruction of the Parthenon

311

the bomb had fallen on the Parthenon, Igniting what he describes as a
goodly quantity of gunpowder which the Turks had stored therein, un
deposito di buona quantitd di polvere. The Hre spread quickly, burning
for two entire days, as Morosini wrote the doge and Senate, and de-
stroyed the Turkish dwellings on the Acropolis, causing great loss and
untold misery. Still the Turks would not surrender, displaying a fearless
courage that won the Christians' admiration.

The forlorn folk now stranded in the hot ruins of their houses placed all
their hopes in their local commander-in-chief, the serasker of Thebes,
and in fact after the siege of the Acropolis had lasted eight days, a large
body of Turkish horse appeared in the vicinity of Athens.** Von Konigs-
marck soon put them to tlight, however, and within the hour the be-
sieged lost all their spirit. From the height of the Acropolis they had
watched the wretched failure of the serasker. Hoisting the white tlag of
surrender (on the Prankish Tower), they sent down the west slope of the
Acropolis five of the chief figures among them as hostages. Now there
was a suspension of arms.

Von Kdnigsmarck referred the five Turks to Morosini "for the conclu-
sion of terms." The Venetian captain-general had decided to accept no
terms (patti). It was to be an unconditional surrender. The Swedish
general von Konigsmarck remonstrated, however; in one way or another
they had to take the fortress. Its rock-t>ound height would make its as-
sailment the most dliiicult he had ever encountered in any campaign.
Reluctandy Morosini gave way, agreeing to sign the terms of capitulation
in accord with von K6nigsmarck's wishes. It was 29 September.

The Turks must give up the Acropolis within five days, which meant 4
October. Morosini granted them a "gracious indult," an amnesty. Jhey
were required to leave the Acropolis unarmed, each one carrying off a
single bundle of his possessions on his back. In order to prevent their

a cadere sul tempiu di I'alade dentro alia Fnrtezza. e diede ii fuocco a moita polvere che per
glornahcro deposito tencvano In quel locco |if tnie|. II daimo fa molto, e fu irande anco it
pertcolo chc prendcsse fuocco anche II gran deposito ch'era pocco distante (if tnie, but the
Hre was to last for two full days), e grandissimo fu il timore degl'habitanti, chc rcstarono
con molUI OOlrfualone, eonie puo Hgurarsi . . ." {IMaiione deU'nperato daU'armi Venete
dappo la mia partensa da Corinto e deUa preaa d'Atene, ed. Spyridon P. Lampros, "Two
Aceounrs of Athens toward the End of the Seventeenth Century" |ln Greek], DeMon rfii
Historikes k(ti Ethiiolo^kes lletairtds tcs ilelU'ulos, V (Athens, 1897], 22,1. ;iik1 cf.
borde, II, 1 45-46, note, who gives selections from a modernized text of the MS. in the Bibl.
Nflilonale Mareiana. It. VII, 656 f7791|, foh. 102-4).

On the problems presented by this ReUititmc, see T.E. Mommscn. "The Venetians in
Athens and the Destruction of the Parthenon in 1687," pp. 549ff., who seems not to have
had access to Lampros's transcription of the original. The second "account of Athens,"
which Lampros, Deltum, V, 225-27, has published (from the same MS. Marc. It. VII, 656
|77'>1|. fols. 104''-106). is a historico archaeological survey of the late seventeenth-cen-
tury city. It is of some interest but of slight value.

" Cristoforo Ivanovich, Istoria delta Lega Ortodossa contra il Turco, ed. J. M. Paton
( 1 940), p. 1 1 , places the Turkish Inouralon at daybreak on 28 September, and says that the
enemy relief force consisted of 2000 liorM and one tlioiisand foot.

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312

Venice, Auetrla, and the nirfts In the Seventeenth Century

joining their fellow Turks at Negroponte (Euboea), as they would cer-
tainly have done in the event of their being given the opportunity to
leave Athens by land, Morosini obliged them to take passage from
Piraeus in certain foreign vessels which they had to charter at their own
expense. They were in fact to be conveyed to Smyrna aboard an English
pinco, three Ragusan pettachi, and two French tartane, all of which
happened to be immediately available. By the evening of 5 October
about 3,000 Turks, of whom five to six hundred were capable of bearing
arms, were embarked on these vessels headed for the Anatolian coast.
More than 300 Turks, male and female both, chose to remain in Athens
"to cleanse their impure souls with the waters of the sacred baptism. "^^
When the Turks came down from the Acropolis, as Morosini informed
the doge and Senate, they were subjected to insults and injuries inflicted
on them by the "insolent rapacity of the officers and soldiers of the
nations" which made up the Venetian army. He was in no position to
control the soldiers, he said, to see that Justice was done. The Turks*
wives and children as well as their belongings were taken from them by
force despite the fact that von Konigsmarck had ordered an escort for
them, as Morosini had recommended, suspecting some mishap on the
long road to Piraeus. All the Christians' evil doing and foul play took
place before the Turks could reach the port, where Morosini tried to
make some amends for the iqluries they had suffered and to make them
understand his resolve to see that no further wrong was done them.

The qaotatlon oomes from Morosinrs dispntoh of 10 October (see the following note),
which seems to have been made available to the author of the Vera e distinta Relatione
tMt'ttcqutsto delta cKcci vjortczzu d'Athent: /alto d(dl\irmi delta Serenissima Repubtica
di Venetla aotto la tMiforoM diretione detiVluatrissimo ct eccellentissimo Signor Fran-
cesco MortmbU . . ., Venice, 1687, which wu published by Antonio Pinelli, etampator
dxic(de:

". . . Per il corso di otto giorni si continuo con il cnnnone c con it fulmlnedelle bombe a
danegf^ar I'intemo [of the Acropolisl et accender il fuoco, et una di esie caduu in un
deposito dl polvere uccfse motto nnmero dl nemtcl con universale confusione. ... SI
effettuo doppo cinque giorni I'useita dclle jjcnti in nuniero di circa tre mille, e tra questi
Cinque in sei cento huomini d'armi, e sopra cinque bastimenti furono fatti trasportar a
Smime. Oltre dl eari per5 altrl trecento del oorpo ddio steaao prcaaidlo inapirati da! veto
lume del Cielo volaero tratteneril per mondare rimpnriti dell'anime con racqoe dd santo
bauesimo!"

On the movement of the Venetian forces Into Athens, the destruction of the Parthenon,

and the surrender of the Turks, note I>oeateIli, FI, 2-9. who says that Morosini and von
Konigsmarck landed 9,880 lout and 871 horse at Piraeus in order to take the city (cf.
above, note 6). On the Venetian occupation of Athens, cf. also Beregani, II, bk. vii, pp.
333-.19; Graziani. Frnncisc? Afnuroccnj . . . ^esta (1698). pp. .134-39; and Anri^i, De
vita et rehiis gestis Francisci Maiirocetii (1749). lib. iv, pp. 345-49.

Toward the end of 1687 one could also buy on the Rialto Bridge in V'enice a copy of the
Relatione delle cose piu curiose ed antiche che st ritrovano in vicinanza di Atene, which
Antonio Eloslo had produced at S. Maria Formosa. This latter tract was apparently written
by Rinaldo de la Rue, on which see Paton, Mediaeval and Renaissance Visitors to Greek
Lands (1951), pp. 84, note 1; 126; and 150-54, where the tract has been reprinted. Paton
need the copy In Pkmnoe; 1 Ihst met this text bi die Maroiana In Venice.

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Francesco Moro»ini and the DeatructUm qf tite Parthenon

313

"Thus there has also fallen into the power of the august domain of your
Serenity/' Morosini wrote the doge,

the illustrious and renowned fortress of Athens [the Acropolisj along with its
famous city of wide extent which, adorned with eminent buildings and antiqui-
ties, evoking famous and learned memories, lias boundaries exoeeding three
miles in circumference.

Here the Greeks are blessing with voices of exultant joy the hand which has
freed them from the enfeebling harshness they have suffered for so long a time,
all the more so as they see themselves rescued from the pillage and the vindlc-
tlveness (the Turfcsl brought to bear upon their persons, dwellings, and posses-
sions. They have not failed up to now to give sturdy proof of their contentment
and their faithful devotion (to us| in view of the fact that if we face some other
Turkish raid upon our camp, they have bestirred themselves to the extent of live
hundred men and more to enter the conflict with arms, adding themselves to the
sokHers under the command of the lord general Ivon KSnlgnnarckl, which has
rendered futile the enemy's every attempt at ambush.

Morosini had words of high praise for the two provveditnri di campo
Zorzi Bcnzon and Daniele DolHn, who had acted throughout the siege
"with their accustomed, indefatigable ardor," rendering every possible
assistance to the cavalry, attending to the needs of the gun einplace-
ments (batterie), and fulfilling all other requirements for the attack upon
the Turits. He also spoke with the highest approval of the nobles Niocol6
Capello, Andrea Pisani, Alessandro Valier, Perigo Marcello, and Pietro
Emo, "who have all shown themselves desirous of rendering the most
helpful service to the fatherland with an enhancement of their extraordi-
nary and distinguished merit."

As for Morosini himself, he acknowledged in his long letter of 10 Oc-
tober to the doge and Senate that now he longed for a still greater ad-
vance in the triumph of Venetian arms. He could not refrain from asking
the war council whether, after the fortunate surrender of Athens, they
should not "take heart and take counsel to launch some other invasion
elsewhere." The weather remained propitious, and therefore he thought
of "how glorious it might be to close the current campaign with some
marvelous and great exploit at Negroponte." But consultation with the
general staff concerning such a weighty decision led Morosini to leave
his flagship at Piraeus, where he had stayed through most of the siege,
and under the pretext of a review of the troops he went to von Kdnlgs-
marck's headquarters amid the tents at Athens.

As soon as Morosini broached the subject of Negroponte, von Konigs-
marck replied with strong objections to any attempt to take the strong-
hold on the well-fortiHed island, "not so much because the season was
far advanced, but chietly because of an inadequate number of troops."
He had no way of knowing, he said, that the Tuifcish garrison at Negro-

314

Venice, AvatrtOt and the Turka in tht Seventetnth Century

ponte, when combined with the sertsker's troops from Thebes, would be
inferior in numbers to the mercenary forces of Venice. By sorties alone
the Turks could prolong any attempt to put their stronghold under siege,
reducing still further the declining strength of the Serenissima's army.
Keeping the troops thus on call at all hours (a tutte I'hore sotto iarmi),
amid hostde enoounten and harah living conditions, would cause further
deaths and increase the persistent pestilence that had beset the army.
Their i^ight would lead to their withdrawal from Negroponte with further
losses of manpower, damage to their reputation, and a lessening of the
"public glory" they had thus far achieved.

From these prudent and well-based reflections, says Morosini, von
Konigsmarck went on to observe that by establishing their winter
quarters here in Athens they could provide the troops with much-needed
"quiet and repose," to which Morosini says he now gave his full agree-
ment. Without von KOnigsmarok*s presence, however, and his command
of the army, Morosini declared that one could not agree to leave the
Venetian forces in an exposed position on terra ferma, six miles from
the sea. Von Konigsmarck responded favorably to the captain-general's
statement. Yes, he would remain at Athens, and watch over all the troops
to try to avoid the "pernicious disorder" which threatened the army if
the foreign mercenaries should leave to take up winter quarters in the
islands, as their officers had already decided to do.

Having settled the important question of winter quarters, which Moro-
sini had found a constant worry, he reported to the members of his staff
the discussion with von Konigsmarck, to whose views they quickly ac-
ceded. There seemed to be no alternative to abandoning an attempt to
take Negroponte. Thus a conceivably successful trial of arms with the
Turks for the greatest prize in Greece was not going to take place, for the
Venetian forces were believed to be not strong enough to oust the Turks
from the important stronghold of Negroponte. It was withal a bitter dis-
appointment to Morosini, "because considering the present consterna-
tion of the enemy, a more favorable opportunity could never be hoped
for again."

In any event the decision had been made. The army would spend the
winter of 1687-1688 in Athens. The Venetian fleet would remain in
Piraeus, **Porto Uon," where the seamen could easily tar the keels, re-
pair their vessels, and have an immediate access to die sea.

This decision as to the |rfans for winter quarters was quite different
from that taken by the war council a month before (on 1 1 September),
but it had been necessary to yield not only to von Konigsmarck but also
to the wishes of the other held commanders and their troops. One great
worry remained, however, for the plague had broken out again in several
parts of the Morea. The quarantine at Modon had not yet been cleaned
up; according to dispatches of the proweditori of Corinth and Patras the

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Francesco Morotini and the Destruction of the Partkemm

315

plague had spread to Trikkala (northwest of Aifos) and to Tripolitsa

(Tripolis) as well as to ten villages In the region of Kalavryta. The prowe-
ditore of Maina had also reported that the dread disease had become
much worse in Mistra, causinj^ discord and misery in a poverty-stricken
area with a population of more than ten thousand.

Morosini was gravely worried by the extent of the plague in Mistra, dal
che/acendosi ptii sempre Jastidioao IHnoiluppo di quel motestfssimo
imharaxMO. He was as embarrassed as he was distressed by the plight of
the Mistriotes, for he had already ordered that the available supply of
millet should be parcelled out on a basis of cash payments. The poor
should be assisted by those who were well off, and in this connection he
declared he would not ^o alon^ with the impost being paid by the Jewish
community of a hundred households. It amounted to no more than the
"feeble sum" of 2,000 reali, paid with the annual tribute of 100 sequins
ifxchini) to the proweditore of Maina.

Leaving Morosini to worry about the millet and the money, we may
note that in the history of early modem warfare the various types of
pestilence— especially the bubonic plague, typhus fever, cholera, ma-
laria, and dysentery — were usually as important as cannon and mus-
ketry. The plague or pestilence did not assist Morosini's troops, re-
cruited from various nations, to get along with one another.
Insubordinate ofiioers were always a troublesome problem. As the
plague spread, Morosini ordered contaminated houses and goods to be
burned. The elders, veccfciardt, of infected villages were warned not to
allow their people to carry the plague elsewhere through trade or travel.
Morosini had forbidden the peasants to move in or out of the Strait of
Corinth. He was leaving no stone unturned, as he assured the Venetian
government, to uproot the dreadful malady, but only the hand of God
could slay the "perfidious monster with which 1 have had to struggle for
SO long a time.**

Despite the peril and hindrance of the plague, Morosini made it clear
that the important fortress at CSorlnch was not being neglected, for the
Venetian government was apparently following his advice to send a
strong force to the shores of "the other Gulf," that is, of Corinth. If the
need arose, they could take the passes and close the entranceway to
such incursions as the Turiis might attempt. Since it had been possible to
bum in their entirety the outskirts and the town of Megara, which the
Turks had abandoned in the area of the Strait of Corinth, von Kdnigs*
marck seemed to be thinking also of an attack upon Thebes to destroy
the scraskcr's stronghold, from which with irritating madness the Turks
would send out troops of cavalry to ravage the countryside. Von Konigs-
marck's idea was of course well worth considering, but such action had
to be postponed, as the minutes of the meetings of the war council would
make dear to the Venetian government.

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316

Venice, AuMHa, and the Turk» in the Seventeenth Century

The doge and Senate would understand from Morosinrs report that

Athens must be made into an armed fortress with sufficient provisions.
Without a strong mihtary force one could never undertake the conquest
of Negroponte, "upon which the possession of Achaea depends entirely
as well as the peace and security of the kingdom of the Morea." The
taking of Negroponte, therefore, should be the prime concern of the
Venetian government. Although Morosini does not mention the fact in
the present context, the Maltese, papal, and Florentine troops had not
(as expected) joined his forces, owing to the plague in the Morea. Fur-
thermore, the regiments recently enrolled by the Signoria had been di-
verted to Dalmatia for the same reason. His failure to receive the needed
reinforcements was a stroke of ill fortune for, as he declared, a splendid
opportunity had been lost which might have brought undying fame to
the triumphant glory of Venetian arms, cetto pur esaendo cfce per colpa
d*un tal e tanto diffetto hora si prova la diagraUa d'eaaersi perduta si
beUa occasUme che immortalato havrebbe la gloria triof^fante di
qvest'anni.

Morosini regarded certain foreign recruits (oltramarini) as the best
and most proHtablc of the military investments that Venice was making.
He thought that the more such recruits the Signoria could enlist "at any
price," the better, for the experienced soldiery of "the bellicose nation
bore fruit both on land and at sea'* (. . . per il buonfrutto che da si
beUicosa natione in terra e sul mare se ne ricava). It is clear that the
oltramarini referred to were the Dalmatians. Certainly the Germans
were also a bellicose nation, well trained since the Thirty Years' War, but
Morosini had constant difficulty with them, as we shall observe again,
and of course they did not come from "beyond the sea." Young recruits
were a problem; they became ill and fell by the wayside. The plague had
wreaked havoc in the Venetian forces, but a company of Neapolitans had
Just arrived to fill up the defrfeted ranks of a regiment. The Venetians,
however, must keep their promise to the Holy See to send back to Rome
two companies of infantry provided by Pope Innocent XI, now that the
campaign of 1687 was drawing to a close.

The perennial problem remained, however, of the Signoria's paying
the wages of dead soldiers whose names were retained on the enrollment
lists as a means of enriching their officers. Morosini's worries were mani-
fold, and he closed his letter to the doge and Senate with facts and figures
to illustrate the difficulties he faced.'^

" SeiMto, Prow, da terra e da mar, Piiza 1 120, dispatch dated "dl falera, Porto Lion, 10

Ottobre 1687, s(til) n(ovo)," and sij»ned by Morosini; and cf. Laborde, Athenes, IF, 157-61,
misdated 4 or 5 October, and Documents, pp. 1 70-73, also misdated, transcribed from a
poor copy and incomplete in both of Laborde's works. This dispatch was paMlshed with

the correct date by Nicolo Varola and Francesco Volpato, Dispaccio di Francesco Morn-
aini, capituno generale da mar, intorno al bombardamento ed alia presa di Aiene,

Francesco Morottini and the Destruction of the Parthenon

317

In a dispatch of the following day (11 October) Morosini wrote the
doge and Senate from Piraeus that, inasmuch as Venice had now ac-
quired Athens, he believed the Greeks should continue to make their
annual "contributione" of 9,000 reali to the Signoria, especially if in
the pact they had made with the Venetian govemment they had agreed
to assist in the taking of Athens from the Turks. They had every reason to
rejoice in the expulsion of the Turks, "et han ben motivo di riconoscere
la somma loro felicita in si dolce cambiamento di vassalleggio." Cer-
tainly little or no harm, he said, had been done them in the assault upon
the fortress. Also he had raised their spirits by naming Daniele Dolhn,
the proveditor in catnpo, as governor of the city. The admirable Dolfin
had not hesitated to add the weight of governance to his other
responsibilities.

To the fortress on the Acropolis, Morosini intended to appoint a Vene-
tian noble "che sostenga la reggenza del recinto." As soon as the Turks
had come down from the fortress, he had sent Count Tomeo Pompei up
with a garrison to clear away the ruins and to cleanse the place of the
putrifying corpses, "of which there were more than three hundred, of
both sexes, killed by that one prodigious bomb that caused the desola-
tion of the majestic temple dedicated to Minerva, which had been con-
verted into a heathen mosque.** At last we have a reference to the Par-
thenon, two weeks after its destruction.

Morosini noted that he had chosen a chaplain, presumably for the
garrison, as well as a Capuchin father of the province of France, appar-
ently for Catholics in the encampment. The Capuchin was a missionary
who had resided in Athens ever since his arrival there fifteen years be-

Vanno 1687, Venice, 1862 (per le nozze Morosini-Costantini). from the copy of the Di-
spaccf del Capitan Gerierale Francesco Morosini, 31 Muggio 1686-19 Moflfiio 1688 in the
Biblioteca Correr (Venice). MS. Correr. I, 209 (Colloc. 772), on which cf. Adolf Michaelis,
Der Parthenon, Leipzig. 1871, pp. 345-46, and Faton, The Venetians in Athens, p. xii,
with the refs., ibid., pp. 7 1 , 76, 82, 89, 99, and on the destruction of the Parthenon, note
Michaelis, op. cit., pp. .14.S-47, and I'aton. pp. 69-71. Having missed the work of Varola
and Volpato as well as the notices in Michaelis and Faton, Favan still dates the dispatch in
question on 4-5 October In L'Awentura del Partenone (1983), pp. 171, 174. Since
Mommsen. in ihe Am. Joiirn. Arch., XLVfl941). .S48, puts Morosini's second dispatch (of
11 October) "about a week after this first account (of 29 September! of the conquest of
Athens." he also misdates the latter text on 4-5 October. Damerinl, Morosini (1929). pp.
259-60. has the correct date ( 10 October, 16S7).

On the siege and taking of Athens note, among the various contemporary literary
sources, Francesco Muazzo, Storiu della guerra tra li Veneti e Turchi, Bibl. Nazionale
Marciana, MS. Ital. Vli. 172 (8187). bk. iii, fols. 54*-S6*, who puts the destruction of the
Parthenon on 27 September; Michele Poscarlnl, L'Istoria della Repubhlica veneta, in
Degl'lstorici delle cose venexiane, X (Venice, 1722), 250-51. On 18 October Anna
Akerhjelm wrote her brother Samuel Mansson of "how repugnant it was to his Excellency
fvon Konigsmarck] to destroy the beautiful temple which has existed for three thousand
years |!|, and which is called the temple of Miner\'a, but in vain. The bombs had their effect,
and so never in this world can the temple ever be replaced" (Laborde, i4(/ienes, II, 276-77,
and Documents, pp. 234-35).

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318

Venice, Auatrta, and cfce Turka <n the Seventeenth Century

fore. These were not, strictly speaking, appointments, for Morosini could
not make abiding ecclesiastical decisions without the authorization of
the Venetian government. As an aside we may note that the Capuchin
hospice in Athens included the choregic monument of Lysicrates, known
for centuries as the "lantern of Demosthenes" (at the foot of the east
slope of the Acropolis), which Fr. Simon de CSompiegne had acquired for
the Order in 1669.

But to return to Octol>er 1687, von Kdnigsmarck had just sent the
captain-general twenty-two male "blackamoors" (Mori) and forty-one
negresses (ncre).''' The blackamoors Morosini had divided between the
naval commanders and certain superior officers (capi da mare e so-
praintendcjiti), "according to the usual custom." To please von Konigs-
marclc he had returned the female slaves in order that they might be of
some use to the soldiers, even thou^ the latter had already carried off
diverse slaves of every sort. As for other matters, Morosini wrote that the
Venetians had acquired from the fortress ei^teen cannon, among them
twelve of bronze, with two mortars, nn petrier . . . et una gran bom-
barda, the latter of huge caliber designed to shoot stone can-
non balls.

As we have had several occasions to note, Morosini was continually
beset by a shortage of funds. Like an accountant, he had to weigh the
cost of each next move. Now that the campaigning season of 1687 was
drawing to a close, he sought to relieve his coffer (oaaaa) of the heavy
costs of chartering vessels. As he reported to the doge and Senate in his
long dispatch of 11 October, he had terminated the leasing of fifty-three
ships (bastimenti) of various kinds, especially pettachi and marciliane,
and had conrined himself to the retention of five pinchi, six navi, nine
pettachi, two brulotti, and fourteen marciliane}^ He was Iceeping ves-
sels of larger tonnage since they would be able to hold the munitions and
materiel (even if "with great difficulty**) which were being unloaded
from the other vessels. It would certainly be more of a chore thus to
distribute the needed materials among the squadrons, but anyhow
Morosini was saving 200 ducats a month, reducing the costs of convey-

** As one example of the many minor but (I think) misleading Haws in the text of Moro-

sini's dispatches used by Laborde s copyist. \vc find that "ventidue furono li schiavi e
quaranta una le schiave prese dal signer Konismarch" {Athines, II, 162, and Documents,
p. 1 74). Actually, however, the passage in question appears in die original sfgned dispatch
as "vcnti due fiirno li Mori c quaranta una le nere inviatemi dal si^nor Konismarch . . ."
(ref. in note 16). While certain modernizations of spelling are obvious in the texts pub-
lished In Laborde's two works, I have no Inkling as to why such changes as we find In the
present instance should ever have been made.

" On the various vessels mentioned, see the Dizionario di marina medievale e mo-
demo, Rome: Reale Aocademla d'ltalia, 1937.

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319

ance from 1,500 to 1,300 ducats a month, and all without altering any of
the Signoria's contractual obligations.

In the meantime it was apparently unclear whether the regiments of
Brunswick veterans would remain with Morosini's forces or leave at the
close of the campaigning season. The overbearing Morosini had had
trouble with the various branches of his German troops, over whom
discipline could be exercised only by their own officers, who were not
always cooperative. In some ways he would have been as glad to see
them go as to remain with him in Greece, but in either event, when the
spring came, he would need reinforcements. Most of all he needed
money, and at times he thought a convoy might appear bringing the
needed Hnancial subventions. He expressed bitterness that the amount
he had expected had been reduced to 200,000 ducats, although a like
amount was supposed to be sent "on a new voyage." Winter was coming,
however, and Athens was far from Venice; "di si lungo tiatto di camino
sa il Gielo quando potran capitare."

The doge and Senate would understand from Morosini's account the
dire needs of their forces at Athens. In order to help maintain the for-
tresses of Maina. Coron, Modon, Navarino, Gastel Tornese, Patras, and
"Lepanto and its Dardanelles," he was allocating to them the taxes col-
lected (/e SQossioni) on the islands of Zante and Cephalonia. This would
provide the said fortresses with their monthly allotment of funds as well
as of bread; for the required transport he was going to assign two of the
fourteen mardiiane he had retained In his service. The fortresses of 8.
Maura, Prevesa, Corinth, and one or two other places seemed to be
provided for adequately. As galleys were being outfitted in the Arsenal at
Istanbul, so also did Morosini and von Konigsmarck require sliilled car-
penters to set in order the Venetian tleet.

Morosini had acquired an intercepted letter which the Monemvasiotes
had sent to the Turkish commandants at Canea on the island of Crete. He
was pleased to learn how badly off the Monemvasiotes were as they
implored the commandants to send them some relief. In the meantime
the Venetian siege of the towering, rock-bound fortress continued, with
the local peasants apparently assisting the besiegers to add to the Turl(s'
"tormento della disperatione."

Toward the close of "this most reverent dispatch" (of 11 October) to
the doge and Senate Morosini expressed in his usual baroque style his
gratitude for the honors done him and for the appointment of a second
nephew to a post of dignity. With an equal fervor, however, he went on to
lament the fact that he was being harassed by a "monstrous fatality,"
which was not at all allayed by the recognition being accorded to him
and his family. Indeed, he was beset by a "pitiless destiny which is
always seeking to pull me down with insidious affronts!" He had reason

320

Venice, Austria, and the Turk* in the Sevenuenih Century

to grieve, he said, when at the very apogee of success he saw no escape
from disparagement

One source of Morosini's discontent lay in the fact that the first of his
nephews [Piero Morosini]

who, while he remains here with me exposed to ceaseless coil, suffering, and
peril, was almost degrsded from die position of captain of the Oolf. Well do I
undentand that my long tenure of this exalted, important post with the obliga-
tion of exercising that justice which does not please everyone is a veritable
bellows emitting noxious fumes for one's descendants. ... In the end I shall
trust that the pious humanity of your Excellencies may be moved to deliver me
from this deplorsl^ state which, without provident and solicitous aid, can only
lead me to idtimate destruction. . . .

This was not the first time Morosini had asked in one way or another to
be relieved of his charge as captain-general of the fleet of the Republic.
In Venice his opponents, adherents of the ambitious Girolamo Corner,
then commander of the Signoria's forces in Dalmatia, had doubtless
sought to disparage Morosini by the flippant treatment of his nephew.
Comer was generally believed to be Morosini's chief rival for the dogate
if the ailing Giustinian should die. He was doing well in Dalmatia, having
Just taken Caste! Nuovo from the Turlcs (on 30 September 1687). An-
other source of Morosini's exasperation was the fact that Corner had
received contingents of troops diverted from Morosini's command for
fear of the plague in the Morea, with which troops Morosini felt he might
well have taken Negroponte.

Misfortune always resulted ^m the troublesome political commo-
tions of the sort that had involved his nephew, as Morosini noted at the
conclusion of his dispatch of 1 1 October. The law was disregarded to the
prejudice of the naval captains (capi da mare) who might seek advance-
ment in rank and the procurement of reserves they richly deserved.
Certainly everyone of them was risking his life and crew to the hazards of
warfare to help increase the glory of the Venetian state. They diould be
encouraged with gestures of privilege and distinction which under the
current circumstances would enliven their spirits so much the mora to
sacrifice their all "to the adored service of the fatherland."^^

SeiMto, l>rDW. 6m terra e <fai mar, Fllta 1 1 20, dtepatch dated "dl galera, Porto lion, 1 1

Ottobre 1687 s[til] n(ovol," and signed by Morosini; and cf. Paton. The Venetians in Ath-
ens (1940), pp. 48-55, 98-99. An addendum to the dispatch of 1 1 October, dated "1687 a
di 6 Ottobre sftil] nfovol, Porto Uon," provides a "Nota degFarteglieria rittrovata nella
fortezza d'Attcne acqtiistata dairarmi gloriose delta Sercnissima Republica di Venezia."
The list includes bombs, cannon, columbines, and falconets.

Francesco Muazz.o, Storiu dclUi f*ucrra tra li V'encfi c TuTCki, in the Bibl. Nazionale
Marciana. MS. it. Vil. 1 72 (8187). bks. i-in, fols. 1-43", has covered the war in Dalmatia
up to 'Tacquisto di Caste! Nuovo." On the career of Girolamo Corner, note the account

Francesco Moroaini and the Destruction of the Parthenon

321

While Moroslni worried and fretted over his probleiiis, ^orying in the
victories thiwfar achieved and complaining about the lack of money and
supplies, the rest of the worid was almost as impressed with the Vene-
tians' advance in the Morea as with the Austrians' triumphs in east-cen-
tral Europe. On 25 October (1687), for example, the doge Marc'Antonio
Giustinian returned a brief but courteous reply to the Ragusei in ac-
knowiedgment of their letter of 10 September (even before Morosini's
penetration into Attica), congratulating the Signoria "upon the suc-
cesses granted by the Lord God to our arms in the Levant." Giustinian
assured the Ragusei that the Venetian Signoria entertained the same
"kindly disposition" toward them as they had expressed toward
Venice.'^

In another long dispatch prepared at the end of the month (30 October
1687) Morosini wrote the doge and Senate that the troops had been
quartered **nella citti d*Atene** in apparently seemly fashion with the
assistance of the lord general, the Count von K6nigsmarok. Their hous-
ing was a problem, however, and Morosini had taken up with the lord
general the question whether it might be possible to make the inhabit-
ants of the city provide maintenance for the troops so that the Venetian
government would carry little or no further burden during the coming
winter than the funds which must be given to the officers, who paid their
troops. As always, the captain-general was seeking to reduce expenses;
they preyed upon his mind with ever-lasting intensity. The few houses of
the well-to-do had already been taken from them, however, and "all the
rest are living by their own sweat." Von KOnigsmarck also found "other
insuperable difficulties in allowing the dispersal (of the troops] in such
close proximity to the enemy, with the disruption of military discipline
which would result from our few units' being in so many habitations,
mixed up among the families of the Greeks. ..."

It might have been a good way, if practicable, of saving money, but von
Kdnigsmarck's objection had rendered Morosinl's idea futile. Also one
wonders to what extent the poor Athenians could have supported the
troops bivouacked upon them. "But just as I have had with inexpressible
sorrow to put up with planning so different from my strongest desires,
which I had set about putting into effect," as Morosini informed the
Signoria, "just so with equal distress do I already have to witness the
considerable flights from the encampment, even though the cost of

ilven by R. Derosu, in the DMonario blogn^fico degH Itattani, XXIX (1983), 243-47,
with a good bibliography, and on Gomer's nicoew at Gattd Nuovo, see Beragmil, II, bk.

VII, pp. 325-33.

" Senato, Delib. Costantinopoli (Sccreta), Reg. 35, fol. 76. doc. dated 25 October,
1687, the text of which was approved by the Senate +7^. 1, 2. After this letter no further
entries were made in this register for more than two years, until 15 December, 1689.

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322

Venice, Austria, and the Turks in the Seventeenth Century

arresting deserters has risen from the four sequins current in the king-
dom of die Morea to ten sequins heie in tlie more open country."

In these past days Morosini had had two men hanged on a yardann,
and iMd arrested three others on orders of the lord general. In fact the

latter three culprits, guilty of the heinous crime of desertion, were still
hanging from trees in the countryside as an example of the punishment
that awaited other such treasonous wretches. The evil was mostly to be
found "among the soldiers of the new levies, and especially of the French
nation, unstable of themselves and given by nature to always wandering
off" (nei aotdati di nuove leve e massime di natUme francese iatabtie
per se stessa et avexza al genio di sempre vagare). To help improve the
situation Morosini suggested that all or most of "die soldiery ^ould be
incorporated in the large corps of the old regiments."

As the doge and Senate were well aware, however, such was the nature
of the military contracts that discord was inevitable, inasmuch as justice
was administered to all the mercenaries by the various officers com-
manding their units. If it were possible to modify the "despotic author-
ity" of the officers, Morosini believed it would also be possible to hold
down the desertions and to establish a proper discipline among the
troops. He had already apprised the Signoria of the fact that three re-
doubts, now manned with task forces, had t>een built along the road from
Athens to Piraeus to assure access to the sea.

Meanwhile to keep the cavalry supplied with fodder it was necessary
for von Konigsmarck to combine horse and foot in frequent excursions to
provide for such needs from the countryside, where one always had to be
on the alert against an enemy attack. There was a report that the ser-
asker was now more quickly gaining strength as a result of reinforce-
ments. To keep him from the environs of Athens, Morosini had proposed
to von Konigsmarck "the idea of invading and sacking the villages of
Livadia, which are furnishing him with provisions, and thus also to put in
some want the large garrison of Negroponte, which has probably been
obtaining therefrom the abundance of its foodstuffs."

Since von K6nigsmarok had approved of the idea of striking at Livadia
— and it would presumably be necessary first to attack Thebes — ^Moro-
sini believed it essential to issue orders to the Venetian authorities ev-
erywhere in the Morea to put their forces in readiness for the coming
venture. They were to gather at the Strait of Corinth by 7 November,
having collected as many Greek auxiliaries as they could to increase the
force of the projected onslaught upon Livadia which, if successfully
carried out, would certainly be an immense blow to the Turks. Morosini
proposed Zorzi Benson, who had recendy been appointed one of the two
proveditori estraordinarii of the Morea, as commander of the Moreote
forces to sally forth against Livadia.

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Francesco Mcrosini and the Destructian of the Parthenon

323

Morosini was also still worrying about '*chat most troublesome em-
barrassment," the plague, as well as the penury, of the inhabitants of
Mistra. The provveditore of Maina, however, had succeeded by a new
accord with the .lews in extracting from them immediately some 5,000
reali [instead of 2,000] and the assurance of an annual "contribution" of
50^000 aspers. Morosini had directed the provveditore of Maina (also
named Morosini) to see to the collection of every possible source of
revenue. For the rest, thanks to the Almighty, the fortress of Modon was
now said to be free of the plague, although one still looked forward to
seeing the neighboring villages rid of the dread affliction.

It was still a question whether the old regiments of Brunswick-
Liineburg under Prince Maximilian Wilhelm would remain with the
Venetian forces or not. In any event Morosini was reserving the vessels
necessary to transport them to Venice if in fact they were leaving. As-
sailed meanwhile by repeated requests made in the names of the lord
princes of Brunswick and Wurttemberg no less than by those made in the
name of Ivouis de Turenne, Morosini was trying to find the ways and
means of pleasing them. To overcome every difficulty he had decided to
set aside the ships S. Giovanni di Villafrunca and Madonna di Belveder
to make easier the passage of their subjects. But it was not easy to please
everyone or, for that matter, anyone; life was a laborious business for
Morosini during these months.

Besides the problems of desertion and discipline the captain-general's
dispatch of 30 October (1687) deals with the abuse of die soldiery by
certain commanders, financial difficulties relating to payments to the
mercenaries, the rank to be given to certain officers, and the accounts to
be paid under the various contracts that he was trying to manage. The
sergeant-general Gorbon was ill, and preparing to depart for Curzola
(KorSula); the lieutenant-general Davila had simply bowed out; others
had been lost since the beginning of this year's campaign. A replacement
of senior officers was needed. The mere thought of being supplied with
ship's biscuit only until December horrified Morosini, and yet he waited
and waited for the convoy that did not come.

Morosini thought that provisions could be obtained for the coming
winter by impinging upon the Levantine trade, but in the meantime
everything that could be procured in the surrounding countryside must
be sent directly to Porto Uon (Piraeus), for he could not divert ships
from the fleet to pick up foodstuffs. He had already notified the doge of
the munitions he needed, but now he sent a more precise list, specifying
the amount of gunpowder required as well as the number of bombs, fuses
(michia, presumably for matchlocks), and cannon balls "so that the
most essential implements for warfare will not be lacking in time
of need."

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Venice, Austria, and the Turks in the Seventeenth Century

In one of his recurrent dilations upon the obvious, Morosini explained
to the doge and Senate that without large and strong reinforcements the
Venetian mercenaries could never keep pace with the "grandi opera-
tioni" which lay ahead, for illness and desertion had depleted their
ranks. The army must be rebuilt for action before the Hrst week of May
(1688). As he had already notified the doge» the kapudan pasha had been
sununoned to Istanbul, but now reports came from Smyrna that having
gone beyond the "Gastelli" into the Dardanelles (of Istanbul) with the
galleys and ships, the Ottoman grand admiral had apparently soon de-
parted. He had rctitted his armada with all the ships at Fochies (Fo9a,
Phocaea) along with nine vessels of the sultan and three of the Barbary
corsairs. It was hard to know what the Turks intended to do next. Moro-
sini assumed that they would remain at Fochies to keep an eye on the
Venetians if they should venture out of Piraeus. As winter approached,
the Turkish armada would doubtless withdraw into the Dardanelles.
There was, however, a rumor, which Morosini doubted, that the armada
might stay through the winter at Fochies.

As for the campaign of 1688, the Venetian fleet must make as good a
showing in the Archipelago as it had the year before. Anti-Turkish cor-
sairs should be encouraged. The Venetians would have less trouble with,
and the Turks less assistance from, the Barbary corsairs, because the
Algerians would now "have to defend themselves from the indignation of
France.**

Morosini dosed the dispatch of 30 October with the note that he was
entrusting its delivery to the captain of the Belvedere

together with a drawing of the fortress and city of Athens prepared with great
care by milord superintendent [of artillery, Antonio Mutoni], count of S. Felice,
who must take much credit for dieir conquest. He has added diverse annotations
concerning the celebrated monuments which arc still resplendent in their an-
cient remains, and which seem to me worthy of the careful consideration of your
Excellencies.'^

Morosini*s life seemed, at least to him, a compound of double toil and
trouble, as he explained in his dispatch of 14 November (1687). After a
long and worried wait for the convoy he needed so badly, he finally

Scnato, I'rovv. da terra e da mar, Filza 1 120. dispatch dated (by Morosini) "di ^slen,
I'orto Lion, li 30 Ott()i)re 1687. sltilj n(ovol," and signed by Morosini. As is well known,
■oMtefS In the seventeenth ccnniry— often recruited, sometimes forcibly, from the poor
peasantry and the riffraff of society — led miserable lives, as emphasized by Redlich, The
German Military Enterpriser, II (1965), 191-230, and so desertions were widespread
and expected {ihid^ II, 213-19, 228-30). In October (1687) the foreign princes and some
of the chief officers apparently did return to Venice or to other places in the West for the
cominit winter (liocatelli, II, 10-11).

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Francesco Morofrini and the Destruction qf the Parthenon

325

received a report that the convoy, consisting of only two Bnglish ships,

had landed on 29 October (1687) at the island of Zante. Despite the
diligence of the Venetian commander involved, thirty-two days had been
wasted, and then it was necessary to disembark at Zante, setting ashore
two companies of mercenaries as well as the money scheduled for deliv-
ery to Morosini. With the assistance of the English consul every effort
had been made — but all In vain — to induce the captains of the two ves-
sels to continue the voyage to Athens. Even the ship's biscuit had had to
be unloaded from the vessel carrying it

\f orosini was "agitato et afflitto;" his problems had mounted into "in-
effable torments." Failure to feed the soldiers and seamen would lead to
disaster, threatening the apparent good fortune of Venice. Having no
alternative, Morosini had decided to ration the available ship's biscuit,
doling out smaller quantities to the land forces and to the oarsmen and
gunners of the fleet. He was, however, giving them all a lira a day at the
rate of five soldi per lira in cash in addition to their regular wages. The
other seamen were to receive three soldi. The officers of the Brunswick
regiments, however, refused to go along with any such arrangement, and
to avoid the risk of an "insufferable scandal," Morosini had to yield to
the Germans' "having insisted upon the exchange of enough rice to
make up for the shortage of bread, [and lacking rice?) 1 have had to give
them wheat, measure for measure, to effect this compensation."

To lessen the task of distributing the ship's biscuit and to lessen also
the consumption of his limited stores, Morosini had decided to send the
four galleys of Corfu, Zante, and Gephalonia back home with orders to
the officials on the islands to discharge the seamen immediately, but
with the understanding that they should be rehired and rearmed before
the coming March (of 1688). Morosini had hoped that he might first
employ their labor at Coron and Modon, but now it was not to be so.
These penurious procedures were detrimental to the best interests of the
State, and made a poor showing, especially with the troops in winter
quarters so close to the enemy and with so many desertions taking place
among the Venetian forces. The sad fact was that every day the deserters
kept the Turks aware of what was going on in Athens and at Piraeus.

Morosini lacked ship's carpenters, tanners, and other workmen; the
constant postponement of maintenance was proving harmful to the fleet.
On "the day before yesterday" (12 November 1687) only two small
vessels — the pettachio Madonna del Roaario and the saTque Madonna
di Loreto— had arrived in Piraeus with tents for the winter and some
other equipment, but with less than a week's supply of bread.

The weather had been stormy. It would get worse. Morosini was pre-
paring a squadron of seven of the more worn and shoddy ships to send to
the island of Curzola (Korcula), whither he had already sent the S. Gio-
vanni Battista with Max Wilhelm, the prince of Brunswick, aboard. Nu-

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Venice, Austria^ and the Turks in the Seventeenth Century

merous other vessels had also to be sent westward for repair and recon-
ditioning so that when the spring came for the next campaign, they might
be ready for "un vigoroso et utile servitio." Morosini had already dis-
patched two other ships, the S. Iseppo and the Face Abbondanza, to the
remaining Venetian foriresses on Crete — those at Suda, Spinalonga, and
Grabusa — as well as to the stronghold at Gerigo. He was supplying Gra-
busa and Gerigo at least with money enough to last through March
(1688) and ship's biscuit enough to see the garrisons into April. In this
connection Morosini was relying upon the able Alessandro Valier, "who
through the entire course of the present war has always labored as a
volunteer both in these well-known hazards and in the perils of
Dalmatia."

Morosini then discharged from service another half-dozen or more
ships "for some respite to the public coffers," but he was still keeping in
reserve the five pettachi, one nave, and one pinco "for the voyage of the
three veteran regiments of Brunswidc if they should have to leave here in

accord with the contract." In some doubt as to public policy, now that
mid-November had come, Morosini was trying to prolong the stay of
various mercenary troops and officers, although the sergeant-general
Hermann Philipp von Ohr was always pressing him for the means of
departure. Indeed, trying to keep him satished with plans and prepara-
tions for embaritation

has been the best way to keep him in suspension, and although it may be said
truly that I do not know how I can get him removed from the fixed notion he has
had up to the past week that vessels should be got ready and the troops put
■board them, for he has been terrlUy frightened by a false romor spread abroad
with mischievous skill by the Turin that one snspeots the infectious disease to be
at Thebes.

Ohr remained, however, until the end, and would participate in the siege
of Negroponte the following year, as would Max Wilhelm, the prince of
Brunswick.

Rumor was a weapon which the Turks were now using to their advan-
tage, having seen how great a distraction it had proved to the Venetian
forces during the campaign of 1687. They were likely to continue trying
to reap some benefit in the coming campaign from their false and venom-
ous reports. Apparently the Guria Romana especially needed reassur-
ance. A recent Venetian venture into the "canal" or channel of Negro-
ponte, however, had excited the anti-Turkish feelings of certain local
leaders in the area of Thessaloniki, along the Bulgarian border. They
were much moved by the success of Christian arms against the common
enemy. Actually two of the principal leaders involved had come to Ath-
ens, and had shown themselves ready to join in the next campaign when-

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Francesco JfonMint and the Destruction qf the Parthenon

327

ever the Venetian fleet should move into the vicinity of Thessaloniki.
They would come out to join the Venetian forces with three hundred or
more horsemen, and serve like an enrolled militia with no more drain on
the public treasury than the daily biscuits and the required arms and
munitions. Upon the departure of the two leaders Morosini presented
each of them with some sort of medal, "che riceverono con indicibil
contento/' end giive them enuranoe of rewards to come in Iteeping with
the value of their service.

As autumn was approaching winter, the new serasker Mehmed Pasha
settled his troops into winter quarters. He had gone to Talanda, "a city in
the vicinity of NejEJroponte toward the Gulf of Volo." To keep the Vene-
tian Signoria informed, Morosini identified the Turkish commanders in
Greece — Emir Pasha was at Livadia (just west of Lake Copais), Saim
Pasha at Zeitounion (Lamia, inland from the Gulf of Malls), Jusulderem
Ahmed Pasha at Trikkala in western Thessaly, and Ismail Pasha,
Mehmed's predecessor as serasker, at Thessaloniki. All told, the Turkish
forces would now amount to about 5,000 foot and 3,000 horse besides
the large garrison of 4,000 to 5,000 at Negroponte, while Mustafa Pasha
at Thebes had 800 foot and 500 horse at his immediate command. Mus-
tafa was making frequent and furtive raids from Thebes, trying "to infest
the countryside" and sometimes falling into conflict with the Venetian
troops, who were setting traps for his cavalry. The agility of the Tufklsh
horse, however, was such as to carry them off into instant flight and
safety.

As a consequence of the serasker's great increase of Turkish soldiery
in the province of Livadia, Morosini judged it wise to give up the "medi-
tata invasione" of the region. It was not practicable to send a corps of
peasants into so dangerous an enterprise with the evident risk of serious
defeat, considering the ease with which the enemy had added to his
strength and reorganized his troops so that within a few short hours he
could bring thcmn together for action.

For the rest much might depend upon the results of the clamorous
excitement then raging in Istanbul, where the populace was becoming
ever more incensed at the abhorrent figure of Sultan Mehmed IV so that
conspiracies were being hatched against his life. Mehmed's supporters
were being eliminated. His opponents were divided into two factions,
one seeking to elevate his young son [Mustafa] and the other, his elder
brother (Suleiman II or III] so that some change of fortune for the better
might accompany the new occupant of the throne. Morosini had not yet
learned the fact, but on 8 November (1687), six days before the date of
this dispatch to the doge and Senate, Mehmed had indeed been deposed,
and his brother Suleiman was reigning as sultan.

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328

Veiukw, Auatrta, amd cftc TWfcs <n the Seventtenth Ctntury

Other news from the Porte was to the effect that the kapudan pasha
had lost his head by order of the suhan (d'ordine reggio) for his failure to
meet the V^enetian captain Ix)rcnzo Venier at the harbor of Rhodes. For
the same reason, but there was some uncertainty about the report, the
Turkish commander of the ships that had been restored at Fochies had
also been deoapitated. Morosini was disposed to urge Venier on to
"fruitful attacks" upon the Tuiks every time they ventured out to sea
although* in view of the number of vessels he had had to discharge,
Morosini was not sure he could provide Venier with sufficient reinforce*
ments to meet cver>' Turkish attack. Nevertheless, it was important that
the Venetians should maintain an adequate armament in the northwest-
em Cyclades, "in the waters of Zia |Kea]," to interrupt the access of
Turkish galleys to the island of Negroponte. It was important to prevent
the Turks from adding to the fortifications on the island. In any event the
Turks would avoid the approach to Negroponte by way of the channel
(off the shore of Marathon), for they would be in peril of having the
Christians cut off their exit.

Morosini would have wished to support with money, as Justice de-
manded, the squadron then at sea, but considering his impoverished
state, he was powerless. From time to time he had stru^igled to assist the
ships in question in every way he could, but he seems to have had only
80,000 ducats left which, considering the obligations he faced, was an
almost negligible sum. The captains were consoling themselves by the
trust they placed in the provident hand of the doge. When in times of
crisis money was needed, the Signoria often sold titles of nobility, and
despite the poverty of the state one could always find at least some
citizens rich enough to buy the coveted titles at high prices. When it had
become clear that the Holy League, binding the Austrians, Poles, and
Venetians against the Turks, was going to be formed, the Signoria knew
that money would be needed, and tides of nobility were put up for sale.'*
One*s candidacy for the fioMIrd, however, was dependent upon certain
requirements which not every richcitisen could meet, and so there were
limits to the amounts of money that could thus be raised.

To 0,0 on with Morosini, however, he could not refrain from stating that
all the galleasses and galleys, to the infinite regret of the gunners, were
behind in four wage payments, which would be met in five days,

Tliere are more than forty SuppUche per agHregasioni alia nobiltd veneta in MS.
Mare. It. VII, 682 (7891), beginnini in the Collegio on 10 February 1684 and ending on 17

SeptemlH T 1 704 with the votes taken in the Senate (in Prcfladi) and the Grand Council (in
Maggior Consiglio), with a careful record of each case. The first applicants for the costly
(Hftlnotlon of nobility (to have thehr names inacribed in the Golden Book) were the Bettonl

family, the last (as listed In this MS.) the Frneasctti, with such notable families as the
Benzon, Rezzonico, Martinengo, Trevisan, Ottobon, and Fignatelli listed among them.

Copyrighted material

Francesco Morosini and the Deatntction the Parthenon

329

this hcin^ n pnssinnntc resolution to which I must adhere so that if it is at all
p()ssil>le. payment must be made to the military, and now especially, since they
are on land, and in an exposed area, which compels us so much the more to keep
them satisfied. I confess the truth of not knowing how to understand what mis-
chance [fatatitd] has produced this miserable distress with regard to both
money and bread. . . .

And a^^ain Morosini closed a long dispatch on a doleful note with facts,
figures, and financial lamentations, leaving Co the mature and sublime
understanding of the doge the needs of the Serenissima's threatened
forces overseas.^

Besides the sad recoUeotions of the destraction of the Parthenon, the
Venetians have left us the priceless drawings which Giacomo Vemeda
did of "the fortress and city of Athens." Morosini sent at least one of
these drawings to the doge and Senate along with his dispatch of 15
November (1687). 11c also enclosed a petition from Verneda addressed
to the Signoria for an increase in his stipend,

which it seems to me we owe him for his laborious and valuable service. Likewise
in order to be able some time to send [you] a plan of [Napoli di] Romania also, I
have ordered the engineer (Giovanni) Rassignani who, besides his commission to
sketch the plan of the fortress with all its works and the fortifications which have
been added to them, has the further assignment of applying himself to their
restoration.

Morosini feared that certain aspects of the fortifications might have suf-
fered some impairment from the excessive heat of summer so that when
the imminent rains came more serious damage might follow.^'

On Christmas day (1687) Morosini wrote from Piraeus to the doge and
Senate that, two days before, the "ducal letters" of 22 November had
arrived by way of Otranto, enjoining him to let go the three veteran

Senato, Prow, da terra e da mar, Pllza 1 120, dispatch dated "di galera, Porto Lion, 14
Nuvcml)rc UiN7. s|til| nfovo]," and signed by Morosini. On the unrest in Istanbul, cf.
I^ocatclll, II, 16-21.

" Senato, Prow, da terra e da mar, Filza 1 1 20, dispatch dated "dl galera, Porto Lion, 15

Novcmbrc 1687. s|till n|()vo]," and signed by Morosini: ". . . Perfettionato d.ill'ingegner
capitan Verneda il dissegno dclia fortezza e citta d'Atene, lo accompagno unite alia sup|di-
catione che porgc alia publica munlficenca per Impetrare queH'auniento di stipendio che

a! suo faticoso c proftittevolc scrvitio parmi dovuto. Cosi parimente per poter una volta
anco trasmettcr quello di Komania ho spedito cola nella settimana passata I'ingegner |Ciio-
vanni] Bassignani, che oltre la commissione di rillevar la pianta della piazza con tutte
Topcre c fortiHcationi che so le son agfiionte, ticnc I'incarico d'applicarsi a! ristanro dclle
stesse in caso rissentito havesscro dagi'ardori dcila staggionc spirata quatchie dctrimcntu,
onde poi dairimminentl pioggie non Ic succedcssero piu dannoae rovinc, tutto contribuir
dovcndosi. per mantencre qnclla fortissima pia/za ncli'ottima stnittura. in che fu nel pas>
sato verno costituita" (which passage conies at the end of the dispatch).

330

Venice, AuMria, and the Turks in the Seventeenth Cetuury

regiments of Duke Ernst August of Brunswick. He had not lost a moment
in putting the orders into effect. Everything that had to be done, had
been done in two days, "but with that grave discontent entailed in the
loss of such a seasoned body of troops." The new levy would not com-
pensate for the loss of the hardened veterans. The three regiments com*
prised 24 companies with 1,373 soldiers. Their wages had been taken
care of for the current month of December. They had all been provided
with a twenty days' supply of ship's biscuit. Also the Venetian provvedi-
tore of the island of Zante would help look after them. Morosini was
attending to the problem of arranging for the transportation of the
Brunswick regiments back to Venice. It is not clear, however, how many
of these troops departed, if any, for we shall note the return homeward of
the "three old regiments** of Bninswick-tilnebuig in early November
1688 after the failure of the Venetian siege of Negroponte.

In the meantime, in accord with the directions Morosini had received
in a ducal order of 15 October, he had sent Captain Qiacomo Vemeda,
the engineer, to Corinth with instructions to draw a topographical plan
of the Isthmus of Corinth for its entire length of ten or twelve miles. His
plan or plans must include the fortress enclosure of Acrocorinth as well
as the villages which lay below it, everything to be done with that exacti-
tude of measurement and with such detailed descriptions as Verneda
thought necessary. The latter had gone off to Corinth to set about his
task, although Antonio Mutoni, count of S. Felice, claimed that the plan
he had made (which had already been sent to Venice) contained all the
details and data which Verneda was seeking, "and now he has given me
another copy of it with the addition of various annotations." This was
also being submitted to the Signoria.^*

Such plans and drawings as those of Verneda and S. Felice were useful
for the maintenance as well as for the improvement of the fortifications.
They helped architects and engineers to understand their problems and
to provide the Signoria with estimates of projected costs. They also
satisfied the curiosity of those back home, for many of these plans and
drawings were soon published. The sixteenth and seventeenth centuries
were an age of journalism, and just as the fiiorTKtlisti of earlier genera-
tions had covered the battle of Lepanto and the war of Candia, so now
the journalists covered the Austrian successes against the Turi» and the
Venetian occupation of Athens.

" Senato, Prow, da terra e da mar, Filza 1 1 20, dispatch dated "di ^era, Porto Lion, 25
Decembre 1687, s|til] n|ovol," and signed by Morosini.

Copyrighted material

The Venetians' Withdrawal from Athens,
the Removal of Antiquities, and MorosinVs
Failure to Take Negroponte

espite the publications of the contemporary literati, the history
of the Venetian occupation of Athens in 1687-1688 is best
gleaned from the dispatches of Morosini and the minutes of the
war council over which he presided. At a meeting of the council held on
31 December (1687) Morosini reviewed the major decisions and events
of the preceding three and one half months. He began with the resolution
agreed to by the council (on 14 September) to demand a lar^e sum from
the Athenians and (in the event of their failure to pay) to make an attack
upon their city. The primary purpose of the attack would be to remove
the Tutka from proximity to the Strait of Corinth ahd thus protect the
"war-torn kingdom of Morea." Morosini emphasized the fact that, when
Athens had been taken, the council decided on 2 October to establish
winter quarters in the city and the harbor of Piraeus, giving up the idea of
wintering in the Morea because of the outbreak of the plague. Dwelling
on the advantages of Athens and Piraeus, he mentioned the appoint-
ments of Tomeo Pompei to the garrison in the fortress and of Daniele
Dolfin to governance in the city, while of course von Kdnlgsmarck re-
mained in command of the army. Redoubts had been built along the road
from the city to Piraeus to assure the army of access to the sea.

331

332

Venice, Austria, and the Turks in the Seventeenth Century

The question would soon arise, however, what to do with Athens, for
when the Venetian high command had occupied the city, it was not their
intention to hold it indefinitely {cosi non vi era allora intentione di
sostenerlo). If they gave up the city, what would happen to the Athe-
nians? Debating the pros and cons of their problems, Morosini stated
that the heads (/t primati) of the Greek community both by personal
visits and by letters had implored the high command to have pity on
them and help them to maintain permanent residence in their city. The
Greeks offered to give their property and their lives, to the fullest extent
they could, to help the Venetians hold Athens. There were about 3,000
men capable of bearing arms, including the Albanians who had sought
refuge in the city, but for the most part they were unarmed, and could
not hope to hold out against the Turks without the aid of a military force
capable of offering a "valid resistance** to the enemy after the departure
of the Venetian forces.

As he contemplated the possibility of trying to hold on to Athens,
Morosini had had S. Felice and the Venetian engineer Giacomo Verneda
draw plans of the city and the fortress, which he had been studying along
with their notes. The fortification of Athens was impracticable. The in-
habited area was too extensive; the work would cost too much, and there
was too little time to do it. Indeed, time was getting them into trouble.
Whether the Venetians chose to maintain their forces in Athens or to
abandon the city, either alternative would involve them in several
months' effort. If they gave up the city, they would have to settle the
Greeks elsewhere to protect them from the vindictive Turks. If the Vene-
tian forces remained in Athens, they ran the serious risk of the Turks'
receiving large reinforcements which, considering the toll the plague
had taken of his troops, Morosini was most reluctant to have to meet in
any sort of battle. lie was unwilling "to retreat in hasty disorder and then
leave this poor people miserably to perish in a slaughter of barbarian
cruelty."

If the Venetian high command tried to move the populace from Athens
by water, it would be a question of providing transport for more than
6,000 Greeks, not to speak of the Albanians. The people might, of
course, be taken from Piraeus to some safe landing, and thereafter make
their own way by the mountain roads into the Morea. If the Greeks
remained in the city, and one tried to make a stronghold of it, how would
they ever get food, especially in view of the widespread poverty under
which they were laboring? The Greeks had informed Morosini that they
could find the means of maintaining themselves for some time, if the
Turks withdrew to try to meet the Venetians' further invasions.

Morosini told the war council that a decision must be reached on three
points: Were they to maintain the fortress (the Acropolis) or simply to
demolish every structure on it? As for the lower city, were they to try to

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Venetian Withdratoul from Athens and Failure at Negroponte 333

keep it or Just abandon it? And, finally, if they were doing to hold on to
the city, to what extent must they limit the area to be fortified? Athens as
such was far too large for enclosure within battlements of any kind. If the
high command proposed to leave Athens, would they destroy the city or
merely pull out their forces? In either case they would have to provide
some form of conveyance for a large number of people, and make up
their minds where they were going to settle them.

Yes, Morosini was long-winded, but he was thorough. Having dis-
cussed these matters in full detail, the war counoil came to the unani-
mous conclusion that it was utterly impracticable to set to work fortify-
ing Athens. A makeshift defense would serve no purpose. It would
require more than 3.000 workers, and "entire years" of the crews' travel-
ing the six miles back and forth from Piraeus. Troops could not be left
behind to defend the peasants when the spring came, for the fleet and the
soldiery would have to move on to their next objective (which would be
Negroponte).

The Swedish general von Kdnigsmarck also believed it best to give up

all thought of trying to retain Athens, which would prove a useless ex-
penditure of labor and money. Von Konigsmarck advised the war council
to give up the idea of laying waste to the city and its houses in order not
to push the poor Greeks into desperation, for some day they might try to
return to the homes they could not dwell in safely after the Venetian
departure. Nevertheless, that the Greeks might know of the great sympa-
thy and affection which Venice felt for them, the war council recognised
that they must be given safe passage to a refuge in the Morea or in other
places which the Venetians might take, where they could be given
houses and provisions according to their need "so that they may be
consoled in every respect in the gentle care of this august, most kindly
Signoria."'

At the next meeting of the war council (held on 2 January 1688)
Morosini lamented the terrible spread of the plague in the Morea. At first
it seemed as though, with the aid of heaven and the advent of winter, the
mal contagiosa would "mitigate its ardor," and one would see the flame
of pestilence extinguished. But, no, it was burning more fiercely than
ever, and reaching such lengths that Morosini feared for the good health
and safe survival of the army. From Napoli di Romania (Nauplia) and
Modon the dread disease had made its insidious way into the villages
**because of the firee commerce of the peasants" who without the slight-
est regard for the danger had gone everywhere despite Morosini*s inces-
sant restrictions and prohibitions. Conditions had become especially

' ASV. Scnatf). IVow. da terra e da mar, Filza 1 120, minutes of the war council dated
"1687, 3 1 Decembre 8(tUl n|ovol," and cf. Leborde, Athenea^ II. 191-98, and Document»,
pp. 174-80.

334

Venice, Auatrta, and cfte Turks in tite Seventetnth Century

bad at Mistra with the dispersal of various goods and spoils acquired

from the Turks.

The plague had thereafter spread to Patras, Gastel Tornesc, and the
fortresses of I>epanto and Rumelia, and now once more it had been dis-
covered in a house in the city of Napoli di Romania. It had also been
found in a Venetian vessel on the shore at Corinth. The fearful malady
had spread to Thebes, Talanda, all through the channel of Negroponte,
and into the island of Skopelos in the Sporades. It had spread "in such
fashion that on all sides these naval and military forces are surrounded
by the imminence of disaster, which has become so much closer, as in
these past days the suspicion of contagion has appeared in Athens,
which has forced me to have three houses burned down immediately!"

Now two persons had died on the island of Aegina with every indica-
tion of the contagion. In view of the encroaching peril it was the unani-
mous decision of the war council that "one ought in the first place to
urge and hasten the departure of the Greeks from Athens and provide for
their transportation elsewhere." Above all, of course, the army needed
protection, so the war council decided to establish a "magistracy for
health" {magistrato alia sanitd) composed of three "patrician sub-
jects," who should have full and absolute jurisdiction in matters relating
to the general health of the Venetian forces.^

In a dispatch of 2 February (1688) Morosini reminded the doge and
Senate, who hardly needed reminding, that their army had taken Athens
to remove the Turks from easy access to the Isthmus of Corinth "for the
greater security and tranquillity of the conquered realm of the Morea."
The dispatch is a lengthy rehearsal of facts and fears with which we are
well acquainted. But the plague had indeed entered Athens, and the
exposed populace must be kept apart from the troops. Furthermore,
Morosini needed mariners and soldiers, gunpowder, bombs, and a large
quantity of fuses (michia) to ignite firearms. He denounced the trickery
of ofiksers in charge of the mercenaries for retaining on their enrollment
lists the names of deceased soldiers, whose wages they put in their own
pockets, but he was encouraged by the five companies of Albanians
whom he had enlisted in the service of the Republic."' The Venetians had
had a long experience of the military prowess of the Albanians, who
tended to be anti-Turkish although they had provided the Porte with
many a grand vixir.

The Athenian problem was disconcerting. The Venetian forces had
wrested the Acropolis from the Turks. It seemed, to some at least, almost

' ASV, Senato, Prow, da terra e da mar, Filza 1120, minutes of the war council dated
1688 [1687 more venctn], 2 January, at Porto Lion; Laborde, Athinet, II, 198-201, and
DocumentB, pp. 180-82.

' Senato, Prow, da terra e da mar, FUm 1120, dispaceh daMd 2 February, 1688 (1687
more ventto}; Lalxmle, AtMnea, II, 202-4, and Oooumenca, pp. 182-85.

Copyrighted material

Venetian Withdrawal from Athena and FaUure at NegrofHmte

335

dishonorable to pull out and leave the great fortress to the enemy. The

subject came up again at an interesting meeting of the war council on 1 2
February (1688), when Morosini presented to the council the general
von Konigsmarck's views as set forth in letters of 30 January. These
letters had, of course, been written at the Venetian encampment in
Athens.

Von Kdnigsmarck pointed out that an effective gurrison on the Acrop-
olis would require 300 soldiers. Since so many Greeks had been loath to
leave Athens, von Konigsmarck suggested that some "families of peas-
ants" might be admitted into the demolished houses on the Acropolis
(and possibly in the higher areas of the Plaka) if they were willing to take
refuge therein, and able to pay for the rebuilding of the houses at their
own expense. They would also have to guarantee their own food supply
for sixteen months despite the fact that would be a difficult and almost
futile obligation if the surrounding countryside were to be "always in-
fested by the Turks."

The Acropolis itself would need military equipment and foodstuffs for
at least one year if the fortress were to be held against the Turks. Besides
the 300 infantrymen one would have to take account of another one
hundred persons — officers, bombardiers, secretaries {minifitri), hired
help, and gunners. In a recent letter of 8 February von Konigsmarck had
noted that the 400 persons involved would need 200,000 ship's biscuits,
which would be hard to furnish, considering the limited supplies and
slow service that Venice had hitherto provided.

Morosini then presented the requirements of wine, which for the pe-
riod speciHed would amount to 1,440 casks, and if the Greek peasants
remained with the garrison, the need would rise to 2,160 casks. The
occupants of the fortress would consume some 36,000 measures of rice
and 20,000 casks of oil. The officers and other folk of their ilk would
need meat and salt fish, cheeses, and other such items. As often noted in
Morosini*s dispatches, foodstuffs could only come by sea, and Athens
was quite a distance from Piraeus.

On the Acropolis water was a problem. There were sixteen cisterns,
and when they were all full and functioning, they did not yield more than
12,200 mezzarole.* Such a water supply, divided among a thousand
persons (counting the Greeks), would only last for about three months.
The largest cistern, however, was that in the "theater of Bacchus** (i.e.,
the theater of Dionysus), which was outside the walled enclosure of the
fortress. The Turl(S might easily take it or render it useless, which would

* The messarofa {mezxarwAa, mezarola, etc.) was a measure to Indicate the quantity
of water, wine, and oil in Italy, Sicily, and Sardinia, usually denoting about 100 pints or
two casks {burili), on which see Ronald Eklw. Zupko, Italian Weights and Measures Jrom
the Middle Ages to the Nineteenth Century, Phttadelphia: American Phlloaopbioai Soci-
ety. 1981, pp. 146-47.

336

Venice. Austria, and the Turks in the Seventeenth Century

mean a loss of 5.800 mezzarole. When one added the aquatic needs of
the animals and the kitchens, the water supply would not last more than
fifty days. These were matters, said Morosini, "carefully to be
pondered."

It was possible that the great cistern under the Parthenon, "il tempio
famoso deUa mosohea," had not suffered serious damage when the roof
was blown off by the incendiary bomb. But how potable would the water
be, and what its effect upon the health of the "poor soldiers'* dependent
upon it? The limited supply of water on the Acropolis makes clear the
reason why the fire which followed the explosion in the Parthenon had
burned for two entire days. The Turks had hardly had water enough to
drink, let alone put out the rire.

An effective garrison would have to be made up of the best ofhcers and
the most stalwart veterans. When the spring came, such soldiery would
be needed for the siege of Negroponte. The reason for employing the
Venetian forces against Athens, as was well known, was to remove the
Turks from a stronghold so near the entrance into the Morea. When that
purpose had been achieved, they would have abandoned the city, had
not the widespread plague in the Morca required them to winter in At-
tica. And so after another thorough (and repetitious) weighing of the
pros and cons the war council voted unanimously "that for now we ought
to leave the fortress of Athens Just as it Is at present." They would re>
move all the cannon, munitions, and other military accoutrements, but
they would not dismantle the walls for, with the aid of the Almighty, they
might reoccupy Athens at some time in the future if it were to serve the
interests of the Republic.^

' Senato, I'rovv. da terra e da mar, Fil/.a 1 120, minutes of the war council dated 1688
1 1687 more vcnetol 12 February at Porto Lion; Laborde, Athines, II, 210-16, and Docu'
ments, pp. 185-90.

As Morosini noted in his dispatch of 1 8 March ( 1 688) to the doge and Senate (referred to

in the next note): "Si meditorno poi con seria pesatezza le altre essential! circostanie
d'esser la fortczza predetta [the Acropolis] sei e piu miglia dal Porto (Lion) discosta, che
portava Tobligo di provederia per un anno almeno de monitione da viver e da guerra con
300 .scieiti fanti Italian! oltre jjrnftitiali et altri stipendiati e ser\'enti, cosi che ncl corpo
tanto debole delle militie e nel scarso requisito del biscotto si sarian muitipiicate maggior-
mente le angustie airamiata.

"Anco la mancanza dell'acqtia fn ripiitata a rilevantissimo diffetto e di grande riniarco
I'urgenza che poteva nassccre [nascere) di doveria soccorer ad onta d'ogni premunimento
eon sbarchi vigorosi e col piu preeipitoso sconcerto nel bollore del nuovi conflitti e
quando tutfe le forzc ad ardue imprcse stessero intentc. . • ."

Some eighteen or nineteen months after the Venetian withdrawal from Athens, Moro-
sini's rival Girolamo Comer, then proveditor general da mar con autoritu di capitan
general in terra, presided over a meeting of the war council at the Strait of Corinth (on 26
or 28 October 1689). in which the condition of Athens was discussed. The walls of the
fortress (the Acropolis) were intact with but little damage, which could easily be repaired.
There were four gates with iron gratings, one of wood; they lacked bolts, and some of them
lacked hinges. Of three cisterns, two were full of ruins; the third had some water, which

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Venetian Withdravwl/rom Athena and FaUure at Negroponte

337

As Morosini remained through the winter at Piraeus, sending detailed
reports to die doge and Senate, he could not be entirely certain that his
every communication would reach its destination. His dispatches were
considered in the CoIIe^io before their submission to the Senate. The
membership in both bodies, especially the CoUegio, would change from
one month to another, which may help to explain the constant repetition
in his dispatches, for he wished to Iceep the government fully informed.
Thus once more on 18 March (1688) he wrote that the most stringent
reasoning had persuaded the war council to vote for "Pabbandono della
citta d'Atene." Also it had been determined once for all that the fortress
could not be held when the troops were withdrawn to embark on the next
campaign, which would be against Negroponte.

Most of the Greeks would have to be removed from Athens, and
shipped to Napoli di Romania (Nauplia) and to other fortress towns in
the Morea. The Albanians and some of die poorest Greeks were expect'
ing to seek refuge in certain grottoes in the mountains near the Strait of
Corinth, and to raid Turkish territory as a means of livelihood. All these
people were, however, gravely disturbed by the doleful fate which was
forcing them to tlee from their homes and their fatherland. The dislodged
Greeks could hardly pay the agreed-on tribute [of 9,000 reo/i|. Morosini
might well be obliged to assist them with some measure of charity.

Patras and Gastel Tomese were ports of abundant trade. Venice could
not afford to let them go "and much less the 'Dardanelles' of Liepanto,"
which stood at the entrance to and kept watch over "that famous Gulf*
[of Corinth], sharing in its way with Acrocorinth the defense and custody
of the kingdom of the Morea. Morosini sent the Signoria the plan of the
Isthmus of Corinth, with all its miles and measurements plus a detailed
description prepared by the lieutenant-general Giacomo Verneda,
which were proofs of the latter's experience and skill. They also pro-

had been put into it. There were some wellsprinjis In the city. A recent exploratory survey
of the city had, however, revealed "I'habitato quasi tutto demolito, solo susslstervl In una
parte da cinqnanta ease capaci d'alloi^iarvi circa 500 hnominl: Che nelU oltti vl eslstono

qiinlche ntimcro d'Atlicniesi condotivi dnll'Ivadta [I.e., from lJvadta| per pTOcaoofainl li
sostentamento pronti pero di sempre ritirarsi."
While the reoeeupatkm of Athens was considered. It Invohred too many problems, and

the reduction of M()nem\ :isin would he of greater ser\Mce to the Repuhlic. The inh:il>itants
of Aegina wanted a garrison of some 25 to 30 soldiers for their protection and to help
maintain posaeaalon of the island. While Corner's war connoU did not want the Turks to
take over Athens again, it was adjudged necessary to seek some expedient other than that
of the Venetians" doing so themselves (ASV. Senato. I'rovv. da terra e da mar, Filza 948,
doc. dated 2(}/2H October 1689).

Athens allegedly remained almost uninhabited for some three years after the Venetian
withdrawal from the city (on 8 April 1688), on which cf. Paton, Mediaeval and Renain-
sauce Visitors to Greek IauuIs (1951 ), p. 157, note 6, and this despite the fact that Sultan
Suleiman II had apparently pardoned the Athenians for "whatever they had done" (Loca-
tem. II, 152-53).

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338

Venice, Austria, and the Turks in the Seventeenth Century

vided strlkiiit evidence that no time should be lost, and every effort
made, to guarantee the security of the isthmus, upon which the peaceful
possession of the great kingdom of the Morea depended.*

One can picture the captain-general Morosini pacing back and forth in
the Httle cabin of his flagship, dictating a dispatch to the doge and Sen-
ate, pausing frequendy, rewording this and that, and leaving a verbal
tangle for his secretary to unravel. Often one wishes that the secretary
had been more adept at unraveling the skein, as in Morosini's long dis-
patch dated at Piraeus on 19 March (1688). Here the captain-general
expressed concern for the Gerigotti, whose island was ever exposed to
the "infestationi" of the Turkish galliots, as well as for the inhabitants of
Vatika on the southeastern prong of the Morea, not far from the Turks of
Monemvasia. The plague was a greater problem in the Morea, however,
than the attacks of Turkish galliots.

The Jews in Mistra had agreed to increase their annual contribution to
the Venetian coffers to a thousand reali — they had no alternative — in
addition to the payment of 5,000 reali which they had already made to
the "publica cassa." Upon his departure from Argos after a recent trip to
the area of the picturesque fortress of the Burdzi, Morosini had ordered
Zorzi Benzon to return to Mistra to see to the transport to Kialepha (on
the eastern shore of the Gulf of Goron) of a number of weapons scored at
Mistra — falconets, springals, and mortars **of various kinds*' — as well as
some 28,000 measures of gunpowder, which the Turkish kapudan pasha
had left behind at the time of his "defeat and shameful flight." Morosini
sent the Signoria a design and plan of the lofty old Byzantine castle of
Mistra, which was being garrisoned by local peasants until other arrange-
ments could be made.

Aside from the transport of arms and gunpowder Morosini was direct-
ing his attention to the production and available supplies of olive oil at
the three neighboring fortresses of Coron, Modon, and Navarlno, and
especially at Goron, where large shipments were commonly loaded
aboard vessels. Benzon would hasten to Nauplia and to Corinth to confer
with Morosini. The Isthmus of Corinth was to be made the "piazza
d'armi" where, in conformity with the views of the lord general von
Konigsmarck, all the apparatus of warfare was to be assembled for the
coming campaign. The assemblage of men and munitions must be ef-
fected before the Tuiks could employ their large increase in manpower
in an attack upon the isthmus.

The Morea would thus be covered before the V^enetian forces began
another invasion of Turkish territory. Provisions must be amassed on the

** Prow, da terra e da mar. Filza 1 120, dispatch dated "di jjalcra, I'orto Lion, 18 Marzo
1688, sltil] n|ovol," and signed by Morosini, with a poor text in Laborde, Athenes, II,
217-19, and Documents, pp. 190-92.

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Venetian Withdrawal Jrom Athens and Faiiure at N^roponte 339

Isthmus of Corinth, and horses collected from the whole of the Morea.
The pastures were good around the plains of Nauplia. Shipments of
bread must be made in marciliane from the island of Zante into the Gulf
of Lepanto, i.e., of Corinth. Morosini prayed that the Almighty would
prevent recurrence of the terrible shortages from which the seamen and
soldiery had been suffering for some time. Also, alas, the pestilence had
reappeared in Athens. It had become necessary to bring the troops to
Piraeus to shield them from the spreading infections.

In retrospect Morosini felt no small distress at not having shared suffi-
ciently his limited supplies of bread with the Greeks. He had had to
provide for the fleet Hrst of all. The burden had been weighing on his
mind for the forty-Hve months since he had assumed the supreme naval
command in Greek waters. He deplored the fact that he had been unable
to help the Greeks in the barren area of Vatika. They had been forced to
live on a mixture of olive pits, grape seeds, and the grass of the fields **di
modo chc disperrati per vivere e mancato il principal vigore d'angustiar
Malvasia.'' The poor folk of Vatika had been too hungry to give the
Venetians much assistance in the prolonged beleaguerment of Monem-
vasia. Except for the damage caused by the lack of food {la penuria del
biscotto) in the Vatikan peninsula the Turks probably could not have
endured the siege.

During his trip to Argos, Morosini had taken the opportunity to visit
Nauplia, where he was pleased to see in good condition **all those great
works (of fortification] which 1 had had erected there last winter." The
small items that he found awry could quickly be corrected. He was also
pleased with the triple fortress which had been constructed on the great
height of Palamidi, which towers over Nauplia and the little island fort of
the Burdzi. Two centuries after Morosini's historic visit brass guns with
the Venetian lion of S. Mark and the date 1687 were still to be seen amid
the crumbling ruins of the fortifications.^ The engineer. Captain Gio-
vanni Bassignani, had given the final touch of perfection to the design
and plans of the walled enclosure of Palamidi— and presumably also of
Acronauplia below it — which was a "glorioso preciosissimo acquisto."
Enclosed with a copy of Bassignani's plans Morosini sent the Signoria the
engineer's petition for some financial recognition of his exemplary ser-
vice to the state.

Finally, at the conclusion of this dispatch of 19 March, Morosini noted
as an afterthought that since the abandonment of Athens lay just ahead,

he had wanted to carry off some of the city's most noble ornaments. He
had ordered the detachment (from the west pediment of the Parthenon)
of ''the tigure of a Jove" (/a Jigura d'un Giove) with which one might

' Gf. the Handbook/cn- Travellers in Greece, London: John Murray, 1854, p. 258.

340

Venice, Auatria, and the Twka in tfce Seventeenth Century

have enhanced the lustrous beauty of Venice. Actually it was not a Ju-
piter (or Zeus), but rather a Neptune (or Poseidon) of which Morosini
had ordered the removal from the west pediment, where for more than
two millennia Athenians and visitors to their city had admired the
portrayal in marble of Poseidon's unsuccessful contest with Athena "for
the land,** Le., for the possession of Attica. Pausanlas identified the
scene for us about the year 174, and an artist in the suite of the Marquis
Charles de Nointel, Louis XIVs ambassador to the Porte, sltetched it for
us in 1674 — ^just in time.

Morosini also wanted to remove from the west pediment, as he tells us,
"the reliefs of two most beautiful horses from the frontispiece of the
Temple of Minerv a, on which one sees the most remarkable sculptures."
But he then goes on to say that

hardly had one put his hand to the surface of the ^reat entablature to remove

|the sculptures] than cvcr>'thing came crashing down from that extraordinary
hcij^ht. It was a miracle that no one of the workers was injured. One attributes
the reason Ifor the downfall] to the structure's being without mortar, the stones
luiving liecn Joined together one to the other l>y an ingenious artliice but, then,
tliey an oame apart as a result of the blast of the airfoome lx>mb.

The impossibility of setting up a scaffold there and of carrying up to the Ca-
stello the masts of galleys and other implements to construct a windlass does
away with any idea of moving on to other perilous endeavors, to which 1 am
putting a stop, tlie more so liecause all the rest is inferior, with nothing of particu-
lar interest and fsome figures) lacking limlM which have been eaten away by
time. In any event I have decided to take a lioness, done in beautiful fashion,
although damaged in the head which, however, can he perfectly repaired with a
piece of similar marble that i intend to send off with it.^

" Prow, da terra e da mar, Filza 1120, dispatch dated "di galera, Porto Lion, 19 Marzo
1688, sftll) n|ovo|." and tlined by MorMinI: ". . . N«ll*abafidono oiie segair deve al pre-

sentc di Ateiic sttidiai 1evar\'i alciino de' suoi piii nobili orn.Tmenti, con ciii s'havesse
potuto accrcsccre il cospicuo lustru alia Dominantc, c fattn.si anco I'espericnza di staccar
la Hgiira d'un Giove |actualiy Poseidon] c !i rissaiti di due bellisslmloavBnidai ffontlspltio
del Tempio di Minerva, in cui Ic sculture piu rigiiardcvoli s'osservano, apena si pose la
mano a Icvar la supertitic del ^ran cornisone che tutto da queH'estraordinaria altczza
prccipitato a basso, fu miracolo non sia negl'operarii accaduto del male. Si ascrive la cauM
dall'esser la fabrics Mnsa calclna e di pietre i'una ail'aitra oon indiucrioao arUliUo astieme
connesse, ma pol dal conquasso delta volflta munftlone tutte scateimate.

"L'impossibiiita di piantar\ i arniatura e di trasportare sopra il Castcllo arbori di galere
ed altri istrumenti per far cavrie cogiic I'addito ad altri perigliosi tentativi che io sospendo,
UiKo plA che mancando dd v'era dl ptu sbigoiare. tutto II resto h Inferiore e mancanta di
quaiolie membro dal tempo corroso.

**Ho destinato prender in ogni modo una leonessa di l>elissima struttura, benctie dlllec-
tosa della testa, quale perft si potri perfettamente aooomodare col peno dl marmo shnlle
che seco saro per trasmcttcrc. . . ," and cf. i4d>onia, Atherws, II, 225-26, and Docu-
ments, p. 193. For a late seventeentti-century survey of the antiquities of Athens, see
liooatelll, II, 24-34.

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VetKtian Withdrawal from Athms and Failure at Negroponte

341

According to a letter of 8 June (1688), written by a Venetian officer
from the island of Poros, just south of Aegina, Morosini had pulled the
army out of Athens, la fortezza e cittd, on the preceding 4 April. The
soldiers had gone en masse (in isquadrone) to Piraeus, and embarked
three days later for **Porto Porro** on the southern tip of Poros. Some-
thing of a classical scholar, the officer had not reached Athens until 18
December (1687). He made an enthusiastic tour of the city which he
said, with no little exaggeration, contained some six thousand houses.
He was quite enthralled {estaticn) by the Parthenon enshrined in its
ruins. ^ A week after the withdrawal from Piraeus, Morosini sent the doge
and Senate two dispatches, in the Hrst of which he states, as we shall note
shortly, that the embarkation of all the Venetian forces took place on the
morning of 8 April (1688).

Distressed by the continuance and apparent increase of the plague in
Athens, and intent upon preserving *'il capitale precioso di tutte queste
forze di mare di terra," as Morosini wrote in his first dispatch of 15 April
1688, he had at last moved the tleet and the army to Porto Poro. The war
council had been discussing the action for weeks. Now they had done it.
Morosini wrote the doge and Senate that Porto Poro was an appropriate
site in which the fleet could take cover because of the many inlets on the
island, the abundance of fresh water, the easy availability of food from
the Argolid, and the proximity of the port to Corinth. The move had been
a dithcult and fatiguing operation for, first of all, they had had to see to
the evacuation of the Athenians "in order not to leave them in the rabid
clutches of the Turks after the departure of our militias."

It had indeed been a laborious task, requiring the conveyance of the
families and their possessions the "five or six miles" to the shores of
Piraeus, from which they were moved in barks towed by galleys to the
islands of Aegina and Koluri. Others had been sent to Zante on the pinco
S. Zorzi, and still others to Nauplia aboard various vessels, some of which
were tartane. All went under the strictest quarantine (sottn le risserve
di rifinrosa contumacia), but assisted in every way by the paternal
charity which the glorious Signoria of Venice never failed to display.
And now the Athenians would be free from the barbarous servitude to
which they had been reduced under the Turks. They would also be im-
poverished and homeless.

Morosini had warned von Konigsmarck they would have to take care
that their own soldiers did not move into the abandoned houses of the
Greeks to avoid further misfortune. The capital punishment meted out

* Uborde, Athenes, II, 187-90, and Documents, pp. 194-96.

342

Venice, Austria, and the Turks in the Seventeenth Cetuury

to the first delinquents had served as a restraint on the others. In this
connection the fear was not of deserters concealing themselves in the
houses, which would have been well nigh impossible, but of the spread-
ing peril of the plague. The provveditore Dolfin had been vigilantly burn-
ing the most contaminated habitations together with their contents. Con-
sidering the wide expanse of the city, however, it was impossible to put
guards everywhere. When one added the soldiery to the local popula-
tion, some 20,000 persons were said to be caught in the confusion. The
burning of the infected dwellings was apparently not proceeding fast
enough, and soldiers were being struck every day by the plague.

The most serious problem had been discovered among the foreign
troops who, being under their own commanders, had concealed for some
time the appearance of the disease among them. It was especially wide-
spread in the regiment of Hessians, for they had deceived themselves as
to the malign nature of the affliction, and had neglected to take such
precautions as segregating infected persons and burning contaminated
objects. The pestilence thus became more virulent among them, and
more Hessians died of the disease than any of the other troops.

Morosini included with his dispatch a copy of the physicians' report as
to the nature of the pestilence which was pursuing them. The besetting
evil was a kind of epidemic contagion produced by the perverse influx
which had afflicted those regions for so long a time, striking all the more
severely those with weakened or badly formed bodies nourished with
poor food, the only remedy being that of expelling its venomous malig-
nancy with cordials and sweat inducements.'" Despite this learned ap-
praisal of the malady and the way to treat it, the trouble continued
without abatement, and quarantine seemed the only effective way to
deal with it.

Morosini and von Kdnigsmarck got all the "militias," regiment by regi-
ment, along with the Acropolis garrison, aboard the galleasses, gtdleys,

and ships. The horses and mules went aboard too, well washed with salt
water. Morosini encountered more than a little hardship in finding places
for the rest of the troops, having set aside the flagship S. Zxianne for von
Kdnigsmarck and the Scala di Giacob for the sergeant-general Ohr to
protect them from the perils of contagion. During the conveyance of the
soldiers and seamen to the island of Poros, however, it was impossible to
set those who were well apart ^m those suspected of illness, for the
latter formed the majority.

The wounded were put together in barks to be towed to their
destination,

'** The attending physicians' report may be found in the Prow, da terra e da mar, Filza
1120, copta di consuka de medict, doc. undated, with the subscription of a ludf-dozen
medicocs. contirmed by Lorenzo Bra^ and Enunanuele Sepilli, chief physicians of the

Venetian Heet.

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Venetian WithdrawiU/rom Athena and Falhart at Negroponte 343

and truly it was a gift of the Divine Providence tliat the embarkation was carried
out on the morning of the eighth of the current month |8 April], and that we have
landed here [at Porto Poro] safely on the same evening so that the troops were
liept aboard the fleet for no more than two days and one night. Thus further
loaees did not occur among them except in the shipa Face, AbbondanMa, &
Domenico, Postiglione, and the pinco S. Nicold, where some sailors were found
to be infected. The others remained in their previous state of good health.

Morosini had got the soldiers and seamen safely to Porto Poro, but the
pestilence had become a roaring flame which he found no means of
putting out: 8*i di presence sparaa Vir^ttione a termine tale che nan so
qwU regola potrd valere aU'esHntione di tatuo incendio. Sixty to sev-
enty men were becoming ill every day, and more than thirty of these
were dying. The only relief from the pestilence seemed to lie in the
exercise of divine mercy when the Almighty should decide to intervene.
The distribution of bread was another problem, for the foreign troops
were being defrauded by their own ofhcers. At least the pinco Maria
In^ese had brought rice; and money, "the soul of warfare," had come
from Venice. Six vessels had arrived with ship's biscuit. Morosini had
also received gunpowder, bombs, anchors and other moorings, and
skilled woriters as well as medicines, physicians, and surgeons along with
a reinforcement of eighty-six galley slaves (condannoti) who would
ser\'e as rowers aboard the galleys, which were already well supplied
with enslaved Turks from Mistra. Morosini could in fact increase his
armament by one more galley if another hull should become available.

Morosini had found the Mistriotes a "most troublesome embarrass-
ment.** He had offered them their freedom for 200,000 reali (in late
August 16S7), which Francesco Muazzo thought they might have man-
aged (summa considerahile non impossibile alle facoltd Mistriotte),
but they had said they could not pay such a sum. Although other terms of
surrender were soon arranged, the plague remained a severe problem in
Mistra, and the town was put in quarantine. In February (1688) the
proweditore Zorsi Benson forced the Mistriotes to surrender the town
when it seemed that the pestilence had abated. The Turin were discov-
ered, however, to have violated the terms of the capitulation, withhold-
ing arms they were supposed to have given up, stealing millet from the
Venetian supplies, and (among other charges) escaping to Monemvasia
in disregard of the quarantine. The result was that in March the able-bod-
ied males were consigned to the galleys, 312 children (put£i) were di-
vided as slaves between the fleet and die army, and women and elderiy
males were dumped on the shores of Porto Lion, leaving them there **for
the greater confusion of the enemy** (shortly before the departure of the
Venetian forces on 8 April). The survival of the women and the elderiy
males would depend upon their receiving aid from Thebes or Negro-
ponte, but Morosini was rid of his "embarrassment."

344

VerUce, Auatrta, and the Turk* in the Seventeenth Century

Morosini dosed this first dispatch of 1 5 April with a fierce attack upon
the "sinister procedures" of the French, who never ceased to assist the
Turks. The sad fact was, according to Morosini, that the French had
carried to Monemvasia munitions as well as food to the Turkish garrison
on the rocky height despite the Venetian effort to keep the town under
siege. Morosini found the pro-Ottoman sympathies of the French very
strange, for recently a French tartana in Porto Gaurio (Gavrion), on the
northern end of the island of Andros, had been attacked by a Turkish
galliot "under the mantle of friendship" with no regard for the king's flag.
The entire French crew was cut to pieces by the barbarians. The cargo
was removed and sent to the Turks at Negroponte, and the French vessel
was sunk outside the breakwater at Porto Gaurio.^* Such was the Turks'
friendship for the most Christian king.

Morosini l>egan his second dispatch of 15 April (1688) to the doge and
Senate with renewed reference to Giaoomo Vemeda*s plans for the forti-
fication of Corinth. These plans, which contained precise measurements
and detailed notes, Morosini assumed must by mid-April have reached
Venice aboard the pettachio Redentor. He stated that he now agreed
with von Konigsmarck and Verneda that it would be best to increase the
defenses of Acrocorinth by extending the fortifications on either side of
the huge stronghold. This would provide a more effective barrier against
the Turks' reentering the Morea than trying "to set up fortifications on
the strait."

Morosini was contemplating excavations at the east end of the Gulf of
Lepanto (Corinth), if the Venetian Signoria would provide the essential
tools and engineers, in order to prepare a necessary shelter for the com-
ing winter for at least a whole squadron of galleys. It was a less ambitious
project than he and von Konigsmarck had once considered (in mid-Au-
gust 1687) of constructing a canal from the Gulf of Corinth to the Sa-
ronic Gulf.'' Mariners would have to wait another two hundred years for
the Corinth Canal (until 1881-1893).

In submitting to the Signoria the account which the doge Giustinian
had requested of the expenses incurred during the year in the mainte-
nance of all the Venetian garrisons in the Morea and of the revenues
collected in the so-called Regno during the same period, Morosini wrote
that he could only refer to the records received from the Venetian oifi-

" Frovv. da terra e da mar, Pilza 1 120, dispatch dated "di galera, Porto Foro, 15 Aprile
1688. s|tll| njovol." and signed by Morosini. On Morosini's difficulties with the Mistrlotes,
note Muazzo, Storia dclla ^ucrra tra li Veneti e Turchi ddl 1684 ul J696, in the Bibl.
Nazionale Marciana, MS. It. VII, 172 (8187), fols. 5V, 59^^-62', and cf. J.M. Faton, The
Venetkma <n Athetut (1940), pp. 32-36. On Morosinl*s abandonment of Athens, cf. Loca>
telli, II. 48-53.

" Cf. Laborde, Athin€9t ilt 119, 306-9, and Documents, pp. 264-67, an entry in Anna
AlierlUefan's Journal (Ooibofc), dated 19 August, 1687, and see, above. Chapter X, note 2.

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Venetian Withdrawal /rom Athena and Failure at Negroponte

345

ciflls. Whatever figures he supplied the doge are not given in his dis-
patch. The garrisons, however, stood in dire need of reinforcements of
soldiers, bombardiers, and every sort of gunners. The voluminous regis-
ters of reports written from every place in the Morea could be sent for
inspection. They would seem excessively detailed, for Morosini had al-
ways imposed the strictest financial vigilance upon everyone. Benzon,
who was then trying to control the pestilence in the fortress town of
Goron and the adjacent area, had always been on the alert. But the
pestilence, also to be found in the region of Patras and at I^epanto, was of
course the major reason for the sparse revenues which had l>een col-
lected in the Morcote kingdom.

In the long run, however, the revenues from the Regno would far out-
weigh the then current burden of expenditure. From olive oil alone con-
siderable sums were bound to accrue, for in every nook and cranny in the
Morea there was a copious supply of oil, especially in the area of CSoron,
where in the local levies and appropriations from the Turhs Benson had
obtained 960 barrels of oil. Salt could also become a good source of
income.

In the meantime Morosini urged the doge and Senate not to delay the
projected expedition of the proveditor general deU'armi and the other
oliicials who had been "appointed for the good government of that upset
kingdom (of the Morea]," into which all the Athenians would be going to
seek refuge. Unarmed they needed protection, and the longer the delay
in giving it to tlrnn, the greater would be their distress and resentment
Morosini could not provide for all contingencies, and "therefore I pro-
test to your Serenity that, groaning under this grievous burden, my bat-
tered spirit will be a miracle of heaven if I have the stamina still to hold
out in this Hfth campaign, which 1 look upon with anguish and the woeful
attlictions I have already described to you."

Morosini closed this second dispatch of 15 April (1688) in a tone of
grievous self-pity. As we have seen, he frequently felt sorry for himself.
Invoking the assistance of the Almighty at every turn, however, he wrote
the doge and Senate he would keep his steadfastness of heart, bear the
yoke of fatigue, and meet emergencies of any sort that might arise in his
"adored service to the fatherland." But he had had enough, more than
enough,

and at this point with profound respect, renewing my humble appeals to the
royal throne of public Majesty, i beg for a ray of that charitable benevolence
which I see granted to so many citlsens with generous oonoessions, and mean-
wliile I ask as an act of chnrtty for the election of the successor which the most

excellent Senate has benignly promised me several times. Therefore at the end
of the campaign 1 shall be forced, if the Almighty |j7 Supremo Motore] allows me
to live, to relieve myself of the burden as a consequence of being weak and
weary-laden. I need feel no regret at the denial of due regard, nor Iregret] after

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346

Venice, AtutriOt and the Turk§ In the Seventeenth Century

five years of arduous toU and honest sweat poured out for the public glory at
appearing in the sublime pieseooe of your Serenity in the ^uise of presumed
unworthiness. . . .

While his conscience and the Si^ria*s view of justice might be at vari-
ance, Morosini now signed the dispatch to the doge,*^ obviously with

a sigh.

This dispatch reached Venice on 7 May. As we have stated more than
once, it was dated 15 April. The doge Marc' Antonio Giustinian had died
on 23 March (1688).^'* Morosini had been chosen his successor on 3
April. Morosini might thus almost seem to be writing, complaining, to
himself. The Signoria made haste to inform Morosini of his accession to
the dogate. If his dispatch reached Venice in twenty-two days, one could
be sure that he would receive the good news of his election and the ducal
berretta before the end of April, and in fact the news reached Morosini
and the Venetian fleet on 28 April. Long an object of veneration in

Prow, da terra e da mar, Filza 1 120, dated "di galera, Porto Poro, 15 Aprile 1688, sltill
njovo)," and signed by Morosini.

" Giustinian's eventful dogate is commemorated by a plaque in the chapel to the left of
the high altar in the church of S. Francesco della Vigna in Venice. He is said to have taken
over responsibility for the state in a difficult period, "Rempublloam difflcili tempore ac-
ceptam, Castro Novo, lycucadc, Nicopoli, Naupacto, Athenis totaQue Peloponeso auctam
reliquit." His funereal monument is very modest, reflecting perhaps the tinancial strin-
gency of the RepuUlo during Moraelnrt expenatve campaign. On Moroalni's election as
doge, cf. Locateni, II, 57, 61-65; Grasianl, lib. nr, pp. 342-44; and Arrlghl (1749), lib. iv,
pp. 350-52.

*' The letter of the Signoria notifying Morosini of his election as doge may be found In

die Blbl. Nazionale Marciana, MS. It. VII, 588 (9513), fol. 35, M screnissimo Signore
Francesco Morosini, elletto doge di Venezia, capitan generale da mar, dated 3 April
1688: "Ghlamato dalh auprenmia diaposltione a^i etemi riposi i1 serenMnio Mare'An-
tonio Giustiniano, prencipe di sempre dcgna ricordanza, si sono da noi convocati 1i soliti
consign, perche in conformita del prescritto dalle leggi li fosse destinato il sucessore,
radunati pero li 41 cllettori et invocato il nome dello Spirito Santo, riflettendo essi nel
singolar merito ch'adoma la Sereniti vostra dal valor insigne, delta quale ha ritratto la
patria moklsslmi essentialissimi vantaggi in tante cariche, e particolarmente nefia sa-
premma di capitan generale da mare, che hora ella per la terza volta con vera laude
sostiene, sono questo giorno d'unanimo consenso e con universale consolatione et ap-
ptauso concorsi ad ellegeria In prindpe e capo della Republica nostra.

"Noi che sperimentiamo vivo contento di vederla collocata nel posto e nella dignita
ch'era ben dovuta alle sue eminent! virtu, se ne rallegriamo con noi medesimi, come lo
faooiamo grandemente con la SerenitH vostra, sotto 11 di cui felici ausplcli oonfidlamo dl
vedere sempre piu prosperato le cose publichc. Siamo certi ch'clla si compiacera di con-
tinuare alia diretione di coteste gravissime occorrenze, come lo troviamo necessario Hn
che venga da noi diversamente disposto .... mentre noi insisteremo nelle applicazioni e
nclli studii piu attenti per assisterlo con li possibili rinforzi, onde ella habbia li mezi piu
aggiustati all'importanti militari intraprese e corrispondenti alia dignita del capo della
Republica, che deve dirigcrle. II di piu che ci occorre d'aggiungcre a questo OMO, si
oontenterii d'intenderlo dal segretario nostro Giuseppe Zuccato, che lo spediamo con le
presenti e con la baretta ducalle, a cui prestera fede, come farebbe a noi medesimi. Fra
tanto preghiamo Sua Divina Maesta che doni alia Serenita vostra lunga e felice vita. Data
nel Palazzo Ducale li 3 April 1688." A somewhat different text of this appears in MS. Mara.
It. VII, 657 (7481), fola. 152-153', where eight other dooumentsreUitli^ to Moraelia from
1669 to his death tai 1694 may also be found (fob. HSff.).

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Venetian WUhdrawatfirom Athena and Failure at Negroponte 347

Venice where his triumphal arch still stands at the far end of the Hall of
the Scrutinio in the Doles' Palace, Morosini bequeathed a grim legacy to
history. In the two hundred days of Venetian dominance in Athens and
on the Acropolis, more serious damage was done than in the preceding
two thousand years.

The dogate was the supreme dignity in the Venetian Republic but the
doge, although he might be personally influential, was a ceremonial fig-
urehead, long since stripped of the authority to make important deci-
sions. In addressing his dispatches month after month to the "serenis-
simo principe," Morosini was actually writing to the Gollegio, which
would submit his messages to the Senate. Even after his election as doge,
therefore, Morosini continued to direct his dispatches to the "most se-
rene prince.** But, then, he had to write to someone, and officers rarely if
ever wrote directly to the Signoria or Senate. Morosini*8 next long dis-
patch, dated 6 May (1688), began with the usual expression of obeisance
to the "most vSerene prince," and keeping his two offices quite apart from
each other, he made no reference to the letter he had just received
informing him of his election. Francesco Muazzo, among others, notes
that shortly after Morosini's withdrawal from Athens he received the
news of his elevation to the dogate (/t giunge la nuova d'esser
fatto doge)}^

Morosini followed a more cheerful line in his dispatch of 6 May. The
Signor Dio had opened up the treasures of his merciful benevolence to
the harassed soldiers and seamen. The death rate of those struck by the
plague had now fallen from sixty or seventy a day to a more compassion-
ate twenty. Conditions had been slowly improving for a month, ever
since Easter (18 April), and the peril of contamination was now disap-
pearing from the vessels in the fleet but, alas, there was still the sad fact
"that in each of the two galleys Bem6o and Comer an oarsman has been
discovered with the bubonic infection" (che nelle due gaiere Bembo e
Corner in cudima dc quali s'c tin rernigante col hubone scoperto.).

The plague had been at its worst when the Venetian forces withdrew
from Athens, and therein one could clearly see a sign that the decision to
leave the infested city and its citadel had come from the Almighty, il
Supremo Motore. According to the records compiled after the abandon-
ment of Athens, 574 persons had died in the encampment and 52 in the
fleet at Piraeus. Morosini mentioned the names of a dozen outstanding
soldiers who had lost their lives to the plague, a more formidable oppo-
nent than the Turk. Despite all the hardships, at a meeting of the war

"'Storia dclUi ^tierra tni li Veiicti c Turchi. MS. Marc. It. VII. 172 (8187). fol. 62". On
the many political institutions in the Republic of Venice from the dogate (697-1797) to
the lener iiMltistnicies, note the helpful survey in Jean Georgelin, Venise au siide dee
lumiirea, Paris and The Hague, 1978, pp. 571-618.

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348

Venice, Austria, and the Turks in the Seventeenth Century

council (on 18 April) it had been decided to strike at Negroponte as soon
as it might seem practicable, with a preliminary feint toward Thessalo-
niki to distress the Turks. At the same time a squadron of Venetian light
galleys in the Archipelago was to make a quick attack upon certain
Moslem galleys to create as much confusion and fear as possible. As soon
as the order was signed, Lorenzo Venier, capitan estraordinario deUe
navi, set out with eight of the best warships and an armed, two^masted
merchant ship (pcUandra). The palandra was often used to carry can-
non, which were of course mounted broadside. It was left to Venier's
judgment, as he sailed for Thessaloniki, to make a trial of bombing the
port city in order to extort whatever he could from the inhabitants ''to
aid the public coffer."

Ever vigilant, Morosini was keeping in mind the possible peril in being
unprepared to meet, if necessary, the Turidsh vessels which in mid-May
were likely to go from Istanbul through the Aegean to Alexandria, where
woricmen could tar their keels and arm them. He hoped that the Chris-
tian corsairs would become properly united at Chios in order to pursue
the noble objective of harassing the Turks. Leaving Querini, captain of
the galliots, to look after the fleet and von Konigsmarck and Daniele
DoIAn to attend to military affairs, Morosini set out from Porto Poro on
the morning of 26 April with nineteen galleys, heading for the island of
Andros and then for Capo Doro, just north of Mt. S. Ellas on the south-
eastern tip of the island of Negroponte (Buboea). Thereafter he moved
westward to the southern entrance to the "canal" of Negroponte, stop-
ping for a while off the shores of Gastel Rosso (Carystus) and the Petalies
or Spili Islands, where under the very eyes of the barbarians and to their
distress Morosini's galleys took on water.

For four full days Morosini hovered in the region, sailing through the
neighboring areas. Finally he withdrew from the scene, but in such fash-
ion (he said) that the Tuiks could not be very quickly assured of his
departure. Also he left them (he said) with the lingering fear that the
Venetian forces might reappear at any moment to embark upon the
invasion of the "realm" of Negroponte. Actually, however, there was
little Morosini could do at the time, for his forces were still in weakened
condition {in debole costitutione).

There was little doubt in Morosini's mind that this unexpected display
of naval prowess had caused confusion among the Turks, who would be
less likely for a while to try to attack the Isthmus of Corinth. But the
Signoria must send him all the necessary apparatus of warfare or no
worthwhile operation against the Turks would be practicable. The first
serious encounter with them was likely to lead to a battle, which one
could hardly risk at the beginning of the campaigning season. When the
decision was made to invade the island of Negroponte, one could be sure
of a harsh conflict and an arduous siege of the fortress town of Negro-
ponte, i.e., Ghalcis. The Tuiks had fortified the stronghold with exterior

Venetian Withdrawal from Athens and Failure at Negroponte

349

worics and trenches lined with stockades. They had erected an outpost
upon the rocky mound of Kara Baba ("Black Father") on the mainland at
the entrance to the bridge leading to the town of Negroponte."

According to Morosini (and to other sources), all the works on the
mainland outpost of Kara Baba were proposed and directed by a certain
Girolamo Galoppi of Guastalla, who had been a dragoon in Gorbon's
regiment. At the time of the attack upon Napoli di Romania (Nauplia),
"mosso da diabolico istinto," Galoppi had fled in outrageous fashion to
the Turks [at Negroponte], and abjured the Catholic faith, for which
treachery Morosini was sure that heaven would bring down upon him the
avenging sword of Venetian justice. Although on 6 May, as he wrote this
dispatch, Morosini could not know what was to come, Galoppi's fortifi-
cation of Kara Baba would lead to the failure of the Venetian forces to
take Negroponte in the late summer and fall of 1688.

Upon Morosini's return to Porto Poro with the nineteen galleys he had
taken to the shores of Castel Rosso and the Petalies (Spili Islands), he
immediately had the keels tarred, the work being done in various well-
chosen places. He had been pleased to find that the admiral Pietro Za-
guri had returned from Zante with the ships Venere Arrnata, Gn^liehno,
David, and Costa as well as two other vessels commanded by Filippo
Petrina and Simon Benedetti, the Oenova and the Duca di Lorena^
which had been repaired at Gorfu after suffering damage from a storm.
They came with five hundred infantry taken from the fortresses of S.
Maura and Prevesa besides the five companies which had been aboard
the other ships mentioned by Morosini, along with militar>' equipment
and a huge store of bread. And with a few other details relating to ships
and bread Morosini brought another long, informative dispatch to
an end.*®

The last text signed by Morosini in the register of his original diS'
patches in the Venetian Archives is dated 19 May (1688). As he now
wrote the Signoria, the season was advancing at a rapid pace, making it

all the more urgent to hasten the delivery of the troops and provisions
which would be indispensable for the campaign in the offing. Despite the
shortage of funds which was upsetting him, Morosini had gone ahead and
chartered a merchant vessel of sizable tonnage (of the Smyrna trade) as
well as the Dutch pinco 8. Anna. He had recendy decided to remove from

On the Turks' mainland outpost of Kara Babfk, note Anna Akerhjelm's letter to her
brother Samuel MSnsson, dated aboard the ship S. Johannes (in the channel at Negro-
ponte) on 7 August, 1688 (I^borde, Athenes, II, 286-87. .-iiid Documents, pp. 244-45).

Prow, dn terra e da mar, Filza 1 120, dispatch dated "di galera, I'orto Foro, 6 Maggio
1688, s|til| n|ovoj." and signed by Morosini, who says he had tried to effect Galoppi's
repentance with "rich allurements," per qtuintn s'habhi da me amtrHmito per farlo
colialtrui essortatione rawedere dall'essecrando errore e con vivi allettamenti rimo-
x>erh dal malvaggio passo, tutto i riuscito vano. . . . On Galoppi and the fortiiications
at Kara Bab&, cf. J.M. Paton, Hie Venetians in Athens (1940), pp. 84-85.

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Venice, Austria, and the Turkt <n tht Seventeenth Century

the fleet the two state-owned ships & Nicold and Venere along with the
pinchi S. Nicolo and S. Iseppo. He was sending the squadron off to the
island of Zante under the command of the admiral Zaguri, which could
now be done without much risk. The pinco S. Zorzi was being held up at
Zante for lack of a cargo.

All together, however, these vesseb might bring to Greece as much as
the dilps hired for the Venice*to-Zante run would carry to the latter
island. The thought encouraged Morosini to believe that presently the
great convoy would arrive under Corner, the prouerfifor general
dell'armi; Morosini awaited Corner and the convoy with great anxiety in
view of the current circumstances, expressing a high regard for Corner's
"elevantissimi talenti." Morosini also looked forward to the arrival of
other ofhcials whom Corner was bringing with him, for they were to
assume the heavy responsibility of "the economic and political gover*
nance of the conquered kingdom of Morea so that those grave impair-
ments may cease which without the proper authorities have been pro-
ductive of disorder and confusion."

Morosini had often written the doge and Senate that he had certainly
not failed in vigilant attention to Moreote affairs to the fullest extent that
distance had allowed him while in Athens. The disturbed state of the
Morea filled his soul with grief. He had commissioned 2Soni Benson,
proveditor estraordinario in the Morea, to turn the ardor of his spirit to
the problem of the coming harvest. The wheat crops, to which the state
had ultimate title (dt publica ragUme), should not be scattered, but kept
under the control of the government so that wheat (and other grains)
should not be taken from the Morea "in the mercantile traffic."

The primary objective should be the distribution of a proper ration of
bread, at least to maintain the garrisons and to prevent the lavish con-
sumption of ship's biscuit. Morosini wanted "the third and the tithe** of
crops which were to be taken from the Turkish stores as well as the
"universal tithe" of all the other crops exacted from the peasant hold-
ings. An abundant harvest was in prospect everywhere in the Morea as a
result of the willing efforts and suffering this past winter of the country
folk {villici), "who have buried in the ground that which should at this
very time provide them with enough to eat.** Underground storage was a
common practice.

A stockpile of wheat in reserve would be very valuable for sales (per le
comprede) when it was decided to put up buildings in the Morea in-
tended for the production of ship's biscuit. In Morosini's humble opinion
the fortress town of Napoli di Romania (Nauplia) would be the best place
to establish such bakeries. Nauplia was also the place where Morosini
believed it best to build powder magazines, deposits for every sort of
munitions, and warehouses for food as well as the equipment of warfare.
All would be of easy access for the fleet, and the concentration of such

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Venetian Withdrawal from Athens and Failure at Negroponte

351

resources at Nauplia would bring relief from die heavy expense wliich
one was now forced to undergo in the cliartering of so many vessels.

In the actual production of ship's biscuit, however, Morosini feared no
drawback other than how much the prevaihng shortage of labor would
allow to be made. In every district there were of course some mills lack-
ing the advantage of real rivers which in other places provided power for
the grinding process, and which at times could scarcely meet the needs
of the state. Yes, one could easily see that this would be one of the chief
obstacles to the realisation of so useful a plan as he had In mind. Moro-
sini always had his eye on the almighty ducat, and was also concerned
about the collection of tolls on the sale and shipment of olive oil.

As more important for the moment, however, Morosini was pressing
Benzon to waste no more time in repressing the audacity of the Turks in
Monemvasia who, instead of meeting in combat the irregular troops lay-
ing siege to the fortress town, would make unseemly raids on the coun-
tryside. Morosini was relieved, however, that the discord among the
inhabitants of Vatika was caused not by disaffection but by hunger, as a
result of which they had been constrained to withdraw from their posi-
tion in the siege before the arrival of the commander Lascari with the
troops of Maina and Laconia. The Vatikani should have joined or fol-
lowed him. Morosini decided that the most needy among the Vatikani
should receive some measure of assistance in the form of ship's biscuit
until the next harvest or be aided with a moderate allotment of money
instead of bread if the fleet required the latter.

Morosini was trying to push Lascari into tightening the siege of Mo-
nemvasia to drive the Turks into desperation by deploying at the en-
trance to the causeway (al potitc) some strong combatants to contest the
exit of the Turks from the towering fortress town. When the besieged did
get out onto the mainland, Lascari was to see that they were cut to
pieces. For the rest, Morosini had received from Basadonna, the prove-
ditor eatraordinario of Navarino, the plan of the castle of Arcadia (Ky-
parlssla) together with a report relating to it by the governor Napoleon.
He was sending both the plan and the report to Venice, where the Si-
gnoria would have to make the next move.

Morosini regarded the construction of proper fortifications at Arcadia
as important, "especially since the inhabitants of the place have re-
stored at their own expense the devastation caused by the explosion
which the Turks set off when they abandoned [the town].*' The castle of
Arcadia, on the west coast of the Morea, was a nouble site and of high
strategic value. Captain Bartcriommeo Salamon was stationed there with
a dozen soldiers. His purpose was above all to guard the five large bronze
cannon, the fifty-nine bronze gunbarrels, and nine iron cannon as well as
some "male mortars" (petriere mascoli) and other things listed in a note
which Morosini was sending with his dispatch. At any rate the data per-

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352

Venice, Austria, and the Turke in Ute Seventeenth Century

taining to Arcadia indicated the importance of the place, and so the need
of its being defended at least by one of the "ordinary companies."

As Morosini was preparing this dispatch (of 19 May 1688) Lorenzo
Venier, the capitan estraordinario delle navi, had just returned from
his voyage Co Skiathos and Thessaloniki to try to extort money from the
Turks. Morosini gathered from Venier*8 report that the latter had man-
aged well, but he had got no money from the inhabitants of the city owing
to the presence of Ismail Pasha, the former serasker of the Morea, who
was then resident at Thessaloniki as the first commander. Ismail would
not consent to the Venetian demand for a "contribution." Venier had
sought to exact the funds by every possible means, including a heavy
bombardment of the port to harass the people, but all to no avail. In any
event the "few bombs** that Venier could fire into the "vast enclosure"
of the well-walled city had had the "good effect** of setting a number of
houses on fire which burned for half a day and a night, and "non pud che
riputarsi considerabile il danno e Tafflittioni che havran gl*animi loro
concepito."

Venier had shown good judgment in knowing when to stop the bom-
bardment of Thessaloniki, for an officer and four mariners aboard the
two-masted gunboat {palandra) had fled from his squadron in a caique
before he had got out of the harbor. They were well aware of the poor
armament of Venier*s ships, and would inform the Turtcs. Nevertheless,
his mission had l>een accomplished to the full credit of Venetian arms
and the disturbance of the city and its surrounding area. Morosini's
views are not always consistent. While Venier's venture had certainly
upset the neighborhood of Thessaloniki, he had acquired no money for
Morosini's ercirio, and the five deserters had revealed the vulnerability
of a part of the Venetian fleet.

Morosini rejoiced, nonetheless, in the seamen*s widespread recovery
from the plague, although it was a fact that after some four to six days of
reassuring freedom from infection, some cases had turned up in the
army. It was clear, to Morosini at least, that the "Dio delle misericordie"
did not intend to allow the resurgence of the grievous malady. The small
residue of pestilence had appeared in a regiment of the prince of Bruns-
wick, who was confident that he would soon be entirely rid of the afflic-
tion. Morosini feared most of all "the late arrival here [at Porto Poro] of
the armament of all the forces which is delaying the start of the campaign
[against Negroponte]." Be that as it might, he was rejoicing in the restora-
tion of the health of the seamen and soldiers, which he obviously thought
boded well for their next undertaking.*^

" Prow, da terra e da mar, Filza 1 120. dispatch dated "di ^era, Porto Poro, 19 Maggio
1688," and signed by Morosini.

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Venetian Withdrawal from Athena and Faibtn at Negropoiue

353

A month later, on 20 June (1688), Anna AkeriUelm, lady-in-waiting to

the Countess von Konigsmarck, wrote her brother Samuel Mansson that
"we have been frightened by the plague," but it had slackened. The
quarantine had been almost entirely lifted, although some people were
still in confined isolation. The Venetian armed forces, which numbered
16,000 men,^" were kept busy in constant military exercises, awaiting
orders to learn where they were to go next. Anna had ahneady written her
brother that the captain-general Francesco Morosinl had been elected
doge of Venice, but he would remain in eastern waters until the end of
the campaign. When Morosini had received the news of his election, he
had remained aboard his galley. The field marshal Otto Wilhelm von
Konigsmarck and two or three of the other most important personages in
the armed forces went aboard to pay him their compliments.

When von Konigsmarck expressed pleasure in Moro8ini*8 elevation to
the dogate, the doge replied, 'if you rejoice in my honor, I have reason
to thank you, for it is the consequence of your own valor.** While we
cannot linger over the interesting details in Anna Akerhjelm*s letter, we
must note that as part of the fireworks and other displays attending the
celebration of Morosini's election, the model of a fortress with a mosque
in the center was set adrift on the water. "1 am not sure that they have
wanted to represent Negroponte by this tableau, and since this is not yet
decided, I refrain from conjecture.** The doge had left Porto Poro for
Gandia, where there was said to be an insurrection. As Anna added in a
postscript to her letter, however, Morosini returned to Porto Poro on the
evening of 19 June, but one still awaited the arrival of the Maltese.^*

On 7 August (1688) Anna Akerhjelm wrote her brother from on board
the S. Johannes offshore at Negroponte, informing him that

we embarked at Porto Poro on 6 July, according to the new calendar, with a
splendid armed foroe. The Maltese were with us, but diey started to faO 111 In
large numbers. ... We left the port on 7 July. Most of the sddleiB, olRceiB, and

^ Francesco Muazzo, Storia delUi fiiterm tru li Veneti e Turchi, MS. Marc. It. VII. 172
(8187), fol. 67', puts the total at 16,600, eaercito il maggiore avuto dalla Republica nella
guerra presente, with 8.000 Germam, 4,000 Italians, 1,500 Slavs, 800 drafoons, 300
Milanesi, and 2,000 Swiss. He docs not include, however, either the Florentines or the
Maltese, and one always hesitates to accept the numbers of troops as given by the histo-
rians and war correspondents of the seventeenth century. However, according to Locatdll,
II, 102, "... Hnalincnte fattosi intieramente lo sbarco |on 23 July 1688), era il nostro
campo composto di tredici mila settanta combattcnti (uitre il battaglione de' Maltesi),
cavalli 892, e sopra le navi del Venier (the Venetian naval commander) per guarnigione
soldati 1605, e si rcndcva piu poderoso per li venturieri, e molti isolani ooncorsivi." Ct.
Arrighi (1 749), lib. iv. p. 353.

" Letter of Anna Akerhjelm to her brother Samuel Mansson, dated at Porto Poro on 20
June 1688 in Laborde, Athenes, 11, 280-85, and Itocumenta, pp. 238-43, and see Dame-
rinl, Morosint (1929), pp. 271-73, 275.

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354 Venice, Auatfia, and (Jbc IWfta In the Seventeenth Century

volunteers had to be reembarkcd on galleys and galliots in order that the con-
tnuy wind, which had started and lasted for some days, should not impede their
arrival. One knows that this wind, at this time of year, can last a month and even
longer. . . . We reached Cape Golonna with the ships on 9 July.

The unfavorable winds continued. The various vessels in the fleet had
to seek refuge in one port or another; some even returned to Porto Poro
to take on fresh water. Presently the S. Johannes made Porto Raphti on
the east coast of Attica. Galleys were sent here and there along this shore
and that to locate ships which had gone astray. The Count and Countess
von Konigsmarck disembarked on the island of Negroponte on 13 July;
there were the usual complaints (for whatever reasons) among the
members of their suite. The Tuiks did not try to prevent their landing.
Von Kdnigsmarok became entrenched near die fortress town of Negro-
ponte (Chalcis) on two hills, upon which he erected fortifications but-
tressed with cannon of large caliber. It would be hard to dislodge him.
Across the "canal" or channel of Negroponte was the Turkish citadel of
Kara Baba (Black Father); Anna Akerhjelm wrote her brother that "it is
the father of the two daughters Morea and Negroponte."

The question would be asked, when the siege of Negroponte had been
abandoned, why had not the Venetian high command reduced Kara
Babi, which was at the northern end of the road from Thebes to Negro-
ponte, before bearing down upon the latter town? If a mistake was made
in this context, it was certainly Morosini who made it.

The ships, apparently following the galleys and galliots, arrived on 23
July, with Anna aboard. "The batteries have been ready since the 30th,
and we are continually discharging twenty-eight pieces of artillery of
large caliber as well as eight mortars which huil bombs. God, who be-
stows victory, will also deign to bless the arms of Christendom for the
love of Jesus Christ." Although the admiral Venier had cast anchor with
a large number of ships in the channel of Negroponte, the Turks in the
island fortress were getting all the assistance they wanted from the main-
land citadel of Kara Baba. Von Konigsmarck was not at all reassured with
the manner in which Negroponte was being assailed, and

the worst of it is that the army is suifering more and more from illnesses. Among
the Knights of Malta there are sixty who arc ill in addition to their general. The
other generals are also all struck with violent fevers so that the situation takes on
an evil aspect in our eyes.

Worst of all, as Anna Akerl^elm saw it, von Kdnigsmarck himself had

now come down with a violent, intermittent fever.
Morosini tried to persuade the field marshal to go back at>oard his ship

Venetian WUhdravoalJrom Athena and Failure at Negroponte

355

SO diflt he would be less upset and more removed from anxiety, thus
making more effeotive the medicines he was taking Von Kdnigsmarck
was loath to do so, but finally yielded to his wife's entreaties. On the day

that Anna Akerhjelm was writing — 7 August-— von Kdnigsmarok*s fever

had abated somewhat. He bore a heavy responsibility. The army was
striving constantly to push closer to the town of Negroponte. The Turks
were making nighttime sorties which did no harm. Some Turks had de-
serted their fellows, and come to the Christian encampment. They had
not been paid for months. Reinforcements had arrived at Kara Babi^,
"which our men had seen,** but they had gone off again. The Christians*
cannonading was doing the enemy much damage. The Turkish deserters
assured "our men" that there were no mines planted in the walls and
earthworks of Negroponte. One need not believe it."

As the days dragged on, Morosini became increasingly troubled and,
as one Alessandru S. Angeli wrote the provveditore Zorzi Benzon from
Negroponte on 23 August (1688),

Last Friday, whicii was the 20th of the current month, his Serenity decided to
launch a general assault upon the Turkish trenches contrary to the advice of all
the commanders. But fortune, which has always been favorable to his Serenity,
did not desert him any less on this occasion so that, having overcome with vigor
the dllBoulties which have greatly hindered our advance, and having over*
whehned the Tuiks with a massof gonBre and the force of courage, he compelled
the enemy to give way. They lost everything. Many Turks were cut down by our
cavalry, which met theirs in a frightful clash. Some were left on the field dead,
their casualties being reckoned at about two thousand, counting those we took
as slaves. We*ll add to their aches and pains by bomlMrdment and cannonades.
. . . We have acquired twenty-six bronze cannon and four mortars of 500 caliber
as well as some other muskets [spin^ardc]. lielieve me, your Excellency, neither
in past nor present warfare has a more dithcult, and one can say more impracti-
cable, enterprise ever l>een undertaken. There are about eight tliousand stalwart
defenden |in Negropontel, and anyone who has not seen their defense works can
hardly undentand |our probleml.

According to Alessandro S. Angeli, the Christian losses in dead and
wounded amounted to some one hundred and tifty. Girolamo Garzoni,

" Letter of Anna Alierhjeim, who had also been ill since leaving Porto I'oro, to her
brother Samuel, dated on board the S. Johannes on 7 August 1688, in L^bordc, Athinea,
If. 284-91, and Documents, pp. 242-49; cf. the avvisi in the Ribl. Na/.ionale Marciana,
MS. It. VII. 588 (9513), fols. 13-15, 25-26', docs, dated at Negroponte on 7 and 10
August, and note, ibid., fols. 29 and 1 1''-12, (it-vrsi of 19 Septeml)cr ;ind 8 October 1688,
which do not appear in ohronotogical order in the MS. Locatelli, 11. 93, 96, infornu u* that
there were 6,000 Tvriilih toMleis In the fonreM town of N^ropcmta and so^
mainland fort of Kara BaUL

356

Venice, Austria, and the Turks in the Seventeenth Century

the proveditor d'armata, was killed; his impressive funeral monument,
as we have noted, may still be seen in the church of the Frari at Venice.
The prince d'Harcourt was wounded, and so were the princes of Turenne
and Brunswick. The serasker Mustafa Pasha and his son were apparently
both killed. Gorbon emerged as hero of the engagement which, if far
from decisive, seemed to the Christian reporters quite promising,^ but
the promise was not to be IcepL

Anna Akerhjelm wrote her brother again, presumably on 13 Sep-
tember (1688), noting that von Konigsmarck had been beset by the
current fever eleven times, although now it seemed to have left him. She
also describes the j^reat attack of 20 August upon the Turks, informing us
that the Venetian forces had succeeded in taking the borgo or faubourg
of the town, "where our men made a great slaughter of the enemy,"
whose losses she puts at more than a thousand. Alessandro S. Angeli also
mentioned the encroachment upon the borgo in his letter to Benzon.^^

" Bibl. Nazionale Marciana, MS. It. VII. 656 (7791). fol. 1 17, copia di lettera scritta
deUl'ittustrissimo si^nor Allessundro Santi Anjielli da Negroponte sotto li 23 Agosto
1688, which is the basis of an avviso also dated 2.1 August, which may be found in MS.
Marc. It. VII. 588 (9513). fol. 27: "Arriva Icttera deirarmata scritta da un corrispondente
al nobilc huomo Benzon per via di Zante, spedita per Ancona a Vcnezia airillustrissimo
Signor Morelli, quale porta che li 23 sudetto li nostri s'abbino impadronito di tutti li colli e
forti esteriori d'intomo la citta di Negroponte. e chc ii saraschiero con 23 pezzi di canoone
e 4 mortari avesse fatto trinciera con te sue truppe ben fortificato, ma che il generate dl
battaglia Corbon e Chinismar^h con la loro cavaliaria e fantaria I'abbino attaccato et fatta
giomata, quali venuti a tiera battaglia tra loro doppo molto contrasto di diverse ore li
nostri general! e soldatl s'abbino portatl valorosamente, masslme II Gorbon, quale ha fatto
.segnalati.ssimi fatti da vero soldato. havendosi cimcntato col saraschiere. et alia Hne rot-
toio con la morte del medesimo suo Hglio, et obligati gl'altri alia fuga con aver tralasciato
nelle nostre mani tutti li cannoni e mortari che si ritrovavano nel trincferamento, onde

veduto il contlitto c la perdiita de Turchi. il bassa e comniandante della citta sortito fiiori
nel medesimo tempo, s'attacco lierissima la battaglia, quale per diverse ore non sapendosi
da che parte piegarsi alia fine dal coragglo del nostri e de' principali, clod Prencipe
Turrena. Bransvij»h, c jjencrali di battaglia Corbon e Chinismarfth. a quali molte volte gli
sono rcstati morti sotto li cavalli fecero conoscere con le loro armi il suo gran coraggio,
massime il Corbon, quale azuffattosi col sudetto bassa doppo moiti colpi tra loro resto U
bassa colpito et atterrito da sT valoroso soldato. parimcnte il nobile huomo Gierolimo
Garzoni, seguendo li fuggitlvi sino fuori delli aprocci fu assalito da numero da quei barbari,
e preso fu trucidato, lasciando per la fede I'alma al Signore . . . and of., ibid., fol. 29',
where Gantoni's death is also mentioned.

Locatelli, II, 80-120. has described the siege of Negroponte during the months of July
and August (1688) In much detail, dwelling (as might be expected) on the Christians'
attack of 20 August, which Locatelli places on the nineteenth, and giving much attention
to the death of Garzoni (ibid., pp. 112-17). Owing to the printer's error, the pagination in
I><)catelli's second volume goes from 80 to 91, l)ut there is no break in the text. And of
course Morosini's biographer Graziani deals with the Venetian failure at Negroponte
(Chalets) in Francisci Mauroceni . . . geata, lib. nr, pp. 348-63.

There is another account of the Christian attack upon the Turks' palisaded trenches in
the borgo of Negroponte on 20 August in MS. Marc. It. Vil, 656 (7791). fols. 118-1 19\
Copia di lettera venuta daU'amuaa veneta sotto Negroponte in data di 13 Settembre

Copyrighted material

Venetian Withdrawal from Athena and Failure at Negmponte

357

Anna says, however, that three hundred Christians were killed, and

many wounded. On 22 August the Turks made a strong sortie from the
walls of Negroponte; they struck at the Florentine contingent whieh,
lacking adequate strength, had to fall back. The Turks almost recovered
one of the fortihed heights of the borgo, but aid arrived in time to force
their retreat into the town. One night, a week or so earlier, the Turks had
made a sortie which forced the Florentines to abandon their entrench-
ment, with many killed and wounded, although the mi^or general Her-
mann Philipp von Ohr and the brigadier Charles Sparre arrived in time to
force the enemy back behind the walls.

Fearful for the well-being of the troops, the ailing von Konigsmarck left
his ship, apparently on 23 August (1688), bringing joy and some mea-
sure of conrtdence to the hard-pressed troops. The following day, being
told that the Turks were preparing one of their frequent sorties, he actu-
ally mounted a horse to set himself at the head of the troops. It was a
false alarm, which was Just as well, for the fever returned, lasted for
several days, and forced von Konigsmarck into bed in his tent. Again the
doge Morosini urged him to go bacl( alK>ard his ship, as he was con-
strained to do on 28 August. From time to time von Konigsmarck was so
weak that he could neither speak nor understand what anyone said. His
illness was serious, divided the command of the troops ashore, and obvi-
ously did not bode well for the Venetian effort to wrest Negroponte from
the Turics.

Anna Akerhjelm*s important letter to her brother (of 13 September) is
inconsistent within itself. The letter was probably written over a period
of several days, and doubtless under great strain. She begins by saying
that von Konigsmarck's fever had abated, then informs us that "today is
the twenty-Hrst day of his last fever," and immediately thereafter states
that "the fever, which has held him without cease from 30 August to 13
September, comes back again every day at different hours," all In a letter

1688 (tlVttluatriattimo sigyior Anttmio Soderini: **Si portasslmo perd con canta velocicil a
pel til scoperto alle dcttc palliate clic strapati li palli a forza con le mani, spaleggiati da un
continuo fuocco di moschetaria, ^anate, bombe, e canone che medlante Tagiuto divino
snperMsbno e s'lntroduceasiino nelle loro trincere, e doppo doe hore dl sangulnoao oom-
batimcnto pic^o rinimico ohe fu sc^uitato sino allc porte dclla citta, c dal spavcnto che
hebbero ch'ancor noi trasmlsoiilati con loro non s'introducessimo neUa piazza, serorono le
porte, lasofando fuorl olrca 400 Tarohi ohe vedendmi in quel stalo |ett>rono neiragva, ove

rest.Trf)no da nostri t;i|^liati.

"Qucsto fatto costo molto sanguc dcH'inimico e la perdita de loro canoni e mortari, c di
noi la niorte deU'eccellentissinio (icrolamoOanonidanMMohetata nel petto. . . Of the
Christian soldiers 130 were killed in the encounter, and more than 300 wounded. . . . "II
general Conismarch e gravetncnte amalato, e li giomi passati fu al punto di mnrte, il
sargentc general amalato. Al prcscntc commanda li prinoipe dl Bransvlch, ii mi^linh ofK-
ciali sono suU amazati, onde quando Dio non cl ajglnta, le com vano male. Mentre la
•UigkMie si avama, la pertlimaoola de* nemlci h grande. . .

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358

Venice, Auttria, and the Turks in the Seoenteendi Centwy

misdated 3 September in both Laborde's editions.^ In any event despite
the care that the Countess Gatharina Gharlotta von Konigsmarck lav-
ished upon her husband day and night, neither eating nor sleeping, as
Anna had reason to know, the Held marshal died on 15 Septem-
ber (1688).^*

The Venetian galleys in tlie oliannel of Negroponte and the troops
ashore kept watch over all the assistance which the Tuiks in the belea-
guered town received throu^ their mainland outpost of Kara Babk. The

Christians were doubtless disheartened when on 27 August (1688), as
Anna Akerhjelm states in her Journal (Daghok), a Turkish reinforce-
ment of 1,500 men arrived on the scene. There was little or no good
news. The valiant Marquis de Gorbon was killed by a musket shot fired
from Kara Baba on 8 October. Although the doge Morosini wanted the
troops to fortify their encampment at Negroponte, and remain in the
field an winter, the princes refused to do so, eq>ecially milord of Darm-
stadt, who had four or five regiments under his command. It was clear
tliat the siege of Negroponte had failed.

The embarkation of the sick and wounded began on 18 October, at
which time the soldiers started also to load the artillery aboard the ships.
The troops in good health maintained their order of batde before the
borgo until the night of 20-21 October, but during the very early morn-
ing of the twenty-first they were all put aboard the galliots and galleys.
They pulled out as the sun rose. Hie weather was cabn. The doge Moro-
sini appeared with his galley to tow the SL Joannes out of the channel of
Negroponte, for the now widowed Countess von Konigsmarck and Anna
Akerhjelm were on board the ship. Most of the Greeks remained on the
shore, contemplating their ominous future. Those who had boats or
could find transport accompanied the Christian forces. Held up for a day
and two nights by bad weather, the countess and Anna Akerhjelm
rea<Aed Gastel Rosso (Garystus) at midday on 24 October. There they
found the galleys and galliots with the Christian forces on board.

The next day, 25 October, the countess, Anna Akerhjelm, and their
suite reached

a port looated between Hydra and the Mores, near the oitadel of Kastrl, about
forty mUei from Napdi di Romania. We landed on the ooast of the Mores, where

" Letter of Anna Akerh jelm to her brother Samuel, written in the harbor of Negroponte
and miadated 3 September, 1688, in Laborde, Athenes, II, 290-97, and DocumentSf pp.
249-5S. Anna has desk wMi the great engagement of 20 August and the Turkish sortie also
tnhtr Journal, II. 318-21, and Docs., pp. 276-79.

Anna gives the data In liar Joumai, in Laborde, Athenes, II, 324-27, and Documents,
pp. 282-65, aa doea Loeatalil, 11, 126-27.

Venetian Withdrawal /rom Athena and Faiture at Negruponte

359

we spent three or four hours, waiting for the orders to depart. The Florentines

had already left us during the night. It was believed that, had it been possible,
the doge would have wanted to attacit Castel Rosso in order to have a foothold
on the island, and since there were those who understood that negotiations had
been surfed for peaoe, die Venetians would thus have had stronger daims on
Negroponte. ...

The troops were divided on board ships which were to go, some to Napoli [di
Romania], the rest to Modon and to Navarino. The time was spent in waiting, and
we reached 4 November. We went ashore twice. There was an abundance of
edible mushrooms. The prince of Turenne sent to inform the countess that he
intended to leave that night, not wanting to wait any longer for the convoy. He
inquired whether she wished to leave with him. The countess could not make
this decision without receiving orders from the doge, who wi.shed to entrust
letters to her. On 5 November, early in the morning, the galleys made their exit
from the port, the *'captain of the ships*' [Lorenzo Venier) having given signals
with which they complied. At the tenth hour of the morning the anchors were
raised. The weather was calm. We were obliged to tack between the islands of
Hydra and Deserta for an entire day and an entire night.

In the forenoon on 6 November we finally caught sight of (the island of] Spez-
sia, where we had to await orders again. The galleys were then hard by this
island. The doge's secretary [Fellcel Gallo came in the afternoon, bearing a large
dispatch addressed by the doge to the Republic. He wished the countess, on
behalf of the doge, a safe and pleasing voyage. Then we continued our voyage
with a favorable wind, with three ships before us and another three after us.
Sailing with the first (three ships], aboard the & Anna, was the prince of Tu-
renne. The other three were carrying the three old regiments of Lfineburg, which
were returning to Venice after having served their time. The princes of Darm-
stadt with their troops were on board some other ships, headed for winter
quarters at Modon and Navarino.

Thereafter the Countess von Konigsmarck and Anna AkerHJelm sailed
past Tuikish-held M onemvasla "with the best wind one oould hope for,"
Into the waters of Cerigo, on to Coron, Modon, and Navarino, the Island
of Prodano, and that of Zante, "and there we caught up with the ship of
the prince of Turenne, which had cast anchor before us." The ladies of
Zante came to pay a visit to the countess, who spent two nights on their
island. And so the voyage went on, and so does Anna Akerl^elm's Jour-
fuUf a diary of great value, covering the Venetian venture Into the Morea,
Attica, aiKl Negroponte from September 1686 until the failure of the

" Morosini's Mcietafy Felloe Oallo, in whose hand ! raspeot most of the oaptain-geii-

crnl's dispntches were penned, w.-is among those who lamented the destruction of "ll
Tcmpio dedicato a Minerva, qual'era prima dell'cspugnatione intatto, ma bora dalle
hombe distrutto" (I'aton, Mcduieval and Rcimissance Visitors to Greek Land* |1951j, p.
70). On Gailo. cf. lx>catel!i. I, 16. 96, 1 i 2. 32]-22, and 11,80. 126, 216, and for dw months
of October and November 1688, ibid., li. 134-56.

360

Venice, Austria, and the Turka in the Seventeenth Century

long, hard siege in the fall of 1 688. Toward the end of November '88 the
countess and Anna reached Malamocco, and were confined to the quar-
antine on the island of S. Lazzaro for almost seven weeks. "We remained
there until the evening of 14 January, and then we entered Venice." On
22 February ('89) Anna recorded in her diary, "The carnival is ending
today with great gaiety. I have gone out twice to see the masks, and
sometimes I have gone to the Opera. I have also been to the church of
the Salute, a temple of great beauty."^

The siege of Negroponte had been a costly failure. Morosini and the
princes had hardly withdrawn the troops when speculation began on the
causes of the lamentable outcome. The brilliance of the Moreote cam-
paigns of Morosini and von Konigsmarck had been tarnished and, when
something over a year later (on 10 January 1690) the ailing Morosini
returned to Venice (amid celebrations), he still had reason to resent the
harsh criticism of the leadership of the Negropontine expedition.^ Such
criticism begins with a letter dated 4 November (1688), written by a
participant (or one who claimed to be a participant) in the expedition.
The writer of the letter was certainly well informed, providing us with
details not to be found elsewhere. Aside from his disparagement of the
leadership of the expedition (and he is especially hard on the young
Maximilian Wilhelm of Brunswick-Liineburg), the writer reproached the
high command for not having first dealt with the Turicish garrison on the
hill of Kara Babk to halt the flow of men, munitions, and provisions to
Negroponte.*'

Anna Akerhjelm, Journal, in Lsibordc, Athcncs. II. 322-4 1 . and Documenta, pp. 280—
99. On the carnival in N'cnice, note Bcrcftani. II, bk. v, pp. 188-89.

On the elaborate ceremonies attending Morosini's return to Venice (on KK-11 Jan-
uary 1690, more veneti) 1689). sec ixicatelii, Rucconto historicn della veneta fiuerra in
U'vanle. II (1691), 267-79; Graziani (1698), lib. iv. pp. 370-71; and Arrighi (1749), lib.
IV, pp. 379-80.

On the failure of the Venetian forces to take Negroponte, see the long, anonymous
letter dated 4 November (1688) In the Bibl. Nazlonale Marolana. MS. It. Vll. 588 (9513),

fols. "Qui sianu) al tcriniiie dclla cainpajina non cofOMUl dalle solite jjlorie. anzi resa
funcsta nella vanita dell impresa, in cui si sono inutilmente logorate forze poderose e
eonsumate senza frutto sino le monizioni e rarti^larie delle galere e delle navt medeslme
con publico inHnito dispcndio. . . ." The writer of this letter could only wonder "se fosse
piu facile il tentativo o nella terra ferma, in cui s'opponeva un solo forte di poco riiievo
(i.e., Kara BnIM] che domina Negroponte, o nelPtaola, in cui v'erano trfncierati e mnnid
9,000 soldati per difcnder la piazza . . ." {ihul., fol. y).

Whatever the reasons for this sad discomfiture, one fact was obvious. There was a
deficiency of leadership in the land forces from the beginning. Many experienced officers
had been rendered hors de combat by wounds or maladies, but princely rank had given the
young and (allegedly) incompetent Maximilian Wilhelm of Brunswick-Liineburg a com-
mand he could not manage: "l>a mancanza de' general! primarii facendo cader il com-
mando ncl Prencipc di Branswich ha rese languidc sin da principio I'operazioni perche,
inespertu e privo di stima, o non ha saputo dirigere o ha mancato di far fedelmente ese-

Copyrighted material

Venetian Withdrawal from Athens and Failure at Negroponte

361

Why, then, did Morosini and von Kdnigsmarck not take action against
the hilltop fort of Kara Baba before proceeding against Negroponte? The
attvSwer to be given to the critic would seem obvious: they would have
exposed their forces to attack from the Turkish strongholds at Thebes
and Livadia as well as to sorties from Negroponte, where there was a
large garrison. One judges military ventures by the results, and from a
military standpoint the campaigns in the Morea and against Athens had
gone remarkably well. C!onsidering the wear and tear on the Christian
forces caused by the plague, perhaps Morosini should not have under-
taken the siege of Negroponte. But nothing ventured, nothing gained,

guirc cio chc li siiftjjeriva il hiion zelo c li dcttava rottlma sua volonta . . ." (fol. 4").

"Rimasero feriti il I'rencipe d'liermstat, il Baron Spar jChas. Sparrej, ct altri di minor
conto. . . . Qualch'altro officiate restd nella baniffa, dalla quale si ritirassimo doppo
un'ora e niczza d'ostinato contrasto con perdita dl 1,200 in circa tra morti c feriti [presiim-
ably on 20 August 1688)? Tal fu Tesito di quest 'importantissimo tentativo reso vano piu
dairinesperienza di dii lo command6 che dalla costanza di ohi vi s'oppose . . (fol. 60-

"Sparsasi fra tanto nell'isola (di Ne>«ropontel la voce che si sciogliesse Pattacco. corsero
molti vescovi c vccchiardi a piedi di sua Sercnita, offerendo 7,000 Grcci per quest'invcrno
armati et alimentati averebbero a oosto delle lor vite diffese le trinciere e mantenuta la
bloccazion dclla piazza. Ma fil'aiiiti prima incerti suirinfedelta, poi inutili nella vilta de'
Grcci discorra^iti anno avuto un'inticra ripulsa fra tanto la milizia, li comniandanti, e le
monizioni fu ncccssita il decampare. I pid vicini alia marina prevedendo nella vlttoriosa
crudclta dc grinfedcii la loro morte prcsero a ^ara I'imharco sopra Pamiata per paasare in
Morea, abbandonando le sostanze e la patria per non perder la vita.

"Fug^irono due schiavi di fortezza che usciti doppo I'assalto riferirono il pocco numero
de' difensori (but the writer has just said the Turks had '9,000 soldati per difender la
piazza'!|, la ruvina della distrutta piazza, c la necessitd che averebbero avuto d'arrendersi
se non fossero stati in particolare di polvere puntualmente soccorsi. c cosi rcndcsi sempre
piu chiara la cagionc e piu manifesto il disordine che ha fatto perder inutiimcnte la cam-
pagna col non aver applicato a Gara Babd e vfetati a difensori I soccorsi . . (fol. 7*).

Thereafter the author of this letter, who had apparently witnessed the abandonment of
Negroponte, describes the embarkation of the troops, the dilficulty of one hundred ships
tacking their way out of the channel, and Morosini's ordering the fleet to start for the
Spalmadori "20 mi>»lia distnnti dalla bocca del canalc et 80 dalla fortezza per far coI.t la
rassegna delle milizie, il riparto de' quartieri, e I'espedizione di bastimenti btsognosi di
concia a Venecia." At the Spalmadori the fleet picked up some Greeks In the area of Gastel
Rosso, and continued the voyage with those who were to be assigned to winter (|uarters in
the Morea and those who, "terminato il tempo deH'impicgo," were returning to their own
countries.

The tragedy of warfare and the pestilence was only too apparent in the number of
sur\'ivors, ". . . computando il numero delle forzc che restano in universale ascende fra
sani et ammalati ad 8,000. I Suizzeri fra tutti non son piu che cinque in scicento, et i
Vittemberg sono ridotti a 2,200 di 3,700 che sono vcnuti. Le malatic n'han'esterminato la
maggior parte, come succede annualmente allc truppc di nuova leva, chc poi partono con
scapito esenzialissimo dell'armata quando sono assuefatti al fuoco et al clima," a fact of
which Morosini often complained in his dispatches to the Signoria.

Other pertinent dispatches may also be found in this MS. in the Marciana (It. VII. 588
|95U|), docs, dated 7 yXugust U>SS (fols. 2 September (fols. l«)-2n), 1«) Sep-

tember (fol. 29), and 8 October (fols. 11-12). There is no dearth of material on the Negro-
pontine expedition.

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362

Venice, Auatria, and tht Titrka in dke Seventeenth Century

and in those dayt soldiera and seamen, like tsmblen, were well aware of

the fact.

The historian is aware of another fact. Venice could not afford the vast
expenses of Morosini's campaigns from 1684 to 1688, and not without
reason was he always concerned about his empty coffers (cassa, era-
fio). 1%e Venetian success in the conquest of the Morea, confinned by
the treaty of Karlowiu in 1699, was due very largely to the Austrians*
even more startling success against the Turks, who were obliged to send
their best troops into Hungary and Transylvania to meet the Hapsburg
offensive which Charles V of Lorraine (and thereafter Eugene of Savoy)
was leading against the tottering Ottoman empire. In the meantime
Morosini's onetime rival Girolamo Corner had done very well in Dalma-
tia and, as we shall see presently, would soon capture Monemvasia, the
last fortress still In Turkish hands in **the kingdom of the Morea."

Copyrighted material

XII

Girolamo Corner's Success at
Monemvasia, Domenico Mocenigo's

Failure in the Aegean, and the Death
of Francesco Morosini

^Mra he war of Gandia had been descruotive of Venetian commeroe in

^Iml the Ivcvant. The patriciate had to no small extent withdrawn
from trade, the nobiltd assuming the social stance of the aris-
tocracies in other parts, indeed in all parts, of Europe. The Venetian
patriciate tried to maintain its social status, and on the whole did so, by
acquiring large tracts of land by marriage and by purchase. Northern
Italy and the Veneto suffered fkom wars and epidemics. The Venetian
friafue of 1630 is coo well known for comment. As the plague declined
and ceased, the grateful Republic saw to the comtrucUon of the nu^esUc
church of S. Maria dclla Salute.

Piracy was a constant impediment to the continuance of prosperous
trade. Convoys became larger and more expensive. Marin Gritti, diret-
tore di convoglio, in a dispatch to the doge and Senate dated 3 No-
vember 1684 pays tribute to the *'selante pontualidi di quest! nobili
huominl Ser SSorsi Benson et Ser Andrea Navagier.** Benson, as we have
seen, was conspicuous in Morosini's Greek campaigns. Moroiini was
often distressed by the failure of a convoy to arrive when he expected it
and needed it. The large convoy was diihcult to maintain and to keep on
any sort of schedule.

363

364

Venice, Auatria, and the IWib in th» Stvenuenth Century

On 20 December (1684) Gritti's convoy was delayed, arriving at CSoifu

only doppo qxiaranta giorni di molesto viaggio contrasto sempre da
venti contrarii. There were everlasting complaints about la contrarietd
de' tempi nella intemperie delta stagione, il veyito furioso di sirocco,
etc. Contemporary documents inform us of convoys under Marin Gritti,
Iseppo Moresini, Plecro Bembo, Ahrtee Priuli, Danlele Dolfin, Giaoomo
da Mosto, Niooold Vendnimin, Angelo Bembo, Zorxi Querini, Alvise Mo-
cenigo III, Antonio Canal, Oirolamo Priuli, Antonio Bollani, Maroo
Galbo, Bartolo Moro, Giacomo Contarini, and Girolamo Marcello. These
convoys carried supplies and funds as well as German and other troops
to Morosini, "et altri publici apprestamenti per I'occorrenze dell'ar-
mata."' The Venetians' two wars with the Turks (1645-1669, 1684-
1699) were costly, and reduced the Republic's commercial revenues to
disastrously low levels. And of course during this period the English,
Dutch, and French came into possession of a large part of the Levantine
trade.

The Austrians had fared well. ver>' well, in the Holy League and, as we
have seen in some detail, between 1685 and 1689 they had wrested
Esztergom (Gran), Nove Zamky (Neuhausel), Buda[pest], Simontornya,
Siklos, Fiinfkirchen (Pecs), Szeged, Osijek (Esseg), Eger (Erlau), Petro-
varadin (Peterwardein), Belgrade, Szekesfehervar (Stuhlweissenburg),
Nish (Nis), Vidin, and a score of other fortified towns from the Turks.'
These years also marked the l>eiinning of one of the most daring, bril-
liant, and successful military careers in the long history of Europe — that
of Eugene of Savoy — but it was some time before he could make his
enduring impress upon the generations yet to come.

After Francesco Morosini's election as doge (on 3 April 1688) and his
return to Venice (on 10-11 January 1690), Girolamo Corner, provedi-
tor general da mar, was the Republic's chief commander in Greek
waters. Comer had l>een maintaining a tight siege of Monemvasia (Mai*
vasia), and on 25 September 1689 Antonio Molin, proveditor estraor-
dinario in Regno \di Morca], wrote Corner that he had received valuable
information "from a Greek Christian who tied this morning from Malva-
sia."'' However valuable Molin's information may have been, it was ap-
parently not very useful to Comer, who did not succeed in taking the
great fortress of Monemvasia for another year.

While the siege of Monemvasia went on. Comer became interested in

* The dtepatches of the Nnbili dircttori di convofili da 29 Ottnhrc 1684 sin 8 Maggio
[actually J iifa^'iol 169-i arc prcser\ cd in the ASV, Senato, I'rovv. da terra e da mar, PIIm
880, interesting, on the whole clcirly written, and valuable for the detail they contain.

' Sec above, pp. 273-80; note also pp. 366-69; and cf. von Hammer Purgstall. Gcsch. d.
nsmun. Reichcs, VI. 507ff.. 515ff.. .S4,lff.. trari.s. Hellert. XII. 2.S2ff., 264ff.. 296ff.; Max
Bniubach. I*rins Eug^n von Suvoyen, 5 vols.. Munich, 1963-65, 1. 1 15ff., 122-23, 129-
30. 135-37. 143-44.

' Senato, Prow, da terra e da mar, Flba 1 123.

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Comer at Monemvaaia, Mocenigo in the Aegean, and Moroaini'a Death 365

Athens, which ftsd suffered severely from the Venetian occupation.
C!omer sent a "persona confidante ... in Athene per esplorar gl'anda-

menti de* Turchi." Apparently the result was a report dated 6 October

1689 to the effect that some three thousand Christian peasants and for-
eigners were taking up residence in the city. They were keeping up good
relations with the Turks,

considering the necessity they felt of having a garrison in the fortress |the

Acropolis) to protect them from being molested by Christians and galley-slaves
on the loose. They are thinking of putting eight cannon into the fortress, and the
galleys must go to I'orto Raphti, from which place Ibrahim i'asha is coming by
land to the fortress, but the Athenians say it Is not well advised to go as long as
[Corner's?] tleet does not withdraw. The serasker {the Ottoman commander-in-
chief] is of the opinion that he might spend the winter in Athens when the for-
tress has a garrison. Fic has with him 800 horse and about 1,400 foot. A pasha
had arrived in Athens with another 500 troops. 1 do not know where he is . . . ,
but one believes tliat only the visir can settle the Inhabitants Into that irfaoe. This
Is as much Information as 1 have been able to get about the area |of Athensl/

These were the years during which Sir William Trumbull, the friend of
Dryden and Pope, was the English ambassador to the Porte. A cautious
and rather crusty character, Trumbull was a classicist, and had been well

trained as a lawyer. His appointment to the embassy had been made in
November 1 686; he had set out for Istanbul on 1 6 April 1 687; and going,
as one usually did, by way of Smyrna, he had arrived at the Turkish
capital on 17 August 1687. He pleased the English merchants on the
BcMponis and at ftnyma to such an extent that he was nmninated again
as ambassador to the Porte in Noveml>er 1689, and continued in the post
until the end of July 1691. Some four years later he was to be appointed
secretary of state (on 3 May 1695). Trumbull had thus been in Istanbul
for a full two years when on 31 October 1689 he sent to WhiteliaU the
following report on Austrian successes and Turkish problems:

. . . Since the last rout atC Nlssa fNIi) and the taking the place by the Germans,
Arab Regeb Bacha, the serasquier, was strangled, and Ibrahim Bacha. who was
formerly Jannissar-Aga. afterwards Bacha of Bagdat IBaghdad], and who the last
yeaie defended Negropont, was put Into his place. The VIsir allso, fearing the
Imperialists might advance to Sophia, sent orders to Osman Baoha, serdar att
Viddin (Vidin In Bulgaria], and to Teekely Ilmre ThOkMyl to oome with their
forces to him.

On the 9th instant Teckely arrived with about 80 horse, and was met with the
same ceremony as ambassadors usually are, vist by the ehlaus-pachi and several
ohiauses; onely he alighted att the tent of the Vizir's kiah, and was thenoe con-
ducted on foot to the Vizir who (after usuall complements) ask'd what newes he
had of the imperiall armie. He said. They were neer Viddin when he came away.

* Prow, da terra e da mar, Pllia 1123, doo. dated 6 October 1689.

366

Venice, Atutria, and the Turks in the Seventeendi Century

And while they were speaking a courier arrived from the Tartar Han (who, with
his son, was come to Nicopolis from Walachia), bringing newes that Viddin was
taken, upon which the Vizir ordered Teckely and Osman to retume with all
speed to Nicopolis (whether he would follow diem), and consult with the Tartar
Han about the best means to repulse the Germans from Viddin and for securing
those parts.

He [the VizirJ gave Teckely very faire words, assuring him of the Grand Sei-
gneur's particular favor, and that he riiould not faile of being rewarded for his
faithful services to the Port. He presented him allso with a sable vest, a topas

ring, a horse well furnished, and 2,000 dollars. He asked leave of the Vizir to
speak with the French ambassador, but the Vizir told him it was not now conve-
nient to loose time in talke, but to follow his journey with all expedition. How-
ever, about 4 houres in the night (after he had suppt and dranke plentifully at the
Vizir's kiah's tent) he went privately to the French ambassador's lodging at So-
phia, where he stay'd till towards morning and so departed. . .

The end of Sultan Mehmed IV's long and costly reign was filled with a
turmoil which continued into the short period of his brother Suleiman
ITs succession (1687-1691). In mid-December 1687 the imperialists
took Eger (Crlau) in northern Hungary. The Turks had held the city for
almost a century (from 1596). The main mosque became the church of S.
Leopold and, as von Hammer-Purgstall noted a century and a half ago, a
lonely minaret still stands (as it does), a reminder of the Turkish past.^
The Ottoman government was almost hopelessly unstable. After sixty-
nine days of authority as grand vizir Ismail Fasha was replaced on 2 May
1688 by the former agha of the janissaries, Mustafa Pasha of Rodosto
(Teklrdag on the Sea of Marmara) , who had been the executioner of Kara
Mustafa Pasha at Belgrade after "Black" Mustafa's failure before Vienna.
There was a further corruption of coinage. Tobacco was taxed. In fact
imposts and taxes of one sort or another were levied almost everywhere
in the Ottoman domains. Such measures added to the widespread
unrest.

The most stunning blow the Turks received at this time, however, was
the imperialists' occupation of Belgrade, their chief fortress in Europe.
The city was taken on 6 September 1688, as we have noted. It was the
Turks' most important loss, but the imperialists now acquired a number
of other Turkish cities and towns. Sultan Suleiman I had taken Belgrade
in August 1521.^ The Turks had thus held the city for more than a cen-
tury and a half. The Austrians soon lost it, but got it back in 1717,

'Public Record Office (PRO). London, State Papers (SP), XX, fols. 150, 153*-154'.
There is an informative sketch of Trumbull's career by Wni. P. Courtney in tlie Dictionary
of NaHonal Biography. XIX (repr. 1937-38). 1192-94.

\'on Hammer-Purgstall, OescA. d. oaman. Reiches, VI (1830, repr. 1963), 507, trans.
Hellert. XII, 252.

' Setton, Papacy and the Levant, III (1984), 199, and on the Imperialists' occupation of
Belgrade, note Max Braubach, Prinz Eugen von Saivoyen, 1, 143-44.

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Comer at Monemvasia, Mocenigo in the Aegeem, and Mortmini'a Death 367

holding k from the peace of Passarowitz (in 1718) to the peace of Bel-
grade (In 1739). Again the Turks recovered the beleaguered city, and
again the Austrlans seized it (in 1789). The checkered history of Bel-
grade was symptomatic of the history of the Balkans over a period of
some centuries. In fact during the First World War the Austrians moved
into the city again (in 1914, 1915-1918). Now the capital of Yugoslavia
and Serbia, Belgrade seems more secure tlMn hitherto.

In the last two decades of the seventeenth century nothing in the
Ottoman empire seemed secure. After six years of warfare (1683-1688),
almost constant setbacks (and seditions) had exhausted the Turkish
treasury, and neither the army nor the administration had a single out-
standing person in their ranks. An Ottoman embassy, headed by Sulfikar
Effendi and the influential grand dragoman Alessandro Mavrocordato,
had waited upon Max Emmanuel, the elector of Bavaria, who was in
command of the imperialist forces at Belgrade in September 1688, when
the city fell to the Christians. The Porte wanted peace under honor-
able terms.

Months of protocol, however, held up the Ottoman embassy's access
to Vienna and the imperial presence, the ambassadors being detained at
Pottendorf, to the south of Vienna. After having agreed to follow certain
ceremonial requirements, SulHkar Effendi and Mavrocordato were al-
lowed to enter Vienna (on 8 February 1689), and were thereafter admit-
ted into the imperial presence. Sulfikar was accompanied by five Turics,*
Mavrocordato by four Greeks, induding the Venetian dragoman Tom-
maso Tarsia. The Tarsia family had long served the Signoria as
dragomans.

Ivcaving aside details of protocol and ceremonial, important in those
days and under such circumstances, there was the question, to start
with, whether the two Turkish envoys were truly ambassadors or merely
internuncios, for in their letters of credence Sulfikar and Mavrocordato
were designated negotiators, with no indication of the extent of their
responsibility. As for Mavrocordato, he was well known to westerners,
one of the chief statesman in Istanbul. Years later (in 1709-1710)
Mavrocordato's son Niccolo was to become the first Phanariote hospo-
dar of Moldavia.

The ministers plenipotentiary of the Christian alliance, who had gath-
ered in Vienna to represent Austria, Poland, and Vealoe, agreed to re-
gard Sulfikar and Mavrocordato as ambassadors. The two ambassadors

had a letter from Sultan Suleiman II and another from the grand vizir,
which letters gave them instructions, but no authority to commit the
Porte. At a meeting on 12 February (1689) the Turkish envoys began by

' Tile Turkisli envoy appears as Sulliliar in von Haninier-Pui]gsuiU (ref. below), but as
"Sufllcar Eiendl" In a Rai^igan ooviao later givrni or seat to tiie Vraeclan Stgnoria (Senato.
Ddlb. Goatantlnopoll |8ecfcui|, Reg. 35, M. 850-

368

Venice, Austria, and the Turks in the Seventeenth Century

demanding the return to the Porte of various fortified towns as the first
step toward a treaty of peace, which of course the imperialists refused,
demanding instead the payment of indemnities. Sulfikar declared that
the Emperor Leopold could keep his conquests provided he gave up
Transylvania, which the imperialists had no intention of doing.

Conferences went on each week, all to no avail, but finally on 12 March
the Austrians presented their requirements to the Turicish dele^tes: the
imperialists must receive possession of Hungary with its dependencies,
the right to fortify their frontier towns, freedom of trade, an exchange of
prisoners, custody of the Holy Sepulcher in Jerusalem, an indemnity for
Venice, and the restitution of all territory the Tatars had taken in Molda-
via. These conditions had to be accepted within thirty days, and put into
effect within six months. The imperialists also expected to see the Turks
depart from Transylvania. Even if Sulfikar and Mavrocordato had pos-
sessed full authority, which they did not, obviously they could not have
yielded to the imperialist demands.

Toward the end of March (1689) the Turkish delegates received the
Venetian prerequisites for peace: the Signoria demanded, besides full
recognition of the Republic's conquests, the Turkish withdrawal from
the fortress town and island of Negroponte as well as from Athens and
other places. The Signoria must also have all the territory between
Obrovac and the river Bojana up to the mountains of Bosnia and the
Hercegovina, along with Antivari (Bar) and Dulcigno (UlcinJ). The trib-
ute which the Signoria had previously agreed to pay for possession of the
island of Zante must be abolished, and the Porte must return the money
— 225,000 rcdli — which the grand vizir Kara Mustafa Pasha had wrung
from the bailie Giovanbattista Dona in 168vl. Venice would have the
right to fortify her frontiers and later on, to negotiate with the Turks
concerning commerce, the bane of piracy, and other matters of impor*
tance to the Signoria and the Porte.

At long length, upon instructions from John HI Sobieski and the Sejm,
the Polish delegates presented the Turkish envoys with their require-
ments for peace: the Poles must receive an indemnity for the damage
done them by the Cossacks and the Tatars, the latter of whom nmst
withdraw immediately from the Crimea and from certain other areas of
importance to Poland. The Poles also wanted the restitution of the holy
places (including apparently the return of the Holy Sepulcher to the
Franciscans), as guaranteed by the treaty of Zuravna.^

The Polish demands included the freedom to build new churches and
repair old ones, the right to ring church bells (to which the Turks always
objected), and permission to go to Jerusalem without the payment of any

For the treaty of Zuravna of 16 October 1676, between John III Sobieski and Mehmed
IV, see Dumont, Corps universel diplomatique, VIM (1731), no. ctvi, p. 325.

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Comer at Mtmttwotula, Mocenigo in the Aegean, and Manmini'a Death 369

tax or toll. Finally, the Poles Insisted upon the Turks' freeing Polish
prisoners and, above all. upon the return to the Polish crown of Kamen-
ets, the capital of Podolia. They also insisted upon the Turks' evacuating
wide areas of the Ukraine. Upon hearing a renewal of certain demands of
the imperialists, the Turkish envoys were said to have asked, "Why do
you not also demand Gk>nstantinople?** Even if Sulfikar and Mavrocor-
dato had been authorised to make lan^e concessions, peace would have
been extremely difficult, for the Empire, Venice, and Poland had all
committed themselves to making no separate treaty with the Turks, and
the Porte could never accede to the sweeping demands of all three
allies.

Since there was no prospect of making peace with the Christian allies,
Sultan Suleiman II (or III) had his pavilion set up before the seraglio at
Adrianople (Cdirne). He was going to participate in the coming cam-
paign. The command of the army on the Danube had been given to Arab
Redjeb Pasha, the governor of SoBa, but he did badly and was soon
beheaded. Turmoil was rife in the Ottoman government; heads fell, and
commanders were replaced. The sultan encountered discouraging
events in the warfare of 1689. As we have already noted, the important
town of Nis in southeastern Serbia fell to the Austrians. While the Turks
held their own against Russia, Poland, and Venice, the Austrians in*
dieted heavy losses upon them. The Poles were forced to give up the

Note, however, the letter of the doge Morosini and the Senate addressed to Sultan
Suleiman on 23 December 1689 cnnccrning the failure of these negotiations for peace,
which ia rather at variance with the above account (from von HammerFurgstaU). The
letter la given In Senate, DelibGostantinopoli (Secrets), Reg. 35, fols. 77*-78^|175*-f 76*1,
**A1 Sultan Soliman, Gran Sij^norc: Con In lettera eortesissinia Ji \ostra Macsta, elic da
gIMnvlatI auoi alia corte cesarea e stata consignata all'ambasciatore nostra, che ivi ris-
siede, e da noi ricevuta con la dovuta estlmatione, habbiamo inteso assontlone sua al
sublime softlio Otthomano con sentiniento ne' nostri animi di una sf)ninia essiiltanza. Se ne
rallegriamo pero con la Maesta vostra con tutta la svisceratezza de nostri cuori, e porgemo
voti ehe a coal felice aucoeaao aiano aooompagnate anco quelle gratle che alia lettltudine

de suol sentinienti ct alio jjiuste br;iinc possino cssor pin confacenti e piii convenevoli.

"Non minore anco c .stato il contentu nostro nei rimarcare nella Macsta vostra una vera
diapositione di ridonare con una sincera paoe lu quiete ne' suJditi del sue felicisslmo
Imperio e di quelli della Republica nostra, ma perche gl'ablegati suoi hanno ohiaramente
fatta conoscere inraglonevble la cpialitl delle lore proposition!, e che non oatante che II
niinistro nostro c quelli de collegati siano concorsi a dare le possibili facilita per avvanza-
mento de trattati, hanno insistito gl'inviaci nelle prime inadmissibili proposition! siamo
atari per neceasitd ooatretti a ooncorrere nel loro Hoentiamento, reatando eaai cdpevoli del
discioglimento d'un nefiotiato che poteva ristabilire I'antica corrispondcnza da noi sempre
coltivata con I'Eccelsa Porta e con li gloriosi progenitori della Maesta vostra, verso la di cui
dlgnlaslnia imperial peraona nodrimo una pertlcolar' osaervanza con deaiderlo di termi*

nare, con una sincera e slciira pace, oftni diffcrcnzn con I'Eccclsn Porta. Ncl rcsto brame-
remo sempre le oecasioni di dar prove del nostro rispetto verso I'insigne merito di vostra
Maesta, alia quale auguriamo in tanto molti anni di salute e di vita. +87, — 2, — 12." and
cf. the letter of the same date addressed "a Mustafa Baaai, primo visir," ibid., fols. Ih^-IT
|174*-175'|. The next entry in this register is dated 3 June 1692, leaving a gap of almoat
thirty months (1689-1692).

370

Venice, Austria, and the Turks in the Seventeenth Century

siege of Kunenets-Podolski, however, and Francesco Morosini failed to
take Monemvasia, leaving the siege to his onetime rival Girolamo
Corner. The grand vizir Mustafa Pasha of Rodosto was removed from
office, and replaced by Mustafa Kopriilii, who had been largely responsi-
ble for the dethronement of Mehmed IV.

nien about fifty-two yean of age, Mustafa Kdprfilfi was admired as a
staunch defender of the laws of Islam; he was» as we have had occasion to
note, son of the doughty old Mehmed and brother of the astute Ahmed,
the conqueror of Gandia. An enemy of the Christians, abstemio nemico
del vino, Mustafa Kopriilii had had a good deal of political but little
military experience (politico ma non ha nissuna prattica di guerra).
When he had done homage to the sultan, Mustafa Kopriilii summoned
the leading figures of the court and the empire to a meeting of the divan,
the state council, reminding them of their duty as Moslems and of the
perils which endangered the Ottoman empire. The next campaign, he
said, might see the enemy under the walls of Istanbul. He annulled
various taxes, but confiscated the properties of various rich malfeasants,
executing them as a reward for their misdeeds. The central and provin-
cial administrations of the Ottoman empire were almost entirely reor-
ganixed.'^ But the Turks were at war widi Christendom, and how would
they fare, for the new grand vizir was not a warrior?

It was at this time (on 6 November 1689) that Sir William Trumbull,
the English ambassador to the Porte, wrote Charles Talbot, the eaii (and
later duke) of Shrewsbury, about Mustafa Kopriilii's elevation to the
grand vizirate and about some of the governmental changes which it
entailed. The letter was addressed to Shrewsbury during the latter's first
and rather brief period as secretary of state under William and Mary.
Trumbull had just been "informed of the change of Vizir, which oblig'd
us to stop this ship (bound for Venice) for transmitting this short
account:*'

After the late defeates the Visir IMustafa Pasha of Rodosto] had dismiss'd all
most all die souldlere, both spahees and Janlsaries, that were left In the army
near Sophia, fearing a mutinle might begin among them, as he had great reason
to apprchcMid from their extravagant taike, most of them publickly railing att the
Grand Seigneur and him (the Vizir) and cursing their owne Law and Prophet. But
he was wanting to secure the oheif point, which was to keep the person of the
Grand Seigneur neer him, who being seis'd with a panick feare (upon the taking
of Nissa) was easily persuaded l>y the Kislar^Aga (his chcif eunuch) and such
other favourites of the Seraglio to run away to Adrianople and to leave the Vizir
behind to give necessarie orders and to consult with the Tartar iian and Teckely
[Imre ThOkdly] of what was to be don against the Qermans. As soon as the Grand

" The foregoing has been taken from von Hammer-lhiigicall, Oesclk. d. onnan. Relchea,
VI. 528-48, trans. Hellert, Xii. 279-301.

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Comer at Monemvaaia, Mocenigo in the Aegean, and iioroeini's Death 371

Seitnevr had left him and was fott to Adrianople, the Turkish principle of judg-
ing according to successe was presently sett on foot, it being hardly ever known
that a Vizir has not been turn'd out after their armie has been beaten.

1 cannot yet learne the particular intrigues or who have been the authors of
this change (some chliridng the Tartar Han was the cheif contriver, who pat the
oaddees [kadis, judges] and lawyers upon it, and may have some further designs
upon this Empire) or how farr it may be carried on. But I am certainly informed
that the Grand Seigneur ordered a galley to go for Kuperli (Kopruliij, who was
Bacha of Scio, to bring him thence to Gallipoli, and so to go post[haste) to
Adrlanople, that the Boetangl-Bachi was allso dispatoh't away for M ustapha, the
late Vizir, to Sophia to take the scales from him and bring him as a prisoner to
Adrianople. Kuperli was alreadie arriv'd there, and is declar'd Vizir. Whether the
late Vizir will be strangled or banish't is not yet known, but they will call him and
his oihcers (some whereof are putt in prison) to a severe account for all the
treasure pass'd throu|h their hands and of the hite extraordinary taxes rals*d for
the payment of the souldiers.

This Kuperli Ogle is younger brother to the famous Ahmet Bacha (better
knowne by the name of Kuperli Vizir) and now (beyond all example in the Turk-
ish histories) succeeds in the place of supreme minister, as his said brother had
don to his father. He is esteemed a verie strict and Just person, gready sklil'd In
their Law and a rigid observer of it. free from oovetousnesse and extortion, and it
is thought was advanc'd to the vizirat rather from a popular opinion of his integ-
ritie than any inclination of the Seraglio. The former Vizir is allready as much
spoke against as a man given to sodomie and wine with great excesse and of
much negligence In the publick affaires, suffring himself to be whtdly govem*d
by his officers about him, who tooke great summes of mony from all pretenders.
In short, that he was unfitt and uncapable of that trust. . . .

The new Vizir has alreadie declar'd his intention to settle this government
according to their antient methods by having all wayes 7 Vizirs of the Bench with
him and consulting with them and holding publick divans In all matters of impor-
tance, a thing left off many yeares since, the successive Vizirs having assum'd to
themselves an arhitrarie power and acted absolutely as their humour, pas^n, or
interest led them.

Last weeke the Grand Seigneur's Heet came into this port [Istanbul], consist-
ing In ail but of 9 men of wane (such as they are) and 15 gaOejrs. together with

the prize of Capt. Paolos, a Leghomese (taken by the Algerines. but by them
deliver'd to the Capt. Bacha as a present to the Grand Seigneur) with a Venetian
galley and 2 brigantines, which has been all the effect of this campagne
att sea. . .

In a long dispatch dated at Monemvaaia on 23 May 1690 Girolamo
Gk>mer sent the doge Francesco MorosinI and the Senate a detailed ac>
count of his disagreements with an allied commander "per Tintrapresa
deirattacco del borgo di Malvasia." lie also described the state of his
finances, supplies, artillery, and munitions, as well as his military and

I'RO. SV 97, XX. fols. 151-52, 154.

372

Venice, Auairia, and the TurkB in the Seventeenth Century

naval problems, including a somewhat costly encounter with the enemy
at Monemvasia. He gave notice also of the arrival of an important con-
voy, the movements of the Turkish commanders and their troops at
Tcnedos. Nej^roponte, Larissa, Thebes, and elsewhere. On the whole,
despite the length and cost of the siege, Monemvasia still remained in the
hands of the Turks, and their holding on to the fortress in this obstinate
fashion was one of their few successes.**

Month after month Girolamo Comer, the Venetian proveditor general
da mar, continued the siege. It was, as he reminded the doge Francesco
MorosinI, a tiring business, but he never relaxed his efforts to take the
stronghold from the Turks. Monemvasia had been provided with more
foodstuffs (and with a larger armament) than the Venetians had realized,
which was obviously the reason for the long duration of the siege or
rather the blockade.*'

AS\'. Scnato. I'rovv. da terra e da mar. Filza 1 123, dispatch no. 37. On 30 April 1690
the Venetian forces had defeated and captured Zin (cfte in linffua Albanese significa

Diavnlo] Ali I'asha of Hcrcegovlna. killing 700 Turks — ."^OO sipahis and 400 infantr>' — in
his militia which then consisted of 3,000 men. plus 500 sipahis which the pasha of Bosnia
had sent to assist him. The engagement took place in Dalmatia, not far from Cattaro
(Kotor). and is described in the newsletter \ cri.s.sjma c distitiui Rclazione del combutti-
mento vt vitturiu ottenutu daliurmi delta Serenisaima Republica di Venecia ... It JO
Aprilc 1690 in Dabnatta ne' eonfini di Cattaro con la priggfonia dello eteaeo baeea,
Venice. 1690.

^* There are a number of letters and other texts from the year 1689 in a fragmentary
"Kle" in the IVovv. da terra e da mar. Filza 948 (does, unnumbered), which relate to the
siege of Monemvasia (Malvasia), the problems which the commander Girolamo Corner
was facing, Hnancial reports, and especially conditions in Nauplia. Naxos. Chios, and else*
where, one of the more interesting being a report dated 24 November (1689) concerning
the chaos in Negroponte (Euboea) when Ibrahim Fasha left the island, having been sum-
moned by the saltan to Istanbul.

This same report (by one Grani da Idra) speaks of the unrest in Istanbul which was being
increased by the discovery of an inscription written in Bulgarian letters on a slab of marble
to the elfeot "ohe neH'amio 1691 doveii Goatantlm^ioli oader in mano de* Ghrtodani, e del
1693 sara tenato un oonollio per Tunlon delle ohieae, e ohe ci6 haveaae aamentato fra
Turchi la confusione?"

" From a galley "nell'aoqve di Malvasia, 2 Luglio 1690," Otoolamo Comer WTOM tiw
doge Morosini and the Senate, "Assunto dalle mie debolezze questo gravissimo peao, non
ho mancato di prcstar tutta la mia piu lissa attentione al prosseguimento del bloooo dl
questa pia/.xa In conformity del decrcti dclla ConSttlta Idhe war OOunoii| . . ." (Prow, da
terra e da mar. Filza 1 123, dispatch no. 39).

On 25 July 1690 Oirotamo Comer reported to the doge Morosini and the Senate (ibid.,
disp. no. 41 ): "Capitato con celere viaggio il convogiio eondotto dalla diligenza e zelo del
nobil' huomo Ser Giacomo Contarini, governatore estraordinario di nave, ricevo I'honore
di varle riverlte ducall di vostra Serenltil, et capitate pur col medeshno le redute del
regimenti Spar e Stiron [the commanders, Sparre's regiment consisting of 333 men,
Stiron's of 1 13, but Sparre's men were something of a problem:] tutta buona e brava gente,
ma deaertorl. et al aollto inaolenti, per 11 che mi oonvien tenerii sopra le navi, sino ohe dal
signor general Spar, che con tutto fervore adempisce le sue parti, sinno posti in qualche
regola. . . . S'e ricevuto col detto convogiio buona quantita di polvere e qualche portion di
biacotto per quest'ooooientle, alie quali la poUica generoaiti si compiaoe oontrlbulrvi
un'attentione tanto propcnsa. scorgendo con contento quanto m'acccnnano per respedi-
tione copiosa de' biscutti, che sara praticata con ogni convogiio a provedimento d'un si
importame reqnlsilo per fl aopraveniente vemo in partloolare. . .

Comer at Alonemvasia, Mocen^ in the Aeflean, and Morosini's Death 373

At long last on 12 August 1690 Girolamo Corner could write the doge
Francesco Morosini and the Senate that Monemvasia, piazza dell'iin-
portanza ben nota, had been taken with the help and favor of the Al-
mighty. Now the entire "kingdom" of the Morea was subject to his ducal
Serenity and the Signoria. The long contest for the fortress had made it
famous, "e tanto piu hora per la lunga sua ressistenza/' The blockade
had lasted a full seventeen months. Monemvasia had been a nest of evil
outlaws, a shelter for the Barbary corsairs who infested the eastern
waters, and disrupted Venetian commerce with Romania.

Upon the surrender of the fortress 1,200 Turks had emerged, of whom
300 were capable of bearing arms. Corner had taken seventy-eight can-
non, some of bronze, others of iron, as well as two mortars, ship's biscuit
enough for some months, gunpowder, and various other pieces of mili-
tary equipment. No more than about four hundred "of these brave Vene-
tian forces'' could be counted among the dead and wounded, "and the
wounded will all recover with the good-will of the I>ord God." As soon as
the Venetians had entered Monemvasia, Corner had converted the larger
mosque in the upper enclosure of the fortress into a church dedicated to
the Blessed Virgin, which had been Morosini's intention when he tirst
began the blockade, and Comer was pleased that he had been able thus
to fulfill Morosini's intention.'^

Girolanio Corner waited, however, for another thousand men and 2()0.()()0 ducats, all
badly needed, in the meantime, "fatto seguir il scarico di tutte le munitioni da vivere e da
guerra ct altri cffetti di ragion do' Turchi, ch' esistcvano sul vassello |di| Capitan RebuU, ho
anche subito rilasciato gl'ordini necces.sarii aH'eccellentissimo ser proveditor general
Comer accio face! consegnar 11 medcsimo con tuttl li suoi armizzi e attract al capitano o a
chi capitasse per suo nome a riceverlo giusto le puhliehe prescrltioni. Ho pur subito dato
grordini proprii pcrche sia rilevata net meglior mode fosse permcsso la quallta e quantlta
dellc genti che si ritrovavano sopra le due navi perite ncl combattimento con le sultnne,
come di quelli si sono sottratti con la fuga e degli altri caduti in schiavitu per tutto rassc-
gnar poscia a riflessi di vostre Eccellenzc . . . , Di galera nclFacque di Maivasia 25 Luglio

1690. " There was cleariy increased action amid the Venetian forces at Monemvasia.

Prow, da terra e d.i mar, Filza 1 12.1. disp. no. 42, "di galcra a .\lalvnsia, 12 Agosto
1690 Sitil) Njovo)." Monemvasia had apparently been talien at considerable cost, as de-
scribed in the newsletter Distinta Relatione dell'acquisto di Napoli di Maivasia fatto
(luU'armi dclln Screnissim<i Rejtublicd cli Vcnctiu sottn il pritdcnte, vciloroso com-
mando lU'irUlustriss. et eccvUcntiss. Signor Cuv. e I'roc. Girolamo Cornaro, capitan
general da mar. li 12 Agoato 1690, published by Antonio Pinelli in Venice in 1690.

With the fail of Monemvasia Corner had captured "quel capo Francesco fugito dalP
armata," a renegade cannoneer, who had shot to death the important Lorenzo Venier in
1689, and had aided and encouraged the Turks to hold out. Comer had had the said
Francesco drawn and quartered "tra quattro galere," as a lesson to other renegades and
traitors.

The Turks were allegedly content with the good treatment which Corner had accorded
them. They had in fact been escorted to the islet of S. Todero in Ganea Bay (at Crete) by
Captain Dolftn. The Venetian fleet had been reconstituted, Monemvasia well fortified, and
supplied with enough munitions, ship's biscuit, and other foodstuffs to last until March

1691. Other armaments had been found among the ruins in Monemvasia (Frov. da terra e
da mar, Filza 1 123, disp. no. 43, written from Goron on 20 August, 1690, as indicated in
die following note).

374

Venice, Austria, and One Twrka in the Seventeenth Century

The season was getting on (now we have reached 20 August 1690),
and although the Venetians always dreamed of recovering long-lost Ne-
groponte (Ruboea), the fortress was too well defended for Corner to try
to take it, "piazza da Turchi ben premunita, risarcite le fortificationi, e
guardata da numeroso pressidio." On the other hand, as Comer assured
the Sigaoria, the Isthmus of Corinth was being well protected against
any possible Turtclsh Intraslon. Unfortunately, however, there were not
funds enough available to pay the troops for the month of September,
despite which fact Corner was contemplating an attack upon Valona,
which the Turks had taken from Venice in 1464, "if it is decided in the
name of the Ivord God to proceed with the fleet to Albania to undertake
an attack upon Valona or some other of those (Turkish] fortresses." So
he informed the doge and Senate, and this despite the lateness of the
season, the strong north winds, and other obstacles and uncertainties.
And despite other important facts given in this long dispatch, we must
pass on."

In a dispatch of 9 September (1690) Girolamo Corner informed the
doge Morosini and the Senate that he had left the waters of Monemvasia
the previous evening, reaching Cape Matapan "con prospero vento." He
was seriously short of money, but had managed along the way to pick up
what (considering his needs) could only be regarded as small sums. In
passing by Venetian-held Goron and Modon, Comer had learned that
both fortress towns were sadly lacking in supplies. The walls and fortifi-
cations were "in a bad state and in need of further restoration." Taking
note of every chink in the Venetian naval armament and in the fortress
towns,'* Corner was headed for Canina (Knin) and Valona, although the
month of September had now come upon him. His almost rash decision
to contintte his aggressive policy was fully justified, for on 19 September
he could write the doge and Senate that (two days before) he had taken
both Valona and Canina.'*

*' Prow, da terra c da mar. Pilxa 1 123, dfsp. no. 43, "di faleni neH'scqve di Goron, 20

Agosto 1690. S|til| N(ovol."

"* Prow, da terra e da mar. Filza 1 123. disp. no. 44. "di galcra nell'acque del Saseno. 9
Settembre 1690 S(tU| N(ovol."

" Prow, da terra c da mar, Filza 1123, disp. no. 45, "di galera a Valona, 19 Settembre
1690 S|til] N|ovo|.** It was a remarkable achievement: "L'acquisto importantissimo delta
piazza di Valona e fortezza di Canina in Albania superiore, hora in potere di vostre Eccel-
lenise, fa ben apiocare quanto sia ^ande la confluenda delle celesti benediUoni alle ^orie
deHa Patrfa, distlnta la protetlone cfie il Signor Dio si compiace donar aHe medeslme.
\'oluto con niiovi miracoli insigniric di vittoric e trionri, ove che la consistenza d'un paese
vivo d'huomini bellicosi e di tanta conseguenza rendea al maggior segno ardua e diflicile
ogn'intrapreaa unioo effetto di sua omnipotenaa, daUa quale tatto deve rioonoacersi et
dovuti anche al medesimo nltretanto maggiori i rendimenti di j*ratie.

"Tenuto coU'armata per due giomi sequestrate al Saseno da impetuosa fortuna di vento
e mare, ohe non m'ha peinieaao poter avantare In quest'aoque che solo 11 glomo di li
corrente [2 September). Vista nel mentre da Turchi la medesima et valso loro il beneficio
del sforzoso ritardo per ricever i soccorsi circonvicini, aumentate le forze in un valido

Copyrighled material

Comer at Monemvasia, Moceni/to in the Aegean, and Morosini'a Death 375

Now the lateness of the season did discourage Corner from attempting
to lay siege to Durazzo and, apparently succumbing to the "malignant
fevers" widespread at the time, he died on 1 October 1690. Domenico
Mocenigo was then given command at sea as the captain-general. He was
not made of the same stuff as a Morosini or a Comer, and the period of
his captaincy became a misfortune for Venice.^ Comer had apparently
intended to hold on to his conquests by adding to their fortifications. The
engineer Giovanni Bnssignani was active in the region of Canina and
Valona at the beginning of January 1691 when Mocenigo was embarking
upon his captaincy-general.^' Bassignani was examining the fortifica-
tions of both towns in an effort to assess the practicability of holding
them against the Turks.

The archival sources allow us to enter the war councils of the Venetian
captains-general as well as the halls of the Senate and the Grand Council.

As for the captains-general, only the archival detail will reveal the extent
of their indecision while in the throes of a campaign, as we have already
observed in Francesco Morosini's case during the years 1684-1688. Un-
certainty as to the route to take, concern for the next attack, the enemy's
plans, his strength, and so on were all as characteristic of a naval expedi-
tion as of a campaign on land. The complications were increased when
one decided to disembarit the naval forces to meet the enemy on land.
Like Morosini before him, Mocenigo had his problems.
Mocenigo presided over a meeting of the war council at Corfu on 20

corpn di eirc!) sette mila huomini, et sopra 2,500 cavalli, et prcoccupate coll'lnfanteria
tutte I'eminenze che sovrastano al lithorale intorno Valona e tutti i posti piu avantaggiosi
flile rive tenute dalla cavallerta con vigtlanza battute fu trovato tutto disposto per impe-
dirci e contrastare vigorosanicnte il sbarco. . .

Nevertheless, after Corner's extensive preparations on 13 September the Venetian
forces (much assisted by Maltese and papal troops) forced the surrender of the Turits in
Valona on the seventeenth, and thereafter those in Canina also hoisted the white fla^
"Sortirono da questa Ifortezza] sopra tre mila anime, oltre 546 huomini d'armi, et farono
sinu al loro campo pontualmcntc scortati senza che gli sil stata Inferita molestia alcuna
(which, if true, w as unusual). II campo dc' Turchi si fece novamente vedere in quel giomo,
e s'avicino di maniera che I'uno c I'altro degl'eserciti stettero in battaglia Hn tanto che
evacuata la piazza si retirorono con gi'usciti dalla medcsima."

Tucked into this "tile" is a tinely drawn map (in color) of Canina, "conquistata dalParmi
della Screnissima Republica di Venezia nel mese dl Settembre 1690 sotto il pnidentissimo
comando deH'illustrissimo e eccellentissimo Signor Cavaliere, Procurator Girolamo Cor-
naro, Capitan General." Cf. the newsletter Distinta Relatione deU'acquisto delle celebri
forteiute di Cannina e piaxxa delta Vallona fatto dall'armi della Sereniss. Republica di
Venetia sotto il jyrmlctitc e vitloroso comm<imio (leU'illtistriss. . . . (jirolamo Comoro,
caftan general da mar, It 17 Settembre 1690, also published by Pinelli in 1690.

^ Unfortunately many of the dispatches In the ASV (Archivio di Stato di Venezia),
Senato, Prow, da terra c da mar. Filza 1 125. sent by Domenico Mocenigo as captain-gen-
eral of the sea to the Signoria from the end of 1690 throughout the year 1691 are withering
into frafments, owing to the disintegration of the paper caused by dampness.

^' Prow, da terra e da mar, Pilza 1125, letter dated at Corfu on 1 January 1691 (m.v.
1690).

376

Venice, AuBtria, and the Turka in the Seventeenth Century

January 1691 (m.v. 1690). Fearful of the enemy, he had ordered the
demolition of Ganina on 26 December (1690). The fortress town was
thus partially in ruins by the time he met with the council. Reports from
Valona and from the Morea concerning "the resolute intentions of the
enemy and their preparations" worried him, as did the elevation of Kha-
lil Pasha **to the superior command in Albania." Khalil had already
arrived at **Beratti** (Berat), a day*s Journey from Valona, with 6,000
janissaries, plus a "great multitude of Albanians," cannon, and other
accoutrements of warfare, which had been brought from Negroponte for
an attack upon Valona. Berat is only thirty miles northeast of Valona;
Moceni^o had reason for concern, but not perhaps dismay. Carlo Pisani,
commander of the convicts' galleys (who could not attend the meeting of
the war council, owing to his absence), had written Mocenigo that Kap-
lan Pasha had appeared in the area of Ganina '*to interrupt the work of
demolition at Ganina and impede the transport of materials." Kaplan had
with him a force of some two thousand men, "which, even if driven back
by the courage of our men, serves to make clear the increasing numbers
of the enemy and their plans for even greater ventures."

In Mocenigo's opinion the continued defense of Valona imperilled the
Venetians' hold upon the Morea. The engineers had allegedly found the
fortifications inadequate. The Turks were gathering strength. Gonditions
had been much different four months before, according to Mocenigo,

wlien the prudence and seal of die war council, the valor and courage of the most

illustrious lord captain-general Girolamo Comer setded the question <rf die ven-
ture into Albania. At that time the Turks were to he found in a state of consterna-
tion. The imperialists were in possession of Belgrade, victorious in the Held,
having reached diese very lx>niers Ithey had ulcen Nli]. His Excellency was also
very sure that the peofrfe would declare themselves on liis side, and he believed
tliat he could easily advance into the interior of the province (of AltMuiia],

but Corner's death had brought that dream to an end.

The times had changed, and the Venetians must adjust their employ-
ment of resources to that change. "Tutte queste ragioni mi danno motivo
di proponere alia maturita del congresso," Mocenigo finally concluded,
**che anche la Vallona si demolisca ...,** and his decision was ac-
cepted by Agostino Sagredo, proveditor deWarmata; Alvise Poscari III,
capitanio estraordinario delle gfMecutMe; Benetto Sanudo, capitanio
delle galleazze; Alessandro Bon, capitan del Goffo (the Adriatic]; and
Filippo Dona, commissario pagador.

A letter of Carlo Pisani, governatore dc' coiidannati, dated at Valona
on 17 January 1691 (m.v. 1690), informed Mocenigo in some detail of
Tuiklth movements in the Ganina-Berat-Valona area, as does an anony-
mous letter of 15 January. In fact the various letters and dispatches in

Copyrighled material

Comer at Monemveuia, Mocenigo in the Aegean, and J(fonM<ni'« Death 377

the Mocenigo file are loaded with information conoerning the Turics,
with in fact more than a little attention given to the Greeks and the

Albanians."

Mocenigo informed a meeting of the war council {la consiilta di
guerra) on 23 January 1691 that word had come from Pisani at Valona
"that the seraslier [the Turlcish commander-in-chief], having departed
from Berat, was already on the march with all his forces and with six
cannon, headed for Valona.*' Mocenigo was confident, however, that
Pisani had already begun "la demolitionc di Vallona." The Venetian high
command was soon of two minds about Valona, for owing to the current
"state of things" it might prove impossible to demolish the fortress town.
It would thus be better to defend it, as Mocenigo wrote the doge on 30
January. No, Valona was not yet reduced to ruins, and Pisani along with
the general Charles Sparre was obliged to defend the town with a garri-
son of 1,200 veterans against a Turicish force of some 16,000 men, of
whom 8,000 were "huomini scielti, parte cavallerla, parte Infanteria,** as
Mocenigo now informed the doge in a dispatch of 7 February.

The Turkish siege of Valona was a fearful trial to the Venetians. Sparre
was killed, Pisani held out "con intrepido fervore." So Mocenigo wrote
on 1 March (1691).^'' In mid-March the Venetians finally withdrew from
Valona, in fact demolishing it, and thereafter the Turks moved in, "ha-
vendo demolita totalmente quella piazza [i.e., finishing the destruction
of the fortress town], e fortificata Ganina con pollificate In quella parte,
dove erano fatte le brecchie.*"^ Although, as we have noted, the demoli-
tion of Canina had been ordered "by the decree of 26 December [ 1 690J,"
obviously the town had not been entirely destroyed, and the Turks now
gave it temporary fortifications by means of palisades. Girolamo
Corner's Dalmatian-Albanian venture had come to nothing. On 22 April
(1691) Mocenigo described a reunion of Charles Sparre's relatives and
fellow officers, held at Corfu on 7 April, in which they paid homage to the
deceased warrior.^

A month or so later (on 16 May) Mocenigo prepared an interesting
report to the doge and Senate on the condition of the Venetian fortress
towns in the Morea and elsewhere. He had recently made a tour of
inspection:

Having left Corfu the night of the 7th (of May], I have been able In these few
days to nmlie hasty visits to l^revesa, 8. Maura, and l<epanto, and to catoh a

" Prow, da terra e da mar, PIIm 112S, without paSinatlon, but the does, arc easily
located by their dates.

Prow, da terra e da mar, Pllsa 1125. disp. no. 16, atid of course all the nuterlal

conccrnin;^ Mocenigo comes from this file.

Prow, da terra e da mar. Filza 1125, doc. dated 29 March 1691.
IbUL, dIsp. no. 23.

378

Venice, AvMria, and cfte TurkB in the Seventeenth Century

glimpse of the Two Castles [of "Rumelia" and the "Mores," the ruins of which
still guard the Strait of Lepanto), and continuing the voyage toward Navarino, I
have been able to see also the fortress of Patras. Prevesa in the opinion of the
engineers whom I brought with me is not a fortress able to put up any great
resistance, the exterior fortiiioatlons, which were added after we acquired the
place, being narrow and weak.

The houses within Prevesa are largely in ruins and falling down, so that I
should think it better to do away with them entirely and to use the material to
build others much lower to serve as barracla [qtuurtieri] around the walls as
lodgings for the garrison. There are four towers outside, within a musket idiot of
the walled enclosure, where a few soldiers stand on guard, not without the
danger of their being surprised and made slaves (by the Turks), especially at
nighttime. 1 believe that when the towers were built, they were of some use, but
now they serve no purpose, and in the judgment of the engineers it would be
better to dismande them.

Lepanto is laden with defects, battered on all sides, and quite beyond refortiH-
cation, nor could one maintain it (under siege] except with an army in the field
either superior or at least equal to that of the enemy. Thus the Two Castles and
that of Patnu can put up but a slight defense. All die fortifications are in poor
condition; it would be difficult to make good their shortcomings. Only at 8.
Maura can one establish a firm base, so long as one attends to the outer fortifica-
tions, for there is but little land on both sides, [either] toward the island or the
mainland, all the rest being closed off by marshes and swampy areas. Access will
be most difficult for the enemy, and improved in proper fadiion, 8. Maura could
be considered an enduring acquisition for the Republic.

In all the aforesaid fortresses I have observed many shortcomings, especially
in S. Maura, Prevesa, and Lepanto, which 1 have found to have only fourteen
barrels of good gunpowder. Therefore I have written to the most excellent lord
proweditore generale Navagero that he provide 200 barrels of powder from that
which exists in the supply depots of Corfu, and likewise with lead and fuses, of
which there was a lack. The artillery in these strongholds has almost all been
taken apart. Therefore I am urging his Excellency to see to its restoration, and to
remove and send to Venice at the first opportunity many pieces of Turkish can-
non, muskets, and other useless arms, and also to have transported to Corfu die
spoilt Turkish gunpowder which one finds in the strongholds, to look to its im*
provement, putting it in a state of usefulness in case of need.

Mocenigo had found the proveditor straor dinar io at S. Maura, Bar-
tolo Gradenigo, and his predecessor Girolamo Priuli both active in their
devotion to the public service. All the villages in the jurisdictions of both

Lepanto and 8. Maura, however, had sent their elders (veccliiarcli) to
Mocenigo to complain of the fact that neither their lives nor their proper-
ties were being protected from the incursions of the Mainote leader
Liberio Gerachari, known as Liberacchi, and the raids of one Captain
Elia, who in most oppressive fashion were wringing from the veins of
these poor folk a tribute of more than 50,000 reali every year.
A Mainote Greek, Liberacchi had joined the Turics, who made him the

Copyrighled material

Comer at Monemwtsta, Mocenigo in the Aegean, and Moro»ini'» Death 379

"bey of Maina." He figures prominently in Locatelli's history of the
"Venetian war in the Levant."^*' Later on, Liberacchi abandoned the
Turks, and threw in his lot with the Venetians who, having ample reason
to distrust him, put him into prison at Brescia, where he died.

Mocenigo had promised to help the distressed Greeks of Lepanto and
S. Maura, and now recommended sending to the threatened areas sizable
squads of infantry and cavalry. Two of the island galleys and four galliots,
he wrote the doge, should be stationed at S. Maura.

Recruiting the manpower of the Morea, the islands, and the region of
Lepanto, Mocenigo believed that a corps of from four to five thousand
troops could be assembled, which could easily destroy or drive from the
countryside "those evil folk who hold it in subjection." After all, there
were not many Turks in these areas. Mocenigo proposed that the Si-
gnoria should pay every soldier a monthly wage of two sequins (cec-
chini\ provide saddles for the cavalry, "and arms to be paid for at a
monthly rate of four lire per person." The cavalry must do no violence to
the peasantry, which had shown a willingness to provide them with for-
age and fodder "in order to see themselves once more free of the oppres-
sion of criminals, and I shall try to increase the garrison at Lepanto to
seven hundred infantry and to send there two hundred cavalry, if not
immediately, at least at the end of the campaign.

With no Venetian bailie sending dispatches to the doge and Senate, we
rely upon the English ambassador's reports to Whitehall. On 15 June
(1691), as Sir William Trumbull was preparing to leave Istanbul (where
Sir William Ilusscy was to succeed him), he sent Daniel Finch, earl of
Nottingham and secretary of state for military affairs, an interesting ac-
count of the tension which the death of Sultan Suleiman II had caused on
the Bosporus.

"I venture these few lines," wrote Trumbull,

att great uncertainties to acquaint your Lordship that the Grand Seigneur, after
a iingring distemper of a dropsie and a rupture (whereof I formerly wrott to your
lordship), dy'd on the 10th instant at night or the 11th in the morning att Adria-
nople, and yesteriay his body was brought hidier and buried In the mosque of

Solyman the Magnificent.

The Vizir, iieing informed of his approching death, departed from Adrianople
in great hast with those few souldiers he had (hardly 4,000) to prevent all designs
among them of setting up the deposed Sultan Mahomet (Mehmed IV] or one of

Alessandro Locatelli, Racconto historico della veneta guerra in Levante diretta dal
valore del Serenissinto Principe Francesco Moroaini . . . datt'anno 1684 aino tUVanno

1690, 2 vols, in one. Colonia, 1691, 11, 164, 17.1, 193-201ff., 219-20, 2.36.

" i'rovv. da terra c da mare, Filza 1 125, disp. no. 25, "|di| galera, acque del Zante, 16
Maggio 1691 S(til) N|ovo]."

380

Venice, Austria, and tfce TkHm In the Seveiueenth Century

his sons, for the elder of which (Mustapha) both the army and people were
generally dispos'd. and would have obtain'd it in all probability in case his death
had happened before they left that town. The Vizir's interest was against any one
of this family, and so he obtained of the Muftee and those others of the law,
whome he left behind him att Adrianople for that purpose, to declare Achmett,
the younger brother of the deceased, to be Grand Seigneur.

Sultan Ibrahim left 5 sons — Mahomet, Solyman, Orcan, Achmet, and Selim.
Orcan and Selim dy'd severall yeares ago. Mahomet and his 2 sons are alive and
in prison. This Achmet is about 45 yeares old, has been kept under confinement
•n his life, and said to be an idiott, and to divert himself cheifly by beating of a
drum and severafl frantick actions, whereas the Grand Seigneur deceased waa an
Idiot of a quieter temper, imploying all his time in reading of the Alcoran.

How the present necessity of their affaires will make the army and the people
sobmitt to this Emperor cannot be foreseen, nor how the Vizir will be able to
raise mony to give the souldiers their customary donative, which by a moderate
computation will amount to 2,500 purses, though it is affirm'd that the Vislr
(foreseeing this) carried a good summe with him in order to buy off the army.
However, there is certainly an universal! discontent by the choice of such a
person so that it cannot possibly submitt long, and if the court of Vienna should
have any more dispositions towards a peace than what appeared in their instruc-
tions to my successor, I should think the Vizir might incline to it. Sir William
Hussey (Trumbull's successor) will be here on Thursday the 18th. I shall not
need to trouble your Lordship with his negotiations at Adrianople, he having
sent your Lordship an account thereof. . .

It WM Ahmed II, of oourse, who suooeeded Suleiman II. It made little

or no difference to the Venetians, who were at war with the Porte. On 16
June (1691) the war council met, as it usually did, aboard Domenico
Mocenigo's galley, this time in the harbor at Nauplia. Mocenigo noted
that the coming of the Maltese galleys to join the Venetian fleet — plus
the expected arrival of four more galleys under the captain of the Gulf —
should set the council to thinking what could be done in the current
campaign **a beneficio publico, decoro deirarmi, difesa de'stati, et of-
fesa de' nemici." According to the last information which had come to
Mocenigo the Turkish armada had recently left the Dardanelles (t Ca-
stelli). ft comprised only twenty-two galleys, ten siiltane, and three ves-
sels from the Barbary coast. The Turkish land forces then in areas into
which the Venetians might venture were not very large; the garrisons In
their fortress towns were of only middling strength (rnediocri). It would

* I^O, SP 97, XX, fol. 182, fetter dated at Gonsuintinople (or Istanbal, as I asnalty call

it after the year 145.1) on IS.Iune 1691. The letter was received at Westmin.ster (London)
on 21 September. Trumbull's successor as ambassador to the Porte was Sir William Hus-
sey, wliose deadi was reported by Thomas Coke fn a letter dated at Adrianople (Edime) on
17 September 1691 {ibid., XX. fol. 2070- Daniel Finch, second earl of Nottingham, was a
nephew of Sir John Finch, who had l>een (as we have seen) the English ambassador to the
Porta a decade or so bdbre.

Corner at Monemvasia, Mocenigo in the Aegean, and Morosini's Death 381

seem chat an opportunity might be awaiting tlie Venetian fleet in Mo-
reote waters.

The Turkish serasker in mainland Qreeoe had hardly more than five
hundred men at his disposal. The government in Istanbul w ns directing
its attention toward Hungary. Although Mocenigo had no way of know-
ing, the Porte was in something of a quandary, owing to the death of
Suleiman II. One was not likely to see very strong Turkish forces in the
area of the Morea for some time. Nevertheless, Mooenigo thought it
unwise **to distance ourselves too far from the Morea" and launch forth
to bear arms beyond the Archipelago. They could not go too far afield,
for it would not serve the "public good.'* Also It would be unwise, he
thought, to seek conquests on ferra ferma, "perche sono piii faeil a
perdersi," for they wf)uld be more fully exposed to Turkish attack. Any
places acquired on land would require large garrisons to maintain them.
No, the Venetian forces must adhere to the sea, where they could assume
that their conquests would be more lasting. They must look to the islands
being held by the Turks.

"As for the enterprises which can be attempted among the islands,"
Mocenigo told the war council,

I am tliinking of the kingdom of Candia, Negroponte, Ctiios, Mytilene, Tenedos,
Lemnos, and Stanchld. Our forces consist of about eiglit thousand infantry, in-
cluding the auxiliaries, with seven to eight hundred Iwrse. What requires .the

most serious consideration, however, is the fact that we are without n military
general to direct operations during a campaign on land, especinlly when there
may be doubt concerning some engagement with the enemy. 1 regard it as essen-
tial to employ tlie fleet |and most of Its manpower] only at sea.

It wtn never l>e sound policy to disembark all the troops and leave the fleet
exposed to the mercy of the enemy which could, restdtido padrone del mare,
either overtake us hy surprise or by their mere appearc^uce olilige us precipi-
tously to reembark lour forces] during what seemed like a promising enterprise.
That would mean a loss of reputation and a grave peril which might entail serious
consequences. At least three thousand Infantry ate needed CO guard the fleet, so
there would only be about five thousand men to put aslioffe.

Such was the war council's problem. The safety of the tlcct must be the
primary consideration in any plans they made. From Venice they could
not expect more than another thousand men. In any event the men
would come late or, com' era soUto, "with many iU and in a state to
render little or no service."

Then one by one Mocenigo dilated on the almost insuperable prob-
lems that would be involved in "IMmpresa del regno di ('andia." As for
Negroponte, the reports which he had received suggested that the island
fortress was being defended by no more than 1,500 men, "and I should
think it not difficult to occupy the heights which dominate the place."

382

Venice, Auttria, and the Turka in the Seventeenth Century

Past experience had shown, however, that it would be necessary to at-
tack two forts, first Kara Baba and then the island stronghold of Negro-
ponte itself. It would be too much to make the two assaults at the same
time. Having taken Kara Baba, it would be advisable to leave a detach-
ment of at least two thousand men in the hilltop fortifications, which
would mean hardly more than five thousand to take the main stronghold
of Negroponte and guard the fleet at the same time. They might also end
up in a hostile encounter with the serasker who, although Mocenigo does
not mention the fact, could recruit troops from Thebes, Uvadia, and
elsewhere.

Chios seemed a reasonable objective. It was easy to disembark on the
island, and the accustomed place of landing was not far from the fortress.
The Turkish garrison was said to number only 1,300 men. The inhabit-
ants of Chios were of course largely Greeks, "ben affetti al dominio
turchesco per le grandi esentioni e privilegi che godono." The active
Greeks were, to be sure, largely merchants, not accustomed to the use of
arms. One need entertain no fear of them. With the Venetian fleet at sea,
Mocenigo thought it would be easy to impede the delivery of assistance
to the Turkish garrison. Mocenigo had sent a trustworthy person, a good
judge of fortifications, to shed "some more light on this place," as also
on Mytilene, "which I understand to be even less strong than Cbios, and
by and large they are both good islands." Neither enterprise — ^against
Chios or Mytilene — would be very costly to the Republic. Success would
deprive the Turks of the two ports, which were among their chief shelters
in the Archipelago.

Tenedos, "che occupa gran concetto nell'opinione degl' huomini, im-
press! chc per la sua situatiunc possa causar pcnuria di viveri alia citta di
Costantinopoli," was in Mocenigo's view a much over-rated island. It
was not a site from which one could impede the delivery of foodstuCFs to
the Porte: that would require the long maintenance of ships at the mouth
of the Dardanelles to prevent the entrance into and the exit from the
waters of the Turkish capital. Almost the only inhabitants of Tenedos
were those within the fortress, "which being full of defects would be easy
to take," but in Mocenigo's opinion it would still be more trouble than it
was worth (ma ptt2 dHmpegno che d'utUe),

As for Lemnos and Stanchid, they would almost "fall by themselves,
but I do not consider them of such importance that they should be made
our objectives in the present campaign." Perhaps the best thing for Ven-
ice would be to defeat the Turkish armada at sea but, according to Mo-
cenigo, the Turks were timorous and sought to avoid risks. "Also it
appears that the kapudan pasha has orders to avoid combat and to re-
serve the armada for safe opportunities, and so the doubtful question is
whether in seeking out their armada we should not be wasting the best
part of the campaigning season.** Nevertheless, upon due reflection, the
war council decided, each member having stated his opinion, that it

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Comer at Monemwisia, Mocenigo in the Aegean, and Moroefni'e Death 383

would be best, if possible, to meet and attack the Turkish armada at sea
(doversi applicar a combattere Varmata nemica), for after all they did
lack a commander for an engagement of the enemy on land.^'

On 6 July (1691) Mocenigo wrote the doge Francesco Morosini and
the Senate that he was continuing to sail in pursuit of the Turks: "On the
assumption of being able to find them at Fo9a [Phocaea] or at Mytilene
[Lesbos] I have put myself within sight of these ports, the usual places of
refuge for the Turkish armada."'^'' Three days before (on 3 July) Moce-
nigo had informed the war council that all inquiries had so far led him to
believe that there were twenty-two galleys and twelve ships (navi]
within the Dardanelles. He therefore suspected that, considering the
Turks' naval "weakness," they were not likely to venture out into the
open, "and consequently our plan of attacking them is unlikely to come
about, hence it would seem a more productive use of our time to think of
some other more profitable undertaking." They had already discussed
the fact and decided that their forces were not sufiicient to win back the
important island of Negroponte.

Mocenigo still remained, moreover, uncertain of the wisdom of an
attempt upon the island of Chios. It was, to be sure, one of the most
conspicuous islands in the Archipelago, fertile and rich, and the Gran
Signore drew large revenues therefrom. If the Republic could take
Chios, even part of those revenues would easily maintain a garrison
there. Even so, "what I regard as still more important," Mocenigo told
the war council (on 3 July), **is that we should take from the enemy one
of the chief ports they have in the Archipelago, where they find shelter
for their armadas, and where the 'caravans' sail from Ck>nstantinople to
Syria and to other places as well. . . ."

Having outlined the "advantages" the Venetian fleet might enjoy in
any worthwhile venture, including the desirability of seizing Chios, Mo-
cenigo went on to the ''disadvantages," the svantaggi, which were much
greater than those he had stated to the war council on 16 June:

The fortress (of Chios) is not so badly provided with men-at-arms as appeared
from our Hrst reports, and although Chios laclis cavalry and enough Turks to

" Prow, da terra e da mar, Pilxa 1 125, "adt 16 Glugno 1691 Sftill Nfovo], porto di Napoli

di Romania." Presently word came from Istanbul "che 1 Turchi abbiano spedito per amas-
sar gente nelle parti dclla Natolia [Anatolia) a difesa de' lore stati d'Arcipelago, dove
dubitano di qualche tentatlvo, e masstme Scio, Meteiin, e Tenedo, aggiungendo qualche

altra particolarita dell'armata nemica, che si voctfcrava sortita da Castelli . . . ," but
uncertainty still attended the movements of the Turkish armada {ibid., disp. no. 29, from
Mocenigo to the doge and Senate, dated "in the waters of Mytilene 26 June 1691"). It
looked as though the Porte was getting ready to deal with Mocenigo's "campaign."
Prow, da terra e da mar, Filza 1125, dispatch no. 30.

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384

Venice, Austria, and the Turks in the Seventeenth Century

form an army to put up resistance in a campaign, there are so many men there
that they could render our attack, if not uncertain, at least difficult and bloody.
The island is inhabited by a multitude of Greeks, who are not ill disposed toward
the Turkish rule, under which they enjoy very ample privileges, for they are
merchants, not soldiers. . . .

The Greeks were quite content to submit to Turkish domination and
preserve their lives and their property. They were indeed unlikely to
make any move on behalf of the Venetians. In fact the pasha of Chios had
shut up a goodly number of Greeks in the fortress to engage them in
defense of the place, and he was holding six of the most prominent
inhabitants of Chios as hostages. The Venetians* available soldiery was
very limited; military service and desertions took their toU. And, perhaps
most of all, the lack of an experienced commander of land forces, once
the Venetian troops had landed on Chios, caused Mocenigo much con-
cern, as it did the war council, which decided not to go forward with the
proposed attack upon Chios.^*

The war council met again in the waters off Tenedos on 17 July (1691).
This time the general of the Maltese galleys was present. Mocenigo again
spoke at length on the difficulty of getting to do battle with the Turks,
who always took refuge within the "mouths" of the Dardanelles, when-
ever the Venetian fleet appeared on the scene. Rumor had it that the
Turks had disarmed some ships in order to transfer the crews to the
garrisons of Mytilene and Chios. Their galleys were seen anchored at the
Gastello di Rumelia (on the European side of the Dardanelles). Entering
the canal to do battle with them required the "most serious reflections"
(gravissimi rijlessi). One would have to await a very strong wind to
outdo the current, and then pass between the firepower of batteries on
both the European and the Asiatic side of the canal. The risks would be
great, and they were not worth it, because the enemy would use the time
it took the Venetians to enter the canal to withdraw still further to the
east (from Qanakkale into the Sea of Marmara). They would "frustrate
our diligence with flight." Penetration into the Dardanelles was "more
perilous than prudent." Obviously, however, the Venetian high com-
mand must find some other way to strike at the Turks, '*so that we do not
go through the campaign without having inflicted some loss of conse-
quence upon the enemy."

Since the Venetian fleet was already "nell'acque del Tenedo," seizure
of the island fortress would be a "sensible blow" to give the Turks. It
would not seriously impede "I'ingresso c I'uscita dai Dardanelli," but it
would take from the enemy a convenient haven into which to escape

^' Prow, da terra e da mar, Filza 1 1 25, minutes of the meeting of the war council "adl 3
Luglio 1691 S(tilj N[ovo], Scogli de' Spalmadori."

Corner at Monemvtiaia, Mocenigo in the Aegean, and Morosini's Death 385

from attacks by the Venetian fleet. Indeed, an assault upon Tenedos
might bring the Turkish ships and galleys from behind the protective wall
of the Dardanelles. The military captains and engineers had agreed with

Mocenigo. Tenedos could easily be taken. The fortress was in miserable
condition, and surrounded by hills upon which the Venetian forces
might plant their batteries. The garrison at Tenedos was usually no larger
than three to four hundred men. They could not long resist an attack.

Tenedos was different from Chios. The village was small, Inhabited by
but a few vittanif who would abandon It at the first appearance of the
Venetian forces. Tenedos was a famous place; an outcry arose every time
It was taken. "1 should think it a public service," Mocenigo told the war
council, "to demolish it, and be content with having taken from the
Turks this place of refuge under the very eyes of their armada, with an
advantage to the reputation of our arms." There was no point in holding
on to Tenedos, for It was useless to Venice.

The Morea and various other places must be defended first of all.
When Mocenigo had finished, every member of the war council had
something to say, giving vent to "the most weighty reflections." Even
weak fortresses could put up resistance when they were well garrisoned.
The war council decided the greatest diligence must be exercised to try
to ascertain "the quality and size of the garrison which at present may be
in Tenedos," in order to make clear whether the proposed attack was
well advised. In the meantime the Venetian fleet must advance to the
mouth of the Dardanelles "In order of battle,** putting themselves within
sight of the Turks, which was necessary in view of the decisions and
orders already decided upon and, of course, as a means of maintaining
the honor of the Signoria at sea."*^

At the next meeting of the war council on 23 July (1691) Mocenigo
declared that he had indeed exercised diligence in an effort to shed some
"new light" upon conditions in Tenedos in accord with the recent deci-
sion of the council. He had sent a brigantine the other night to disembark
a few men on die island. They had learned from three "slaves," whom
they had presufliably captured, that in fact the size of the Turkish garri-
son had risen to more than three thousand. The Turks had also added to
the fortifications, dug trenches before the main gateway as well as "at
the mills," and were clearly ready to defend the island against an attack.

Mocenigo admowledged that he and "the mUitary captains and engi-
neers** had been mistaken in their assumption that Tenedos could easily
be taken. Now it was clear that the "imperfections" of the garrison and
the fortress had been rectified, "but I do not," he said, "regard Tenedos
of such importance as to justify the fatigue [of an attack] and the shed-

Frovv. da terra e da mar, Filza 1 125, minutes of the meetin|( of the war council, "adi
17 Lugllo 1691 SItUI N(ovo|. aque dd Tenedo."

386

Venice, Austria, and the Turks in the Seventeenth Century

ding of blood." It was better to abstain from any undertaking "dove si
possa perdere piu di quel che s'acquista." Everything possible had been
done up to now so as not to allow the campaigning season to slip by
without some worthwhile accomplishment. The Venetian forces, how-
ever, were limited; they lacked experienced military captains. It had
been the part of wisdom to make no attempts upon either Chios or
Mytilene.

Having thus given up all thought and hope of taking Tenedos, Chios,
and Mytilene, what if anything lay ahead for the Venetian fleet? At least
they had achieved the "riputatione d'essere stati alle Bocche (de' Dar-
danelli] ed haver provocato a battaglia I'armata Turchescha." They
lacked the military leadership (as we have heard several times) as well as
the manpower for a large enterprise on land, and so the war council now
decided "that for this reason we must not undertake the attack upon
Tenedos nor risk troops for a conquest which is considered useless,
unsubstantial, and not to be attempted except to destroy [the fortress]."

Since there thus appeared to be no other enterprises which would be
easy, altre iynprese facili, the war council decided that they must save
the Signoria's exiguous forces in the hope of a better year in 1692.
Nevertheless, to keep the Turkish armada confined within the Darda-
nelles the Venetian forces would remain in position for some time, "and
in the meantime repair to Mykonos and Paros [in the Gydades] in order
to increase the stores of wine and foodstuffs to relieve the hardship in
which the fleet now finds itself."**

In the fall of 1691 there was a mutiny of French troops aboard the
flagship of Hartolo Gontarini, the capitan ordinario of the sailing ships.
Gontarini was wounded; the mutiny was suppressed. Disorder among the
French troops must have been expected, for Louis XIV was no longer
maintaining his neutrality in the Christian war with Islam. He was sup-
porting the Turks in clandestine, and in not so clandestine, fashion. In
December (1691) the disaffected garrison at Grabusa on the far west of
the island of Crete surrendered the fortress to the Turks. After further
meetings of the war council it was decided to make an attempt upon
Turkish-held Ganea, also in western Crete, and on 17 July 1692 Moce-
nigo landed his forces at Ganea with little interference from the Turks.
He had more or less at his command 34 galleys and 27 ships, including
four papal and eight Maltese galleys, which fact limited somewhat his
overall authority.

The Christian allies frustrated a Turkish attempt to relieve the siege on
8 August. When, however, Turkish prisoners informed Mocenigo that
the kapudan pasha was headed for Ganea with a large naval force, his

^'^ Prow, da terra c da mar, Filza 1 125, minutes of die meeting of die war councU, "adi
23 Luglio 1691 S|tilj N|ovol. acque del Tenedo."

Comer at Monemvaaia, Mocenigo in the Aegean, and Morostni's DeaA 387

usual caution overtook him, and he decided to withdraw the Venetian

fleet and the allied squadrons. Although the papal and Maltese generals
suggested that all three should employ their maritime strenj^th against
the armada of the kapudan pasha when and if it arrived on the scene, he
declined their offer as putting the Venetian vessels in undue jeopardy.
On 29 August (1692), therefore, the allies gave up the siege of Ganea.
And so the papal and Maltese commandera sailed westward with their
galleys, while the Venetian fleet soon got under way for Nauplia, where it
was intended to spend the winter. Mocenigo was recalled to Venice and
brought to trial, lie was found innocent of betrayal, but timidity and
incompetence had ended his naval career.'*'*

The signiHcance of Domenico Mocenigo's spiritless abandonment of
the siege of Ganea was well understood in Istanbul, as Thomas Coke
makes dear in a dispatch of 29 October 1692 to the eari of Nottingham
at Whitehall:

. . . The Venetians have rais'd their seige at Canea with losse and disreputa-
tion, whieh is imputed to the French, who gave notice of their designe to the
Turks, and severall hundreds of them in the Venetian army, as soon as disbarkt in
Gandia, went over to the Turkes, and helpt to defend the place. This good sue-
cesse on their side, and the Imperlalls* liaving donne nothing in Hungary, I feare
will elevate the Turks. The greatest harme they have rec'd has been from the
Haiduds or theives in the mountaines betwixt iSoHa and Belgrad. who did great
mischeife on that road, taking 100 m. dollars sent from Adrianople to the army,
oonvoy'd by 400 men. . .

After the sad failure of Domenico Mocenigo, the eyes of Venice be-
came fastened upon the doge Francesco Morosini as the next captain-
general of the sea. When the Senators gathered in the Sala dello Scru-
tinio in the Doges' Palace on Christmas day in 1692 to make their
nominations, Morosini received 95 votes, Girolamo DolHn 27, and 22
others shared the remaining 46 votes. At seventy-four years of age and in
poor health, Morosini did not want to accept the onerous charge, but he
finally yielded to tears and entreaties. Returning to the Sala del Magglor
Consiglio, the Senators did not have to wait for the formal vote to act
upon the assumption of his election. When the vote came, moreover,
with 847 nobles present, there were 797 votes favorable (de parte), 34
opposed (de non), and 12 without commitment (non sinceri). The next

Cf. Anderson, Naval Wars in the Levant (1952), pp. 213-14, who as usual tries to
follow the Venetian falleya here and there from month to month; note also Romanln,

Stnrid clocumctitatd di Venezia, V'll (3rd ed., Venice. 1974), 354; Kretschmayr, Ctc-
schichte von Venedig, III (1934, repr. Aalen, 1964), 350; and Diario dell'dssedio della
Canea lannn 1692 sotto il capitan general Domenico Mocenigo, MS. Marc. It. VII, 656
(7791 ), fols. 84-100. covering the seven weeks from 12 .luly to 29 August 1692.
I'RO, SI' 97, XX, fol. 254*, dispatch dated 19/29 October 1692.

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388

Venice, Austria, and tht Turka in the Seventeenth Century

day in the Senate Morosini rose from his chair, removing the horned hat
of the doge (as was done when the newly elected doge gave thanks for his
elevation to the dogado), and offered his life to the Republic.

After elaborate processions and ceremonies in the Piazza and the
Church of S. Marco on 24-25 May 1693, Morosini went to the Lido in the
Buointoro, the ornate state galley, on the 26th, accompanied by his two
councilora Zoni Benson and A^tino Sagredo, his lieutenant Francesco
Mocenigo, and other officials. He boarded his flagship at the Lido, and
then sailed some days later for Monemvasia, where the Venetian fleet
had assembled. It was his fourth call to arms as captain-general of
the sea.

Morosini reinforced the garrisons of certain fortress towns in the
Morea, especially that of Corinth. Thereafter he thought of proceeding
to the DanUmelles, but the opposing winds were too strong. He pursued
Algerian pirates^ and having learned of the approach of the Tuifcish ser-
asker of livadia, he hastened to the defense of Corinth. He needed more
men, money, and ship's biscuit, however, to achieve any appreciable
success. He did occupy a few small islands in the Saronic Culf and in that
of Argolis, but he suffered from the afflictions of old age, including kid-
ney stones and a defective bladder (. . . adeo vehementer sub ipsum
saevientis mali exordium, quod a calculi vi asperabatur, vexari
incepit).

Retiring to Nauplia (Napoli di Romania), where he intended to spend
the winter, Morosini died on 6 January 1694.^^ Today as the tourist
comes into the Sala dello Scrutinio in the Doges' Palace, he sees at the
far wall a triumphal arch (built in 1 694) enclosing the doorway leading to
the great stairway which goes down to the courtyard. The arch bears the
memorial inscription Francisco Mauroceno Feloponnesiaco Senatus
MDCVIC Morosini was later buried with great ceremony in the church of
8. Stefano, where the tourist encounters (as soon as he enters the main
portal) a great bronze seal in the pavement, with the inscription Franci'
SCI Mauroceni Feloponnesiaci, Venetiarum principis, ossa 1694, Fran-
cesco Morosini and old Enrico Dandolo are probably the most famous of
all the doges of Venice.

Giovanni Graziani, Francisci Mauroceni Peloponnesiaci, Venetiarum principis,
fiesta, Padua, 1698, pp. 378-85, who dates the publicae supplicationes on 14/24 May
1693, and Morosini's death on 6 (not 9) January 1694; Antonio Arrighi, De vita et rebus
geatia Francisci Mauroceni Pelopanneetaci, prindpia Venetorum .... Padua, 1 749, pp.
386-91, who also puts what Graziani calls the supplicationes on 24 May (IX Kalendas
Juntas), and Morosini's death on 6 January {Vlll Idus Januarias); Romanin, Storia docu-
mentata <H Venexta, VII (3rd ed., 1974), 354-56, who gives 9 January as the date of
Morosini's death; Gino Damerini, Morosini, Milan, 1929, pp. 306-32, who dates Moro-
sini's death on 6 January; Kretschmayr, Geach. v. Venedig, III (1934, repr. 1964), 350,
who puts Morosini's death "In der Nndit auf den siebten Jlnner 1694."

Copyrighled material

XIII

Louis XIV, the Turks, and the War of the
League of Augsburg, the Treaties of

Ryswick and Karlowitz, and the Uneasy
Peace between Venice and the Porte

|R|ff|fi| hen the imperialists finally took Belgrade (on 6 September
bHK| 1688)t Louis XIV put behind him the treaty or **truce" of Re-
BUB gensburg (of 1 5 August 1684), whereby he had bound himself to

an armistice with Leopold I for twenty years {armistitiiim vi0nti an-
norum).^ At the French court it was said that Louis had been too gener-
ous. Immediately after the fall of Belgrade, Louis had sent troops into the
Rhenish Palatinate, where they embarked upon widespread destruction.
Early in the year 1689, as we have seen, the Tuihish envoys Sulfikar
Bffendi and Alessandro Mavrooordato had tried to arrange a truce or
peace with the imperialists, the Venetians, and the Poles, but nothing
had come of their efforts. With Louis XIV as their near ally the Turks
were no longer interested in peace with the Empire unless L<eopold I gave
up Belgrade and left Transylvania to the Porte.'

According to Thomas Coke, the French had helped the Turks defend
Ganea. By the end of October 1692, as Coke informs us, success ap-

' numont. Corps iniiverscl diplotmitiquc. VMI-2 (1731), no. XLVll, p. 82.
^ a. Fastor. Gesch. d. Papate, XlV-2 (Freiburg im Breisgau. 1930). 837-38.

389

390

Venice, Austria, and the Turks in the Seventeenth Century

peared to have swung to the side of the Turks, ". . . the Imperialls'
having donne nothing in Hungary." As the French gradually diverted the
attention of the imperialists from the eastern front, the Turks did be-
come more successful, and indeed they had already done very well dur-
ing the year 1690, recapturing NiS and Belgrade and driving the Chris-
tian enemy for the most part out of Serbia, Bulgaria, and Transylvania.'
On 19 August 1691, however, Ludwig von Baden defeated the Turks in
an almost decisive battle at Slankamen, on the Danube in northern Ser-
bia. The grand vizir Mustafa Kopriilii was killed. The battle was disas-
trous for the Turks and costly for the Austrians,'' but it secured the
Hapsburg possession of Hungary and Transylvania. In another half
dozen years Eugene of Savoy would add the decisive mark in his
overthrow of the Turks at Zenta.

In the meantime, although the imperialists carried on war with the
Turks, Louis XIV was a serious distraction. Actually, however, as we
shall see, Austria was not to be the chief opponent of France in the War
of the League of Augsburg (1688-1697). Although we may regard Leo-
pold 1 as the main author of the basic pacts of the League, William 111 of
Great Britain was to be Louis XIV's most conspicuous and determined
opponent. Louis was anxious to retain the areas in Alsace and Lorraine
that he had gained at Westphalia (in 1648) as well as the "reunions" that
he had seized in 1680-1681, none of which Leopold I had recognized as
valid in the Truce of Regensburg.

Louis had been much concerned by the formation of the League of
Augsburg on 9 July 1686, which was to last for three years and longer if
necessary. The league consisted of the emperor, the king of Spain as
duke of Burgundy, the crown of Sweden for the provinces which it held
in the Empire, the elector of Bavaria, the "circles" of Bavaria, Fran-
conia, and Swabia, the dukes of Saxony, and the other princes of the
empire "beyond the Rhine," all pledging themselves to maintain the
truce concluded at Regensburg in 1684 between France and the empire
for the preservation of peace and tranquillity throughout the empire and
for the common defense of the rights and interests of the high contract-
ing parties.'

The League of Augsburg was an alliance against Prance. If the imperial-
ists succeeded in adding Hungary and Trans^vania to the Hapsburg
domains, and could then make peace with the Porte, obviously Louis

* Cf. Braubach, Prinz Eugen wm Savoyen, I. 1 76-77. For Coke's letter of 29 October
1692, see above, p. 387.

* Cf. von Hanimer-Pui:g9tall, Gesch. d. osman. Reiches, VI (1830, repr. 1963), 561-63,
trans. Hellert, XII, 319-21.

' As summarized in Diimont, Corps universel diplomatique, VII-2, no. LXXII, pp. 131-
39, with the German and French texts deKning the establishment of the League of Au^-
huri, "so Hgeben und feschehen In Augspurg den 29 Jan. |9 Jul.) 1686."

Copyrighted material

Treaties oj Ryswick and Karlountz, Peace between Venice and the Porte 391

XIV was in trooble, for Leopold would be in a position to transfer his
military resources from the eastern to the western front. Louis knew that
he had to strike while the iron was hot, and he did so, with a public
declaration that as soon as the emperor had ceased hostilities with the
Turks, he would undoubtedly attack France, and that the League of
Augsburg was merely a German "association" against the rights and the
crown of France.*

The Venetians found the years 1692-1693 difficult. The failure to take
Ganea had been disappointing, and there was constant fear of Turkish
attack.^ The unease in Venice and elsewhere was not ui^ustified. Bvery
year a new army seemed to emerge from Tuikish soil. On 19 February
1 692 Thomas Coke described the Ottoman state of mind to the earl of
Nottingham in a dispatch from Istanbul:

. . . Notwithstanding their great losses, tiiey Ithe Turlisl never faile of an army
next yeare and their souldiere are eonstandy pay^d, nor will the Empire ever

want men or mony sufficient, tho not in sucii a degree as when it was in its
meridian, and they tiiink tiie Germans will he tyr'd before tliem, and should they
gett but one victory in the field, they should soon recover their losses. . . .

These people are of a very proud, obstinate humor, lealons, looking on the
warre now as more of religion than state, and think as the present state of Chris-
tendome is. they can't loose more, and may recover what [is] lost. In discourse
with a great minister, judicious, not Frencheify'd, I told him our first alliance
with the Fort was not, as it now seemes, only for commerce, but the power of the
house of Austria being then as formidable as Prance is now, wee united with (the
Port] in opposing it and sloping its encrease, it being dieir true interest as well as
ours, that the power of Ghristendome should not fsll under one monaroh, who

Memoire ties R(iis<ms, (ftti out oblige Ic Roy de France iMuis XIV li repremlrc les
Armes et qui doivent persuader toute Ut Chretiente des sinceres intentions de Sa Ma-
jemf pour Vajfermimemeni de la tranqtriHti pubHque, (/a<r] d Veraatttea fe 24. Sep-
tciiihrc 1688, in Dumont, Corps universe! diplomatique, VII-2, no. xciv, pp. 1 70-7.1. willl
the assertion "que [Sa Majeste] ayant tousjours este bien avertie du dessein que I'Cmpe-
reur a foimi depnis kmg-teins d'attaqiMr la FVanoe, auaalioat qiil*ll aura lalt la Palx aveo lea
Tiircs. . . . On avoit asscz remarque qu'h peine ce Traitte de Treve (of 1684) fut ratitie de
part et d'autre que Sa Majeste voulut bien encore donner de nouvelles marques de sa
modfratiofi, et quoy qu'ellc eut appris que les Ministrcs ImpMaas empioyoient tous leura
aoins et tous ieurs efforts dans la pluspart des Cours d'Allemagne pour porter les I'rinccs et
Estats de I'Empire i entrer dans de nouvelles Ligues contre la France: Que par le Traitte
fait a Ausliourg its avoient engage un nomine conatd^bi* de Prhioea et d'BMala a aon-
scrire cette Aaaoolation. ..."

' Summaries of letteiB and reports, so-called "rubrics," dated at or issuing from Corinth,
Arftos, Tripolitza (Tripolis). Karytaina, Kalamata, Navarino Vecchio nnd Novo, and Arca-
dia from July 1692 to June 1693 are given in ASV, Senato, Prow, da terra e da mar, Filza
840, pages and entries unnumbered. They range from rumon of a projected Turicteh inva-
sion to the distribution of benefits (/Vissi^TirtfiVmi de'heni publici) to some of the inhabit-
ants of Monemvasia in recognition of their loyalty to Venice (in rtconosctniento delta loro
/ede). During tliia period one worried aiwut the rumored increases in the sise of the
Ottoman army, vedcmicMf ingroMarr aempre p<tl f 'eaercflo nemioo, for tlie TuriM seemed
indefatigable.

392

KeniCe, AuatriOt and like TitHta in the Seventeenth Century

would cnvolvc thctn in the common destruction, and (which is the solidest argu-
ment) if they did not make use of this opportunity for peace, the warre in Ghris-
tendome was too hoc to continue long, and if it ware struck up there, then the
whole torrent would bee turned upon them. He answered these are your Frank
bralnes and speculations. You mistake us. Wee looke on the present olroum-
stances which turns us to account and not on remote consequences which may
bee some yeares hence. If God will have it so, it must bee so, and all our precau-
tions can't prevent it. These are their notions, and I feare wee shall see peace in
Ghristendome before it's made here. . . .*

The international scene was oomplioated by many factors — the debili-
tation of Charles II of Spain, who was living longer than anyone had
expected; the suspicious death of his French wife Marie Louise
d'Orleans (on 12 February 1689); the Bavarian claim to the Spanish
throne, owing to Max Emmanuers marriage to Maria Antonia, the daugh-
ter of Leopold I; Leopold's own efforts to secure the throne for his
younger son, the Archduke Karl; and Louis XIV's ambition to add the
Spanish kingdoms to the domains of the house of Bourbon. Louis had,
however, embarked upon a rougher sea than he realized, for now the
anti-Catholic, parliamentary forces in England brought about the
Glorious Revolution (1688-1689), the deposition of James II, and the
accession of William III and Mary II.

At last William could give vent to his long-standing hostility to the
French. On 12 May (1689) Leopold I accepted at Vienna a defensive and
offensive alliance with the United Provinces of Belgium. The aUianoe was
directed against the French, owing to their recent invasion of the imperi-
alist Palatinate and their slippery failure to adhere to treaties they had
signed {lubrica Gallorum in observandis trcictatibus fides). ^ At Hamp-
ton Court five days later (on 17 May) William and Mary declared war
upon the king of France in response to his invasion of the states of the
emperor and the Empire as well as his outrageous violation of the
treaties confirmed by the English crown.'®

" PRO, SP 97, XX. fols. 246*-24r, disfMtch dated 18 February 1691/1692. Francesco

Muazzo, Storia delta giierra tra li Vcncti c Turchi dalV 1684 id 7696, MS. Marc. It. VII,
172 (8187), bks. viii-ix, has much to say about Venetian naval affairs during the years
1692-1693, fliid for a saimmiry of RafuMii awiai concemii^ Tnriiish affairs (In 1691-
1692) vis-a-vis the unrest of the Janissaries, the Hnancial difficulties of the Porte, Imre
Tholioly and Transylvania, and die Turks' reestablishment in Belgrade, see ASV, Senato,
Deilb. Goetantinopoll (Seoreta), Reg. 35, fob. 83'-8S* llSl'-lsil.
' Dumont, VM-2, no. cxii. pp. 229-30, actum Viennae 12. Mnii 1689.

Dumont, VIl-2, no. cxiii, pp. 230-31, donne en notre Cour a Hampton-Court le 17.
Mai 1699 et de notre Regne le premier: "LorM|ue nous oonsldironB le grand nombre
d'injustes moiens dont le Roi des Francois s'est ser\'i depuis quclques annecs pour satis-
faire son ambition: qu'il n'a pas seulement cnvahi les Etats dc I'Empercur et de I'Empire a
prfiaent en amitie avec nous, dcsolant des provinces enticres et ruinant leurs habitans par
ses armees, mais qu'il a declare la guerre a nos alliez sans y etre provoque, violant mani-
festement par la les traitez contirmez par la garantie de la Couronne d'Angleterre — nous
ne aaorions molna falre que de nout Joindre i not aUles pour nous oppoaer mux deaselna dv

Treaties of Ifyswick and Karto%/>it», Peace between Venice and the Porte 393

Warfare between England and France was not conHned to armies and
navies, but extended also to merchantmen, dominating international
commerce as well as politics. In 1695, for example, the French attacked
English merchantmen in Turkish waters at Salines, the important harbor
on Larnaca Bay in Cyprus, at Smyrna, and elsewhere, as Sir William
Paget, the English ambassador to Istanbul, reported to the duke of
Shrewsbury, William I IPs secretary of state. Neither England nor Prance
was at war with the Turks; the Ottoman domain was neutral, and should
not have been the scene of such armed conflict. Paget, who was soon to
distinguish himself in the negotiations which led to the peace of Karlo-
witz, wrote Shrewsbury in September 1695: "While the Grand Signor is
abroad (Mustafa II was at Belgrade], I have not the means to repress this
insolence, and when he returns, the partiality of the Court for the French
makes me apprehend that we shall hardly obtain satisfaction, tho 1 will
try to procure it by all possible means."*'

Paget was an enterprising ambassador, having established friendly re-
lations with Gonstantine Brancovan, the prince of Wallachia, so that "my
letters pass better and more securily then they could do formerly." He
wanted William III to write a formal letter of thanks to Brancovan to
"encourage him to continue his offices.*"^ With almost everyone at war,
Paget doubtless thought of the old adage that a friend in need was a
friend indeed.

At Whitehall on 22 August (1689) the deputies of William III of Great
Britain and those of the States General of the Protestant Netherlands
signed another treaty against France, whereby both England and the
Netherlands forbade all sorts of trade and commerce with the French,
and undertook to reestablish a just and reasonable peace in Christen-
dom.'^ Four months later (on 20-23 December) William joined the de-
fensive and offensive alliance which the Emperor Leopold had made (on

Roi dcs Fran<;«)is, que nous rcftardons commc Ic Pertiirbatetir do la Paix ct rencmi com-
mun dc la Chrcticntc:" The most Christian king of France had become "the common
enemy of Christendom."

" PRO, SP 97. XX, fol. 15, doc. dated at Adrianople on 2/12 September 1695, with a
postscript dated 2 October 1 695, and cf. a letter of one .lames Paul addressed to Whitehall
on 23 August 1698, on Venetian involvement in the Anglo-French commercial warfare in
Greek waters (SF 97. XXI, fol. 14).

Paget had been received in an audience by the grand vizir on 18 February 1693 and
thereafter on 7 March by Sultan Ahmed II (d. 6 February 1695), at which time the Knglish
and Dutch were trying to persuade the Turks to make peace with the Hapsbuigs and their
allies, while the French were doing their best to keep the Turks at war (von Hammer-Purg-
stall, Gesch. d. osman. Rciches, VI [1830, repr. 19631. 587-88).

" PRO, SI' 97, XX, fol. 347', letter dated 26 April 1696. On Gonstantine Brancovan (d.
1714), see B.H. Sumner, Peter the Great and the Ottoman Empire, Oxford, 1949, pp.
42-44. and von Hammer-Purgstall, Oeach. d. osman. Reichea, VII (1831, repr. 1963),
68-70.

" Dumont, VII-2, no. cxvin, p. 238 Jait a Wittehal te 12/22 jour d'Aout 1689, and cf. no.
catL.

394

Venice, Auatria, and tibe Turka in the Seventeenih Ckntury

12 May) with the AlHed (GaihoUc) Provinces of Belgium." Some six
months later Charles II of Spain and Vittorio Amadeo, the duke of Savoy,
entered into an alliance (on 3 June 1690), "comme il est venu une
Armee Fran9oise en Italic a dessein d'agir ouvertement contre I'Etat de
Milan, et qu'ette 8*e8t temie dans lea fitats de aon Altesse royale de Sa-
voye.**^' The next day (on 4 June) a treaty of alliance a^ainat France
bound Vittorio Amadeo to the Emperor Leopold I; two days thereafter
Charles II of Spain entered the "federation** of 12 May 1689 in a new
accord with Leopold against France.'^

The Grand Alliance was growing. Friedrich III, the elector of Branden-
burg, added his name and the promise of 20,000 troops (with an imperial
subvention) to the anti-French coalition (on 6 September 1690),'^ and a
month later Vittorio Amadeo entered into the Grand Alliance with Wil-
liam III of Great Briuin and the States General of the Netheiiands (on 20
October 1690).^* Imperial, royal, and princely deputies had been con-
spicuous as they moved from one center of power to another, negotiat-
ing and signing pacts against the French. Later on, these pacts were
renewed, and a number of others were made against France. Louis XIV
had to face an almost united Europe. The war against the Turks contin-
ued, with a subsidy here and there from a German prince,'* as did the
war in the West, with the periodic exchange of prisoners. So many states
were caught up in the War of the League of Augsburg (1689-1697) that
the Venetians had no hope of Hnding much assistance against the Turics
throughout the last decade of the seventeenth century, but when peace
was finally made, they were actually to do quite well.

Military historians have taken a large interest in the various battles
fought both on land and at sea during the War of the League of Augsburg,
especially the FVenoh marshal Franfois de Luxembourg*s victories at
Fleurus on 30 June 1690 (over the Dutch), Steenkerque on 24 July 1692
(over William 111), Neerwindcn on 29 July 1693 (again over William III),
as well as the French admiral Anne-Hilarion de Tourville's defeat by the
British and Dutch naval forces offshore from Saint- Vaast-la Hogue in the
Coteiitin peninsula (in May 1692) and his defeat of the British fleet off
Lagos a year later (on 30 June 1693). William III, distracted by the
Britidi war in Ireland, did badly in the field, but after a three months*
siege he captured Namur, causing delight in London and distress in Paris,
"the one great victory of his sixteen campaigns."^

" JWd., VII-2, no. cxx. pp. 241-42. and note no. cxn, pp. 229-30.
^Ihid., VII-2. no. cxxv. pp. 26.^-66.

**lhi(L, VII-2, nos. cxxvi-cxxvii, pp. 266-69, docs, dated 4 and 6 June 1690, the latter
treaty being raciiied by Leopold at Vienna on 17 June.
" VII-2, no. cxxviii, pp. 269-70, and cf. no. cxxxvii.
'"/bi^i., VII-2. no. Gxxx, pp. 272-73, and cf. no. cxxxvi.
** Gf.. HML, VII-2, no. cxur. pp. 306-7, doc. dated at Vienna on 22 Maroh 1692.
* a. O.N. Oark, The Later Stuarta, 1660-1714, Oxford, 1949, pp. 154-68.

Treatiea of Ryawick and KarlowitM, Peace between Venice and the Porte 395

Owing to the heavy pressure which the Austrians and their German
allies had exerted upon the Turks, Francesco Morosini and Otto Wilhelm
von Konigsmarck had done singularly well in their campaigns of the
1680's. The Venetians had not fared so well in 1692-1693, as we have
noted, but under the unfortunate command of Antonio Zeno they did
take the island of Chios from the TuHks in 6-18 September 1694, but had
to surrender the island on 21 February 1695 after suffering severe
losses.^' As in the abandonment of the siege of Ganea, the relinquish-
ment of Chios was detrimental to the reputation of Venice. On 22 March
[O.S., i.e., 1 April] 1695 William Raye, the English consul in Smyrna,
wrote a friend in England,

"1 doubt not you'l have heard of the Venetians' shamefuU abandoning
Scio with very many particulars which cannot with any certainty come
to our knowledge, the chelfe informations wee receive being from the
Turcks themselves.'* According to what Raye had learned in Smyrna,

the Grand Signor's Hcete of 20 shipps and 23 gallyes, being well reinforced with
men and all things necessary, did on the 30th .January |O.S., i.e., 9 Februaryl
attack the Venetians' tleete, in which through want of good conduct or the mis-
fortune of a calm, few of the Venetian shipps being able to come up, dielr admi-
rail and vice admirall shipps were burnt and one or two more destroyed.

Not content with this success, as Raye informs us, ten days later [on 19
February] the Turks forced the Venetians into a second engagement,

in which the Venetian fleete was so shattered and disabled that they were glad to
retire under the shelter of their Gasde, and doubting (notl a third attempt might
be made on them, took up hasty resolutiones of abandoning the isleland, which
they did on the 1 1th past |O.S., i.e., 21 February) in the night in so great confu-
sion and consternation that they not only left the Castle entire with those addi-
tional fortifications they had made, but allso many horse and men and great
quantltyes of ammunition, cannon, mortars, bombs, arms, mastick, and
what not.

One ship ran aground, and all those aboard were made slaves. Most of
the Latins fled with the Venetians — Chios had been a Genoese colony
from 1346 until 1566, when the Turks occupied the island. Of the Latins
who remained on the island six or seven of the most prominent were
**hung up by order of the seraschier." The Greeks were exposed to the
insolence and plunder of the Turkish soldiery, but were apparently let

^' i'hilip V. Argenti, The Occupation of Chios by the Venetians (1694), Oxford, 1935.
introd., pp. xxix-xxxv. lviii-lxviii, and see the Relatione del nobile huomo Signor Bartoln
Contarini, capitan eatraordinario delle navi Venete, deU'occorao nel comhatimento
ttotto Scio conVarmata nuiritlma Turca Vanno U94, U meae di/ebraro (m.v., i.e., 1695),
MS. Maro. It. VII, 656 (7791). fols. 108-114.

396

Venice, Austria, and the Turks in the Seventeenth Century

alone after a day or two, "but 'tis said the Grand Signor has confiscated
the estates of all manner of inhabitants, appropriateing the whole isle-
land to the Grown."

Most of the Latin churches were converted into mosques, the people
reduced to misery, "and all this occasioned by the discontent or ambi-
tion of some few zelotts of the Roman Church, who have thereby en-
slaved their cuntry which before continued very happy in the enjoyment
of many extraordinary priviledges under this government." It was only
two weeks before the Venetian loss of Chios "that the Grand Signor
(Ahmed llj died at Adrianople of a dropsy (on 6 February 1695], and that
his nephew Sultan Mustapha (1I( was advanced to the throne, which
being immediately attended with such successes mightily raises the
Turks' spirits." The new sultan was said to be planning to go in person to
the wars, and "their shipps are allso fitting up at Constantinople with all
exspedition to proceed for the Morea, so ere long wee shall see whither
these late successes will encouradge them againe to encounter the Ve-
netians, who 'tis hoped will not againe committ so great errors. . . ."^^

As time passed, one wondered at the continuing life span of the ever-
ailing Charles II of Spain. By the year 1696 one could only assume that
he did not have much longer to live. Even in the Empire attention was
turning from the eastern front to Spain. Louis XIV did not want the
question of the Spanish succession to arise while he was at war with
England and the Netherlands, the Empire, various German principali-
ties, and of course with Spain. First of all I^ouis removed Vittorio Ama-
deo from the Grand Alliance by the treaty of Turin (of 29 August 1696),
accepting "pour toujours une Paix stable et sincere entre le Roi et son
royaume et Son Altesse Royale M. le Due de Savoye et ses Etats, comme
si elle n'avoit jamais etk troublee. . .

" PRO, SP ')7, XX. fol. 294, letter dated at Smyrna on 22 March 1694/95 O.S.. i.e.. 1
April 1695, also to be found in Argenti, The Occupation of Chios . . . (1694), doc. no. 54,
pp. 224-25, and cf., ibid., docs. nos. 53, 55-56. Argenti's various works on Chios are
detailed and valuable.

The mihtary reputation of the Venetians must have been slightly redeemed when they
frustrated the efforts of Ibrahim Pasha, who had defended Negroponte some years l>efore,
to establish a foothold in the Morea in. lime 1695. Ibrahim's forces had apparently exposed
Argos and Monemvasia to some danger, but he was defeated with "molta quantita de
morti, tra quail due agi de gianizseri e Beohir Passi, genero del Seraschier fibrahim], con
poca perdita de Veneti oltre qualehe niimero de feriti" (Nova, vera, e clistintn Relatione
della vittoria ottenutu daU'armi delta Serenissima Repuhlica di Venetia contra gl'Otto-
mani nella campagna d'Argoa, il/iiomo de' 10 Giiigno 1695, nottn il priidenteevaloroso
comando dcirHlustriss. ct eccellentiss. Signor Alessandro Molin, capitan general da
mar, printed by Girolamo Albrizzi at Venice in 1695). Cf. Anderson. Naval Wars in the
l^evant (1952), pp. 220-22. Also the Venetians were not doin^ too badly in Dalmatia and
Albania (cf. Senato, Delib. Costantinopoli [Secretaj, Reg. 35, fol. 95 |193|, doc. dated 3
July 1694 and. ibid., foU. 96*-97' |194'-195'i. doc. dated 21 August, 1694).

Treaties of Rynwick and Karlowitz, Peace between Venice and the Porte 397

Vittorio Amadeo gave up all the commitments he had made to the
allies at war with France. Louis promised him the restitution of all places
the French had occupied in Savoyard territory as well as the fortress
town of Pinerolo and the forts dependent on it. Various forts were to be
demolished at the expense of France, all the territory in question being
restored to Vittorio Amadeo, whose daughter Marie Adelaide was to
marry Louisas grandson, also named Louis, the then duke of Burgundy.^

In early October 1696 there was a suspension of arms in Italy. The
Imperialist, Spanish, and Savoyard troops were to refrain from hostilities
with the Crown of France.^'' Vittorio Amadeo had of course already given
Louis XIV a pledge of neutrality. At length the long-expected peace
treaties, many of the terms having already been agreed upon in secret
negotiations, were signed in William IIFs chateau at Ryswick (Rijswijk),
three miles southeast of The Hague.

On 20 September 1697 a treaty of peace was signed between Louis
XIV and the States General of the United Provinces of the Netherlands. It
was to be "une Paix bonne, ferme, fidelle et inviolable," along with "un
oubli et amnistie generale de tout ce qui a este commis de part et d'autre
a I'occasion de la derniere guerre." Louis would allow the Emperor Leo-
pold I until 1 November to accept such articles as those in the Nether-
landish treaty, after which period the articles would be put into effect
whether they had the emperor's approval or not. A separate treaty of
commerce and navigation was also signed on 20 September by the en-
voys and plenipotentiaries of Louis XIV and the States General of the
United Provinces.

A separate treaty of peace between lx)uis XIV and William III of Great
Britain was also signed at Ryswick on 20 September (1697) "to stop the
war by which of late a large part of Christendom was being assailed" {de
sopiendo bello quo magna pars orbis Christani nuper (nffligebatur)^
with the usual waiting period for Leopold I's acceptance. All territories,
fortresses, islands, and lands taken during the war were now to be re-
stored to their former owners. On the same day at Ryswick a treaty was
duly signed between the envoys of Louis XIV and Charles II of Spain, by
which all territories and "reunions" taken by Louis from Charles, in
Spain as well as in the (Catholic) Netheiiands, since the peace of Nijme-
gen (Nimwegen, in 1678-1679) were to be restored, except for eighty-
two towns, villages, and other places to be identified in a separate list.^

" Diimont, V'll 2. no. cxc, pp. .168-7 1, /aif a Turin le vin^t-neuf d'Ao&t, 1696, treaty
ratiticd by Liouis XIV on 7 September 1696, and cf. no. cxci.

'* Ibid, no. cxcif, pp. 375-76, dotmi a Viievano le aeprtime Octobre 1696, ratified by
ix>uis XIV at Fontainebleau on 22 October, and by l.«opoid I at Vienna on 29 October.

"Ibid., nos. cxcv-cxcviii, pp. 381-420, docs, dated 20 September 1697 at Ryswick,
with later ratifications signeid at other places, together with odier relevant data.

398

Vcnfee, ^iMCrfo, and the IWto in the Seventeenth Century

On 22-23 September (1697) a "cessation of arms" between Leopold I
and Louis XIV was a;*reed upon, envoys of the latter assuring the imperi-
alists that French troops would not attack the domains of the Empire
until 1 November.^* At last on 30 October, the day before the cessation
of arms would end, the envoys of Leopold and Louis signed a treaty
which was supposed to establi^ a lasting peace and a true friendship
between the Empire and Fhince, using the eailier treaties of Westphalia
and Nijmegen as the building blocks of a new tranquillity in
Ghristendoni.

Louis gave up to Leopold and the Empire all the "reunions" except
those in Alsace {quae extra Alsatiam sita . . . sunt), which the imperial-
ists never regained; he also gave up to the king of Sweden as count
palatine of the Rhine the duchy of Zweibriicken (avitus ducatus Bipon-
Hntu liber et integer cum aftpertinentiie et dependendto). Leopold was
obliged to cede to Louis the important city of Strasbouig (urbs Argen-
tinensis) "and whatever belongs to this city on the left bank of the
Rhine." Louis had taken Strasbourg in 1681.^^ He was happy to retain it,
but he now surrendered Freiburg and Breisach to Leopold (by articles
xix-xx) as well as Philippsburg to the Empire (art. xxii). He also gave
back the duchy of Lorraine to Duke Leopold 1, with various concessions
and restrictions (arts, xxviiiff.)^® In this treaty, as in the others signed at
Ryswick, there were of course many other provisions of which we cannot
tdke account here.

Although the Venetians had not been involved in the War of the
League of Augsburg, they were much relieved by the treaties of Ryswick.
The withering health of Charles II of Spain and the international intrigue
it gave rise to, however, caused a widespread unease in Europe. The
Spanish question remained unsolved, and there was nothing the Vene*
tians could do about it They could, however, try to do something with
the "kingdom" of the Morea, which Morosini, von Konigsnuuvk, and
Corner had won for them. The Morea was divided into four provinces —
Romania, Laconia, Messenia, and Achaea — with their capitals in Nau-
plia (Napoli di Romania), Monemvasia (Malvasia), Navarino Nuovo, and
Patras. Each province had a proweditore for military ventures and the
larger problems of administration, a rettore for civil and Judicial affairs,
and a camerlengo for financial detail. Another proweditore, governor of

Ibid., \'II-2, no. cxcix, p. 421, [ducum] in Arvc Ryswicctisi 22 Septcmbris 1697.
" Cf., ibid.. VII-2, no. x. p. 15, doc. dated 30 September 1681, "pour la redttotton de
ladite ville (de Strasbourg) a I'obeissance du Roi de France, Louis XIV."

Ibid., VII-2, no. cc, pp. 421-39, «cta haec sunt in Palatio Riswicensi in llollandia
trigesima die mensis Octobris A.D. 1697, the sixty articles of the treaty, with the usual
detailed addenda: "... Pacis hujus basis et fundamentum sit Pax Westphalica et Neonta*
fenria . . ." (art. ni).

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IVeocies o/ Ryswick and Karlowitg, Peace between Venice ami the Porte 399

the "Three Islands'* of Corfu, Zante, and Gephalonia, also held the reins

of S. Maura and in Lepanto.

During the course of the year 1698 and thereafter Venetian officials in
the Morea looked carefully into the current problems relating to agricul-
ture, the fisheries, the mines, the functioning (and non-functioning) of
the water mills, the condition of local Greek (and some Turkish) inhabit-
ants, and the attempts here and there at reforestation. The officials com-
piled cadastral surveys, paid particular attention to the care and restora-
tion of fortifications, reported on the available artillery and munitions in
the Moreote strongholds (piazze), and sought to ensure the provision of
bread for the militias, taking stock of the numbers of soldiers who were
well (sdiii) and of those who were ill {amnUiti). Assessing the various
expenditures and sources of income, the oflicials in question considered
the costs of physicians and hospitals.^ And, as mi^t be expected, they
recorded all the accounts and concessions which were to be registered in
each provincial archive (neWarckMo della loro provincia). Inevitably
there were of course troubles with the mainland Turks.

According to a statement of 1 6 April ( 1 698) the Greek clergy in Tripo-
litza (Tripolis) or at least the Greek bishops seemed to be doing well: "vi
soggiornano alcuni vescovi del rito greco, et godono publici assegna-
menti." At Corinth, in the light of a report of 18 July, we learn that the
first (or lowest) enclosure of the massive towa-fortress was inhabited by
Greeks, **et hanno alcune habitationi contlgue alle mora del secondo
contro la buona regola." The habitations in the upper reaches of the
rocky height had been "in large part destroyed." Artillery was scarce at
Corinth, and despite the height (of Acrocorinth] the walls were ruinous
and capable of but slight resistance to attack. Indeed, a widespread in-
spection had revealed the fact that all the fortesses in the "kingdom"
were in sad need of immediate attention. In the garrison at Corinth there
were 26 men in apparent good health, while 34 were ill. The hospital was
not being well maintained. The security of Corinth was especially impor-
tant, for it protected the entry from the mainland into the Morea. There
were, however, serious problems everywhere in the Venetians' Moreote
kingdom, but within the next few years the contemporary texts give little
or no evidence of notable improvements."*®

^ When the doge Silvestro Valier gave Giovanni Grimani his commission as "commis-
HUio sopra I confini In Dalmatta et Albania" (on 25 Pebniaiy 1698), the latter was directed
to take with him Dr. Pompeo Sacco, professor of medicine in the University of Padua
(Senate, Delib. Costantinopuli |Sccreta|, Reg. 35, fol. 107" 1205")). Dr. Sncco was presum-
ably to have much larger responsibilities than the care of Ortanani and his atalF.

* Detailed summaries of the exhaustive investigations of the needs and resources of the
Morea from 1698 to 1705 (with very little material after 1700) are to be found in the ASV,
Senato, Prow, da terra e da mar. Filza 837. with "rubrics" Ofaome thirty documents, all
dated and numbered. The "Hie," which is coming to pieces, carries the dates "from 16
February 1697 to 28 March 1 701 ." The year 1698 receives the most attention. Chas. (Karl)

400

Venice, Auatrta, and the TurkB tn tiie Seventeenth Century

The Morea prospered under the Venetians, as time went on, but even-
tually and inevitably the relij*ious antagonism between Latin Catholics
and Greek Orthodox was bound to express itself. At first the Greek
clergy did indeed do well, and not only in Tripolitza. The nineteen bish-
ops in the Morea enjoyed the publici assegnamenti. Before the Venetian
govemanee of the Morea, the oecumenical patriarch in "Constantino-
ple'* had appointed the bishops, but now the local communities chose
their own bishops. The patriarch had also appointed the heads of the
stavrvpt^a {aTavpoirfiyia, monasteries "fixed with the cross"), monas-
teries over which he exercised certain proprietary rights. They were an
important source of income to the patriarchate, with their landed proper-
ties, tenancies, exemptions, market rights, and privileges, but now the
patriarch lost much of the revenues he had derived from this source.

Before the period of Venetian rule in the Morea the required gifts
made to the Church by the priests and their parishioners had been
equally divided between the episcopate and the patriarchate. Morosini
had cut these gifts {<pi\otiijm) in half, the remaining sums going entirely
to the bishops, which was another financial loss to the patriarch who
was, like the entire Greek quarter of Istanbul (the Fhanar), always under
the close surveillance of the Ottoman government. Also the wealthy and
well educated Greeks in the Phanar, the Phanariotes, who were often
profitably employed by the Porte, preferred the incompetent Moslem
rule in the Morea to the more efiicient Catholic rule. As the years passed,
the Venetian provincial administration did become more efficient, and
increased efficiency meant increased taxes. Although the Signoria im-
posed restrictions on Moreote commerce and industry, lest they become
in any way competitive with those of Venice, the governmental revenues
and the incomes of Greek traders and agriculturists did increase mark-
edly during the thirty odd years that the Serene Republic was to hold the
peninsula.

To the confusion caused in western Europe by the numerous partici-
pants in the War of the League of Augsburg must now be added an
element of further confusion in the East. On 28 July 1696 Peter the
Great of Russia had captured the Turkish stronghold of Azov, at the
mouth of the river Don, giving him easy access to the Sea of Axov. He

Hopf, Chroniques greco-romanes, Berlin, 1 873, pp. 385-90, gives the names of the rettori
and prowedltori of Aohaea, Messenia, Romania, and I^aoonla, as well as those of local
officials from 1692 to 1715. In this context, see also Oaetano Gozci, "La Repubblica di
Vcnezia in Morea: Un diritto per il nuovo Regno (1687-1715)," in L'Etd dei Lumi: Studi
storici 8ul Settccento europeo in onore di Franco Venturi, 2 vols., Naples, 1985, II,
739-99, dealing especially with Venetian letiahidon tebting to the Morea.

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Trwatiea o/Ryswidi and KmrlowttMf Peace between Vtnietat^ 401

also established a naval base at Taganrog In the northeast comer of the
Sea of Azov. Although the Turkish base at Kerch, the southern outlet
from the Sea of Azov, prevented Peter's entry into the Black Sea, it was
all too clear that Russia had become a serious threat to the Porte."" After
all, the Russians had launched attacks upon Constantinople as early as
the years 860 and 941, and who could be sure that they might not soon
do so again? As we have already observed (In a footnote), the English
and Dutch had been trying to persuade the Tuika to come to terms with
the Ilapsbufgs and their allies, while Louis XIV's emissaries had uiged
the Turks to remain at war.

Although the treaties of Ryswick had ended the War of the League of
Au^Jsbur^i, the Spanish question was fast coming to need an answer. It
seemed clear that the Bourbons and the Hapsburgs would be the chief
contenders for the Spanish crown when Charles II died, despite the Ba>
varian claim (which eventually disappeared when the elector's little son
died in 1699). It would obviously be helpful to the French if the Turks
continued their warfare with the Hapsburgs, which they apparently had
every intention of doing. The history of eastern Europe and that of Tur-
key were about to change, however, and one of the truly decisive battles
of the seventeenth century was about to take place.

As the sun was beginning to set on 1 1 September 1697 a large Turkish
army under Sultan Mustafa II and the grand vizir Elmas Mehmed Pasha
encountered the imperialist forces at Zenta (Senta) on the banks of the
river TIsa (Tisxa, Theiss) in northern Serbia. The imperialist com-
mander, as every student of history knows, was Prince Eugene of Savoy,
then thirty-four years of age, one of the most remarkable military figures
of modern times. With his usual boldness of direct attack, Eugene in-
flicted an overwhelming defeat upon the enemy. The Turks lost 25,000
men, including the grand vizir, the vizirs of Adana (Seyhan), Anatolia,
and Bosnia, plus more than thirty aghas of the Janissaries, sipahis, and
silihdars, as weU as seven horsetails (symbols of high authority), 100
pieces of heavy artillery, 423 banners, and the revered seal which the
sultan always entrusted to the grand vizir on an important campaign. The
grand vizir wore the seal hanging from his neck. There were many who
believed that it had never fallen into the hands of an enemy before the

^' Cf. l$.U. Sumner, refer the ("treat and the Ottoman Empire, Oxford, 1949. pp. 17-24.
In the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centurie.s the Ru.ssians were at war with the
Turks three times (1676-1681. 1687-1699. and 1710-1713). Aftermaking peace with the
Tnriu In 1700, Peter soon found himself at war with GhariM XII of Sweden, whom he
defeated at the b.ittle of Poltava (on 8 .luly 1 709). Thereafter, however, J'eter was himself
defeated by the Turks on the river Prut, and lost both Azov and Ta^aaro^ (in 1711-1712).
whldi lie never recovered (ibid., pp. 24-26, 40).

402

Venice, AuBtrUtf and the Turka in iftc Stvemetnth Centiuy

battle of Zenta. The Christians suffered a loM of 28 officers and 401 men
killed as well as 133 officers and 1,435 men wounded. To contemporar-
ies it seemed like a small price to pay for such a striking victory. Sultan
Mustafa never took the field again. ''^

The Thirty Years' War and the Austro-Turkish strife after 1683 had
wfou^t havoo in eaicern Europe. Lady Maiy Wordey Montagu had been
ohaimed by the magnificent palaces and the social life of Vienna (in
September 1716), as we have noted, but as she continued her travels,
the found that "the kingdom of Bohemia is the most desartof any I have
seen in Germany, the villages so poor and the post houses so miserable;
clean straw and fair water are blessings not allways to be found and
better accommodation not to be hop'd (for)." Prague, to be sure, re-
tained some of its royal past, and those who could not afford to live in
Vienna "ohuse to reside here, where they have assemblys, music, and all
other diversions (those of a Court excepted) at very moderate rates, all
tilings being here in great abundance, especially the best wild fomd I ever
tasted. . .

When Lady Mar>' went northward into Saxony, she was charmed by
Dresden, for "the town is the neatest 1 have seen in Germany — most of
the houses are new built, the Elector's Palace very handsome. . .
When she finally got into Hungary, she found Raab [Gyor] acceptable.
The cathedral was huge and weD built, **which is all that I saw remaik-
able in the town.** As she moved on, however, to the area of Komamo-
Komirom, milady's buoyancy was dampened:

Ivcaving Comora on the other side the river, we went the 18th to Nosmuhl, a
small village where, however, we made shift to tind tolerable accomodation. We
eontinu'd 2 days travelling between this place and Bnda, through the finest
plains in the worid, as even as if they were pav'd. and extreme fruitfull, but for
the most part desert and uncuhivated. laid waste by the long war between the
Turk and Emperour, and the more cruel civil war occassion'd by the barbarous
perwcadon of the Protestant religion by the Emperour Leopold. That Prince lias
left behind him the character of an extrodinary piety and was naturally of a mild
mercifull temper, but putting his conscience into the hands of a .lesuit, he was
more cruel and treacherous to his poor Hungarian subjects than ever the Turk
has been to the Christians, breaking without scrupule his coronation oath and
his faith solemnly given in many public treatys. Indeed, nothing can be more

The batde of Zenta, which tinally brought to an end the War of the Holy League, has
l>een described in some detsil l>y a nnmlier of lilstorians from von Hanmier>F^rgstall,
Gesch. d. osman. Reichcs, VI (1830. repr. 1963). 634-41, trans HeUeit, Xli, 416-25, tO
Max Braubach, Prinz Eugen von Savqyen, I (1963), 256-61.

" Robert Halsband, ed.. The Complete Leuen t^LadyHwy Wont^Montagu, 3 vols.,
Oxford. 1965-67, 1, 280, letter dated at Prague on 17 November O.S. (27 or pn»pei1y 28
November] 1716.

^ IMdL, 1, 282, letter dated at Leipsig 21 November O.8. |2 December} 1716.

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Treaties of Ryswick and Karlowitz, Peace between Venice and the Porte 403

mdandioly than travelling throagh Hungary, refileodng on the fbrnier flourish*
ing state of that Kingdom and seeing such a noble spot of earth allmost

uninhabited.

Lady Mary found Buda depressing,

once the royal seat of the Hungarian kings, where their palace was reokon'd one

of the most beautifull buildings of the age, now wholly destroy'd, no part of the
town having been repair'd since the last seige but the fortitications and the
castle, which is the present residence of the governour. . . .

As she proceeded on her Journey, going south toward Mohaes, she noted
two places,

both considerable towns when in the hands of the Turks, . . . now quite ruin'd;
only the remains of some Turkish towers shew something of what they have
been. This part of the country is very much overgrown with wood, and so Htde
frequented 'tis incredible what vast numbers of wild fowl we saw, who often live
here to a good old age "and, undisturb'd by guns, in quiet sleep.**

When Lady Mary reached the area of the Danube between Karlowitz
(Sremski Karlovci), where the treaties of 1699 were signed (as we shall
see in a moment), and the city of Petrovaradin (Petervarad), where Eu-
gene of Savoy had defeated the Turks in the battle of "Peterwardeln" (on
5 August 1716), and thereafter retook Belgrade, she was stunned by the
sight of the battlefield:

. . . We pass'd over the feilds of Carlowitz where the last great victory was
obtain'd by Prince Eugene over the Turks. The marks of that glorious bloody day
are yet recent, the feild being 8trew*d with the skuUs and carcases of nnbury'd
men, horses and camels. I could not look without horror on such numbers of
mangled humane bodys, and rertlect on the injustice of war that makes murther
not only necessary but meritorious. Nothing seems to me a plainer proofe of the
irrationality of manldnd (whatever line claims we pretend to reason) than die
rage with which they contest for a small spot of ground, when such vast parts of
fhiitfuU earth lye quite uninhabited. . .

From the last decades of the sixteenth century England and Holland
had maintained ambassadors at the Porte. The English embassy in fact
began in the year 1583 with the appointment of WiUiam Haibome as
agent of the recently established Levant Company. For almost two and a
half centuries the. English ambassador, whether at Istanbul or Adriano-

*iWdL, I, 298-301, 305, two letters, one dated at Petrovaradin on 30 January O.S. 1717,
and die other at Bdgnide on 12 Pelmiary O.8.

404

Venice, Austria, and the Turks in the Seventeenth Century

pie, played a dual role as envoy of the Grown and as agent of the mer-
chants who paid his salary. The Venetian bailie and the French ambassa-
dor had been resident on the Bosporus for a much longer period, the
Venetians largely for commercial reasons (which led the British and
Dutch to follow suit) and the French as a pivot in their anti-Hapsburg
policies.

The Austrian and Polish envoys came and went, as their govemments
sent them on one mission or another. Turkish embassies were much less
frequent and, as von Hammer-Purgstall reminds us, the envoys of the
Porte came back home "without having learned anything." It was only
from the beginning of the eighteenth century that Turkish envoys re-
turned to scatter in Ottoman soil some of the seeds of European culture,
custom, and convention.^ In this context the year 1699 becomes espe-
cially important.

For some years Lord William Paget had been suggesting the desirabil-
ity of peace to the Ottoman government. The battle of Zenta had cer-
tainly made the Turks more receptive to his oft-repeated advice. After
some fourteen months of dickering and deliberation and some three
months of arduous negotiation,''^ Paget could finally write the secretary
of state at Whitehall from the town of Karlowitz (Sremski Karlovci) on
the Danube in northern Serbia (on 26 January 1699):

This Express is dispatched to give His Majesty the news of the conclusion of
the treatyes of Peace which have ben debated here above 3 months, with danger
of breaking off severall times. The Moscovite seal'd his agreement the 14/24th.
The Emperor's ambassadors plenipotentiaries and the ambassador of I'oland
have subscribed and sealed their articles this day and, the the Venetian ambassa-
dor iGarlo Ruzzini] has not subscribed and signed his, nor seems to like them, yet
they have ben so well and carefully drawn with the intervention, assistance, and
industry of the imperial ambassadors that 'tis not doubted but the State of Ven-
ise will readily approve them, but because that ambassador has not orders to
conclude, time is allowed for his subscription to this treaty. So it is not doubted
but the Peace will be generall so soon as that plenipotentiary can hear from
Venise. . .

Cf. von Mammer-I'urg.st.ill, (icsch. d. osm<in. Rciches, VII, 3—4, with text altered in
Heliert, XIII, 5-6, and see A.C. Wood, "The English Embassy at Constantinople, 1660-
1762," English Historical Review, XL (1925), 533-61, a valuable article.

On the involved negotiations preceding the peace of Karlowitz — 36 conferences in 72
days — see von Hammer-Purgstall, Gesch. d. osman. Reiches, VI, 648-49, 652-78, trans.
Ifellert, XII, 435-37, 439-75.

PRO. SP 97, XXI, fol. 37, dispatch from Und Paget, dated at Karlowitz 16/26 .January
1699. In this context note the contemporary MS. Marc. It. VII, 407 (7494), Scrittura
intomo al Con^esso di Cartovitz, 70 fols., which begins with the observation that "se-
guita la Pace tra la Francia e le potenze collegate I'anno 1697 li 30 Ottobre nel Palazzo di
Riswich aU'Iiaiji [The Hague)," and goes on to discuss the background of events leading to
tlie Peace of Kaiiowitz, tlie principal negotiators I>eing die Turitisli emissaries Melimed

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TVeotfes o/Ryawtck and KarlowU*, Peace between Venice and the Porte 405

Paget and the Dutch envoy Jacob Golyer (Goljer) had been largely
responsible for the important Peace of Karlowitz, which preserves the
formal date 26 January 1699, involving the Emperor Leopold I, Sultan
Mustafa II, King William 111, the Allied Provinces of Belgium, and the
Protestant Netheriands, ending some sixteen years of savage warfare and
bloodshed (. . . per aedecim hucuaque annoa aaevum, exitiale et
mtUta humani sanguinis effusUme cruentum adeo helium . . .). King

Reis Effendi and the chief draioman Alessandro Mavrocordato, who of course represented

the Porte, the imperialists Wolf^Jan^ Ettin^ and Leopold Schlich, the Venetian Carlo Riiz-
zini, together with Polish, Russian, and other plenipotentiaries, with Lord William Paget
and the Dutch Count Jacob Golyer as the mediators who finally helped bring about the
peace of late January 1 699.

As usual coffee, pipes, sherbets, etc., helped to lubricate the meetings and solve various
problems. This text was probably written by a secretary of Carlo Ruzzini. It is also to be
found (with some variations) in MSS. Marc. It. VII, 902 (8220), fols. 48-77; 1255 (7968),
fols. 256-319, to which we shall return in a moment; and 2217 (9202), 67 fols., with a
drawing at fol. ly of the housing arrangements prepared for the plenipotentiaries and
other participants in the congress at Kariowitz (the Turlis, imperialists, Venetians, Rus-
sians, Poles, and the "mediators").

There is a huge collecticm of documents and letters (both originals and copies) now
available in a large vellum-bound volume in the Marciana, MS. It. VII, 399 (8625), Con-
gresso di Carlowitz (1699) e Carte relative a missioni di Carlo Ruzeini, with more than
650 pages of texts. They were apparently all drawn from the collection of Ruzzini, who
carefully assembled all the material he had access to before and after Karlowitz. This
volume contains letters of Franz Kinsky, Wm. Paget, J. Golyer, Alessandro Mavrocordato,
Leopold I, Robt. Sutton. William III of England, the doge Silvestro Valier, Wolfgang von
Ettingen (Etting), Leopold Schlick (Schlich), Francesco Loredan, the Venetian ambassa-
dor at Vienna, the dragomans Tommaso and Giacomo Tarsia, and numerous others. A
summary of the contents of this volume may be found in the Inventari dci ruduoscritti
delle Bihlioteche d'ltalia, vol. LXXXi [Venezia, Marciana), prepared by Pietro and Giulio
Zorzanello (Florence, 1956), pp. 143-55.

There is also a ReUitionc del Congresso di Curloviz e deWambasciaUi di Vienna di
Curio Ruzini Cuvtdier (1699) in MS. Marc. It. VII, 381 (7782), 79 fols., with a detailed
map in color put at the end of the volume, locating Karlowitz, Petrowardein, and other
important places as well as the quarters occupied by the Turks, the imperialists, the En-
glish and Dutch mediators at Karlowitz, together with the domus cor\ferentiarum and the
seating of the conferees. This work has been published by J. Fiedler, as noted In the
Inventttri, vol. LXXXI. cited above, pp. 126-27. The Peace of Karlowiu was the high spot
in the latter-day history of Venice.

Some of the major ditticuitles encountered at Karlowitz in achieving the short-lived
peace are covered from 25 September 1698 to 8 March 1699 in the Relatione delle cose
ptMftute td Congreaso di Pace tenuto in Carlovitz in the volume of Relazioni di antha-
sciutori, MS. Marc. It. VII. 1 255 (7968), fols. 256-319, referred to above. This dated diary
of negotiations, with the seating arrangements provided for William Paget, Jacob Golyer,
Garlo Ruzzini, the Ottoman Mehmed Reis Effendi, Alessandro Mavrocordato, and the sec-
retaries of the English and Dutch mediators as well as those of Venice and the Porte adds
no end of interest to a detailed text.

And finally there is a careful summary of contemporary events (beginning with the
memorable years 1 683-1 688), ranging over the whole of Europe but with especial empha-
sis upon Austria and Venice, in the Relatione del Congresso di Carlolivitz e deliamba-
nciutu di Vienna di Carlo Ruzini, Kavalier, in MS. Marc. It. Vli, 892 (7799), 180 fols.,
which Ruzzini presented to the doge in the year 1700, with an apology at the end (on fol.
1 79'), "Di me, Serenissimo Principe, non posso .scriver che con dolore di non haver possc-
duto talento eguale al destino di quel grand'affari. . . ."

406

Venice, Austria, and the Turks in the Seventeenth Century

Augustus II and the Republic of Poland as well as the Serene Republic of
Venice also quickly became signatories to the peace.''' As Russia now
became involved in another war with Sweden, Peter the Great also made
peace with the Porte when his possession of Azov was accepted."**^ From
the time of Kariowitz the spirit of European statecraft fastened Itself
upon the Turks, and thereafter Ottoman policy and practice entered the
byways of western diplomacy.

During the critical period Paget's strength of character, defiant hon-
esty, and diplomatic sicill endeared him to the Turks, and in March 1699
the sultan and the grand vizir wrote William III, requesting Paget's con-
tinuance at the Porte as the British ambassador. Reluctantly Paget re-
mained at the Ottoman court until May 1702, when he left Adrianople,
"laden with presents/' In July he reached Vienna, where he had also
been ambassador, and where he seems to have settled a dispute between
Leopold I and Mustafa II concerning their borderlands in Bosnia. Paget
left Vienna with "several rich gifts," going on to the court at Munich to
employ his bargaining skill in an effort to remove certain difficulties
between Leopold and Maximilian Emmanuel, the elector of Bavaria. Pa-
get Hnally got back to London in April 1703, bringing Queen Anne
twelve Turkish horses which Sultan Mustafa had given him.^^

Meanwhile from Belgrade, which the Austrians had taken in 1688, and
the Tuiks had soon recovered, Paget sent home a letter briefly describ-
ing something of the sequel to the signing of the first Treaties of Kario-
witz. The letter is dated 11 February 1699. In a modest way it also
depicts the importance the Turks had attached to his mediation in the
negotiations for peace.

After the publication of the Peace of Carlowitz [on\ January 16/26 the Turkish
ambassadors stay'd there *till Wensday of 25 Januaiy/4 February in expectation
of the arrival of an e.xpresse from Venice, who should have brought the ambassa-
dor's power to subscribe nnd seal his articles, but nothing appearing in that time,
they were obliged to set forward for Adrianople that the Port's ratification might
be remitted to me within the time appointed, so that they left Smima [Sremska
Mitrovica? ancient Sirmium| the 25th O.S. |4 February], and made towards Bel-
grade, where they arrived the 26th at night. We set out with them, but went more
leasurely, so that we got not in till Friday morning of 27th O.S., but then I was
received with extraordinary ceremonies and unusual circumstances. . . . The
Dutch ambassador [Jacob Colyer] came up some hours after me, and was like-
wise well entertained.

Dumont, Corps universel diplomatique, VII-2, nos. cx^viit-ocxi, pp. 448-59.

On 25 December 1698 a two years' armistice had been arranged between Mustafa II
and Peter I of Russia "by the mediation of his royal Majesty of Great Britain," which means
William Paget's involvement (Dumont, Vli-2, no. ccvii, pp. 447-48).

These facts have been taken from the brief sketch of William Paget's career by Gordon
Goodwin, in The Dictionary of National Biography, XV (repr. 1937-38), 64, and see
Wood, "The Bn^ish Embassy at CkHistaiiUnople," EHR, XL (1925), 546-48.

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Treatie» of Rytwick and Karlowita, Peace between Venice and the Porte 407

Since my arrlvall here. I am induced to think (from certain expressions, which
some of (the Venetian ambassador's] retinue who came with the Dutch ambassa-
dor to see this place, let fall) that the Venetian ambassador [Carlo Ruzzini] had
no mind to expedite his concenu, for they complained of the German and Polish
ambassadors for being to easy. They say'd that if those had stood oS a while,
they might have had much better terms, so that it seems that's his opinion, but
mine is that if others had been as full of fancy as he was, we had parted long 'eer
this without doing anything. It were to be wished that he might receive expresse
orders from his principals to sign his articles either before or at the arrival of the
Imperial ratification, else that business will remain uncertain, and meet with the
same unexpected and perhaps ungratefull accidents, which may make Its going
on uneasy, and the Emperor may be engaged in unnecessary inconveniences/^

In due or perhaps in I'aget's opinion undue time, the Venetian Si-
gnoria sent the Republic's "ratification of the treaty made by the impe-
rial ambassadors for them at the late Congress.*' According to Paget, **it
was dispatched to mee (signed by the Doge), and came to my hands the
13/23 February." So Paget reported from Belgrade on 20 March (1699),
and

the Imperial ratifications were exchanged (by us) at Slankamen the 4/14 instant
|14 March): With the ceremonie the difficult business is happily ended, with the

satisfaction of all parties, and I am preparing to return to Adrianople and to go
from hence to Constantinople, where I expect and hope to tind my succes-
sor. . .

When the Venetian Senate had accepted the articles of the proposed

peace of Karlowitz. after weighing the pros and cons in numerous dis-
patches from Carlo Ruzzini, the Republic's amhasciatore plenipoten-
tinrio, the motion was made and passed (on 12 March 1699) to elect an
"honorable noble" as aynbasciatorc cstraordinario to the Turks. The
person chosen for the post was to leave promptly for the Porte to effect
the final, formal ratification of the Turco-Venetian treaty. He would re-
ceive 400 ducats a month for his expenses, "with no obligation to render
account thereof," as well as a gift of 5,000 scudi at the rate of seven lire
to the scudo. lie was to take with him fifteen horses, including those of
his secretary, a servant, and four grooms. He was also to take with him a
physician, to whom a hundred sequins {zechini) would be given as a gift,

*^ FRO, 6V 97. XXI. fol. 43. letter dated at Belgrade on 1/1 1 February 1699. In England
the Gregorian calendar (of 1582) was adopted in 1752, omitting ten days from the Julian
c.'ileiidar up to t!ic year 1700, thereafter eleven days to 1800, twelve days to 1900 (and
thirteen days to 2100). References to both the Julian calendar (Old Style) and the Grego-
rian (New Style), with their ten-day difference, are conmion In the seventeenth century.
On the disputes and complications attending the introduction of the Gregorian calendar,
see F.K. Ginzel, Handhuch der mathematischen und technischen Chronologie, III (L<eip-
zig. 1914), 266-79.

" PRO. SP 97, XXI, fol. 49, letter dated at Belgrade on 10/20 Maroh 1699.

408

Venice, Austria, and the Turk* in the Seventeenth Century

and a barber-surgeon, who would receive fifty sequins. The physician
would have a servant. The Signoria assumed the costs of their "traveling
expenses," le spese di hocca e di via^0o. The provisions made for the
coming embassy, which was to include (in addition to the ambassador's
secretary) a coadjutor, an accountant, and a chaplain, were almost ex-
actly the tame as those aooorded Alvlse da Molln upon his election as
ambassador extraordinary to the Porte thirty years l)efore (on 18 Oc-
tober 1669).**

Lorenso Soranso was elected ambassador extraordinary to the Porte.
After the usual expressions of appreciation for his past services and
confidence in his proper fulfillment of the manifold responsibilities of his
forthcoming mission, the doge Silvestro Valier and the Senate issued his
commission on 27 June 1699. The ships Croce and Iride were going to
convey him to the Dardanelles, where he would find other vessels and
other ministers, the Austrians apparently having made most of the neces-
sary arrangements. On 27 June the Senate also approved the dispatch of
appropriate letters to the sultan, the mufti, the grand vizir, the
kaimakam, and other vizirs, as well as to the sultan's mother and "alia
regina sposa del Gran Signore.'""

Upon his arrival at the Porte, Soranzo was to present the doge's letter
to the grand vizir, making clear to the latter that the purpose of his

mission was indeed ratification of the peace negotiated at Kailowitf . He
was to express pleasure and satisfaction in the renewal of tranquillity
which would save so many treasures and stop the shedding of blood,

"considerando it vantaggio del commercio e raffermando che dalla parte
della Republica sarano inviolabilmente osser\'ate le conditioni di essa
(pace]." The Signoria wished to see the old friendship restored between
Venice and the Porte, and to help maintain this it had been decided to
appoint a bailie who, as in the past, would be resident on the Bosporus.
Soranzo was to assure the grand vizir of the high esteem in which the
doge and Senate held him. If the grand vizir was not in Istanbul, Soranzo
m ust go to Adrlanople to confer with him, and there must be observed "il
piu decoroso trattamento solito con ambasciatori di teste coronate,"
i.e., Soranzo must receive the same honorable reception as had in the
past been accorded the ambassadors Badoer, an earlier Soranzo, Fosca-
rini, and Molin.**

When Soranzo was received by Sultan Mustafa II (as the Signoria

^Senato, Delib. Custantinopoii (Secreta), Reg. 35. fols. 108-109' |206-207'j, doo.
dated 12 Maroli 1699, the vote being 4-187 fde fxir(e|, — A \de non], — ^5 fntm ainceri], and

on the remuneration for the ambassador's staff, note also, ibid., fols. 129*-] 30' (227*-
228'|. On the terms of Alvise da Molin's election as ambassador extraordinary to the Forte,
sec above, pp. 229-30.

" Delib. Costantinopoli, Rc^. 3.S. fols. 126', 124, and 125.

** Lorenzo Soranzo's commission as ambassador extraordinary to the Porte is given in
die Ddib. GoMandnopoli Reg. 35. fob. 126-130 |224-228l, dated 27 June 1699.

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Treatiea of Ryawick and Karlawttm, Ptace between Vcniot and the PurU 409

hoped he would be), he was to give him the customary greeting **in the
name of our Republic/' deliver his letters of credence, and present the
sultan "with the usual gifts." He was to speak of the solemn confirmation
of the peace and the Turco-Venetian friendship of past years "in i^rave
and appropriate words." Before his departure Soranzo would be given a
copy of the Republic's treaty with the Porte, "that is, of the sixteen
authentic articles in the Turkish language signed at Kariowits.***^ He was
also to receive a copy of the peace which Alvise da Molin had made with
Porte in 1670. Soranzo was to seek whatever further advantage he could
while he was at the Turkish court, and effect the exchange of prisoners,
lists of whose names he was to take with him. He must find out the
method, time, and place of the liberation of these prisoners, "especially
of the nobleman [Pictro Antonio] Bembo."^

Soranzo must look to the commercial advantages he could gain for the
Republic, taking care to see that all Turkish ports were opened to Vene-
tian merchants, who should not be required to pay hi^er tolls than
those paid by other nations, i.e., the five percent toll paid by the Vene-
tian merchants should be reduced to the three percent which certain
others were paying. Until the new bailie arrived in Istanbul, Soranzo
must take care of the "familia ordinaria" of the bailaggio at Hera. Besides
certain dragomans Soranzo was to take with him six "giovani di lingua,"
Venetian students of Turkish who would live at the bailaggio, doing their
best to master the language for subsequent employment by the Signoria.

At least one of these students must always accompany whatever drag-
oman goes to the Porte to assist him in any way possible as well as to
acquire some experience and further knowledge of the Ottoman court to
make him of greater service to the Signoria. In fact Soranzo must see to
the reestablishment of the Turkish school at the bailaggio, and inform
the Senate of which sons or nephews of the dragomans might later be
employed by the Signoria. Some of them should be enroled in the school
In accord with an enactment of the Senate (of 27 December 1670).^

The sixteen articles of the Tureo- Venetian treaty of Kariowltc are f^Wen (in Italian and
Prenoh) In Dnmont. (Jorps univcrsel diplotnatiifue, VII-2 (1731), no. ccx, pp. 4.S.1-58.

^On Bembo, note the Deiib. Cosuntinopoll, Re^ 35, fol. ISC', doc. dated 11 March
1700. Bembo had been capcnrcd when his ^Uey was sunk on 6 Jniy 1697 (TonmiMo
Bcrtelc. // raUuun degH ambatekMiri dt Vcncsto a CoetantinopoH, Bologm. 1932, p.
J33, note 17).

On Ac need of pixivldlni the nuimncripcs and Inscruoclon neoessary for the study of

Arnbic and Turkish (per In slahilimenio d\ma scuola delta linfiua Arctbu c Tiirca). one
may consult the memorandum addressed to the Venetian Senate by one Saiamone Negri
sometime early in the year 1706 (ASV, Senato III (Secreta), Dispacci Costantiiiopoll, Pilaa
169 |21 March 1706 to 21 May 1710|. fols. 39-44, 593, at which time Carlo RuzzinI was
ambassador and Ascanio Giusttnian bailie to the Porte). On the lonj^ history of the Tarsia
family as Interpreters or dragomans, cf., ibid., fols. 74ff., 360; and on C^hristoforo Tarsia, of
tHMNU mention is nuKle elsewhere, see, ibid^ FUsa 171, fols. 48Jff., and esp. Filia 1 72, fols.
136-145', a dispatdi of die baUle Andran Meow dMed 20 Dee«aber 1714. Alw on die
ignoranoe of Tvriilsh at Venloe (and die laok of taMtmoilon dierein), die "sohool" of

410

Venice, Austria, and the Turks in the Se%)enteenth Century

Soranzo must see to the reconstruction of the church of S. Francesco
di Pera in Galata, which had always been maintained by Venice despite
its destruction by frequent fires in the past. He must also extend the
protection of Venice to the Fathers of the Holy Sepulcher of Jerusalem,
as had been done in the past. And of course Soranzo was to pay the usual
wages, and give the usual provisions and appropriate gifts to the janis-
saries who made up the guard at the "oasa bailaggia" in Pera.^

Soranzo did not arrive in Istanbul until 13 November (1699), havii^
sent the Venetian dra;^oman Giacomo Tarsia ahead when his ship came
in sight of the island of Tenedos. He received an almost royal reception
with five salvos of Turkish cannon fire "all'arrivo in facia del Tenedo."
The Turks had shown great respect for the Venetian ambassador.^^ In
fact the pasha of Tenedos paid Soranzo a visit, bringing him refresh-
ments, to which courtesy he responded by giving the Tui^ confections
and candles, of which the Signoria informed Soranzo they would send
him a further supply. As Soranzo came to the Dardanelles, he was
greeted with another salvo of cannon fire, and the kapudan pasha sent a
chavush and his adopted son to bid the ambassador a welcome to Istan-
bul. Soranzo entered the Turkish capital incognito, whereupon the grand
vizir immediately sent his agha to him with further refreshments, and the
other pashas made similar gestures.^

The Senate was pleased that Soranzo, following the example of the
other ministers and the custom of the Turks, had sent the new French
ambassador his greetings with a word of welcome to the diplomatic col-
ony on the Bosporus, "not waiting until he should give you notice of his
arrival," as his predecessor had done. The courteous response of the

Turkish at Istanbul (and its failure on several occasions), the dragomans (and the perils to
which they were subjected), the f>invani di lingiui (and their occasional temptation to
become Turks because of "la lussuria di quelle donnc turche"), etc., see Paolo Preto,
Venezia e i Titrchi. Florence, l')?.'^, pp. 95-1 l.S, and cf., above. Chapter I, note 41.

As noted above, l^>rcnz(> Soran/.o's commission is to be found in the Delib. Costanti-
nopoli, Reg. 35, fols. 126-130. and cf., ibid., fols. Kllff., 147ff., M^r-KSO, vt alibi. Gifts
were always an important part of placating the Turks (fols. 136% ISf-lST, 162', et aitbi).

The bailie's house in Istanbul had fallen into serious disrepair during the recent war, and
required serious attention, on which see the Delib. Costantinopoli, Reg. 35, fol. 166'
|264'], aliambusciator estruordinurio alia Fortu: "Sopra gl'avisi del {Tomasoj Tarsia
(the Republic's grand dragoman in Istanbul] che la casa bailaggia si ritrovasse bisognosa di
ri.sarcimento, savia rileviamo la speditione oh'havevate fatta per via di terra a Costantino-
poli, ordinandoli I'allestimento d'alloggio capaoe al vostro numeroso seguito" (doc. dated
20 November 1699, and note, ibid., fols. 179*-180', on Tarsia and the need to repair the
casa baila>«j*ia, doc. dated 1 1 March 1700). Cf. Bcrtelc. // Pal<tzzo dc^li mnhasciatnri di
Venezia a Costantinopoli (1932), pp. 253ff., 332ff., and note pp. 82, 85. "As for the
church of 8. Francesco in Galata," according to a ducal letter to Soranzo of 8 May 1700
(Delib. Costantinopoli. Reg. .15, fol. 190*), "it has already been turned into a mosque."

" The doge and Senate had learned with pleasure "che ne'discorsi tenuti con voi da
Turohi habbiano mostrato la degna impressione ch'ha lasciato nell'animo loro la vaioroM
condotta de nostri commandanti ncUa decorosa guem . . ." (Delib. Costantinopoli, Reg.
35, fol. 179. doc. dated 11 March 1700).

"Ibid., fol 179'.

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Treaties of Ryswick and Karhwitg, Peace between Venice and the Porte 411

French ambassador was important to the Signoria, for tact and courdy
gestures were the lubricants of protocol and diplomacy. But of course
ambassadors always had problems to deal with and, as the Senate
warned Soranzo, "important are the maneuverings of the representa-
tives of Muscovy who, it appears, are awaiting the arrival of the imperial
ambassador to make some new proposals, about which you must make
every effort to find out whether they are tending toward a truce or the
conclusion of a complete peace.'**^

On the whole Lorenzo Soranzo was successful in procuring informa-
tion for the Signoria. What is more, however, he not only easily effected
the ratification of the Turco-Venetian treaty of Karlowitz (signed so re-
luctantly by the Republic's so-called plenipotentiary Carlo Ruzzini), but
succeeded in making a number of addenda thereto which, long kept
secret, renewed in large part the more favorable '^capitulations" of the
earlier Turco-Venetian treaties. But not the least of Soranzo's worries,
during his years in Istanbul, was the restoration of the casa baiU^gia,
which had received little attention during the recent fifteen years of
warfare.'"*

Venice fared well in the Peace of Karlowitz, retaining the entire "king-
dom" of the Morea, the seven Ionian islands, the two Cretan fortress
towns of Suda and Spinalonga, Butrinto, Parga, Gattaro (Kotor), Castel-
nuovo (Herceg Novi), and Risano (Risan) on the Dalmatian coast, plus
the islands of Aegina and Tenos in the Aegean. She was to give up all
claim to la fortezza di Lepanto, and the castello detto di Rumelin, near
the entrance to the Gulf of Corinth, was to be demolished. As for the
Empire, Leopold I held on to the kingdom of Hungary, all Transylvania

" Dellb. Costantinopoli. Keg. 35, fols. 180^-181'. doc. dated 11 March 1700.

Bertele, // Palazzo t/c^/j ambasciatori di Vcnezia a Costantinopoli (1932), pp. 253-
58, 332-33. Soranzo's reception at the Porte seems to have surprised the Signoria, on
which cf. the Dehh. Costantinopoli, Reg. 35, fols. 188*-19r 1286''-280''|, doc. dated 8 May
1700: "All'anibasciator estraordinario alia Porta Ottomana, Gavaliere Soranzo: ... II
vostro solennc ingrcsso, la vtoita al prime visire, I'audienza ottenuta dal Sultano, I'altre
visite de'principali ministri, e quelle date e ricevute da ministri deH'cstere nation! non
potcvano essere esseguite respettlvamente con piu propriety nh con maggior splendore.

"Godiamo intendere che in ognuno deH'accennati incontri oltre li caftani distribuiti in
numero ma^iore del solito a quelll del vostro seguito, habbiate esato la coirispondenza

quale ben si conveniva alia dignita della Republica ct al decoro della publica rappresen-
tanza, godendo particolarmente ch'il Gran Signore con la voce propria habbia dato la
risposta alia vostra pnidente esposltione, signiHcandovi le commission! ritasciate per Tes-
tesa della ratificatione alii capitoli accordati in Carlovitz."

Dumont, VI 1-2, no. ccx, pp. 254-58, and on the Venetians' continued possession of
the island of Aegina. cf. Delib. Costantinopoli, Reg. 35. fol. 160" 1258*1, doc. dated 5
November 1699, a dispatch of the doge and Senate to the ambassador Soranzo. There were
always problems in the confirmation of a treaty, and on the ditHcuIties now involved in
establishing the Turco-Venetian boundaries in Dalmatia, with the approaches to Castel-
nuovo, Cattaro, and Ragusa, sec the Delib. Costantinopoli, Reg. 35, esp. fols. 161ff.
|259ff.l, 183ff. 1281 ff.l, 191 ff. [289ff.l, 196' |294X 204''ff. [iOZ^H.], et alibi, docs, dated
1699-1700.

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412

Venice, Avatria, and the Turka in the SeventeenUt Century

then in his possession, Croatia, and Slavonia, while Sultan Mustafa II
kept the banat of Temesvar {Arx Temisvariensis), the city of Belgrade,
and certain other territories. The treaty or "armistice" was to last for
twenty-Hve years. And, Hnally, the Turks recognized Poland's right to
Podolia and the western Ukraine.'^

The quesdon most have arisen in many a mind as to how long these
agreements would last, for the projected twenty*five years of peace were
emphasised only in the Turkish agreement with the Empire, not in diose
with Venice and Poland. The Austrians had done well through the years.
Since raising the siege of Vienna in 1683 they had won nine notable
victories in fourteen campaigns. Also they had either taken or retained
their hold upon nine fortress towns of importance, including Gyor
(Raab), Esztergom (Gran), Buda[pest], Szekesfehervar (Stuhlweissen-
burg), Osijek (Esseg, Eszek), Petrovaiadin (Peterwardein, P^terWunad),
and Oradea (Grosswardein, Nagyvirad). It was a goodly haul.

One often pays a price for success, «id so did milord Paget for, as we
have noted, at the request of Sultan Mustafa II his appointment as am-
bassador to the Porte was to go on for another three years. In 1701 he
was succeeded by Sir Robert Sutton, whose dispatches to Whitehall
show that by the spring of 1 702 there was a high state of tension between
Venice and the Porte as a result of the Venetians' seizure of a Turkish
vessel with goods aboard worth 200,000 dollars. The French and Dutch
consuls were also incensed at the Venetians, for their principals "had
concerns in |the vessel] to the extent of 20,000 dollars each.** Further-
more, as Sutton wrote the secretary of state at Whitehall on 4 May
( 1 702), "This accident serves to sour the minds of the Turks against the
Republick, whereas it was before observable that they are not able to
brook the loss of the Morea to the Venetians."^® Nevertheless, peace did
continue between Venice and the Porte for another dozen years.

The Turks, however, were adding to their armada, as Sutton informed
the secretary of state, piling up "peculiarly great magazins of ammuni-
tion and provisions near the Moren." They had also sent their best and
oldest troops to areas close by the Morea. The Sultana Valide, the
mother of Mustafa II, "who has a great ascendant over the Grand Signor,
her having lost a great part of her rents which lay in that kingdome," was
obviously anxious to see the Turks retake the Morea. Sutton thought it
"doubtful! how long the Republic^ will be able to keep friends with this

Dumont. VII 2. no. ccviii, pp. 448-51.
" Ibid., VIII-2. no. ccix, p. 452.

" PRO, 8P 97, XXI, fol. 96, letter dated it Adrianople on 23 April 1702, O.8. or, after

1700 adding ten days lit tllOttkl be devcn] ^ May, but the ten-day difference linjjers on for
some time into the ei^teeitth oentniy. Sutton was knighted in 1701, and thereafter sent to
Ittanbol, where he remained aa ambaaaador for fifteen years (nntil 1716).

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Treaties of Ryswick and KartowitM, Peace between Venice and the Porte 413

Empire (the Porte], which is not insensible of the fair opportunity they
have by all Ghristendome being embroyled in a war," i.e., the War of the

Spanish Succession had just begun. Sutton wished to know, therefore, if
the Turks chose to 0,0 to war, "whether his Majesty will be pleased to
allow that endeavours may be used to shew them that it is more their
interest to break with the Muscovites then the Venetians. . .

The Venetian ambassador was trying to calm the wrath of the pashas
by the payment of money **for reparation of the affront and damma^
. . . , but there is a new dispute arisen which will imbroil them further."
A sea rover had in fact just seized a Turkish saique near Negroponte.
Some of the men aboard had managed to escape and make their way to
Adrianople, "where they have made their complaints," and apparently
produced some measure of proof "that the corsair belongs to the Morea
and is consequently a subject of Venice.**

According to Sutton, the French were stirring the embers, apparently
seeking to "ingage the Portfe] in a war against the Republic if not against
the Germans, whom they know to be weak in Hungary, having their
hands full elsewhere." The Germans, i.e., the Austrians, had sent no
envoy or minister to Istanbul, and seemed to have little interest in Turk-
ish affairs. However, as Sutton wrote the secretary of state, "I must not
omit to acquaint your Lordship that the Venetians, but more especially
the French, give any considerable sums of mony at the Port to obtain
their ends, which is an advantage generally denied to us.****^

Except for the periods during which the Kopriiliis were dominant in
Istanbul, the grand vizirs, kaimakams, rcis effendis, and other high orti-
cials of the Porte put in an appearance and made their departure with
disturbing rapidity throughout the seventeenth century.''' In a dispatch
of August 1 702 Sir Robert Sutton takes us through some of the rocks and
reefs endangering the Turkish government. The mufU or chief Juriscon>
suit of the sacred law in Istanbul [Seld Febullah], "hath found the secret
of so managing the Queen Mother (the Sultana Valide] that she is come
entirely into his interests, and they two joyning together, which happens
as often as the one hath the least need of the other's assistance, carry all

Sutton, ibidem.

^ I'RO, Si> 97. XXI. fol. 100, despatch dated at i'era of CkNisUintinople on 30 May O.S. |9
Juncl 1702. and received at Whitehall on 12 August.

Note the turmoil at the Porte and the changes in Turkish oflloialdom when Mustafa II
ascended the Ottoman throne, as described in the Venetian Dellb. Gostantlnopoll, Ref. 35,
fob. 101-102' |199-200n. entry under 25 June 1695. relating to events which took frface
in early May. In fact Sultan Mustafa informed a timorous pasha who was trying to avoid the
responsibilities of the grand viziratc, rappreaentundo la propria debolezza et inhabilitd
per la direttkme del comnumdh, "If you do not accept this ministry, yon will die now, and
if you accept it and govern badly, you will die somewhat later. Therefore accept it to live a
while longer. Also Kopriilii was much younger than you, but my father, along with
KdprfllO't prudent ipvenMnce, quietly eq|oyed eighteen yean of iHOfier Imiierial rule!**

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414

Vcnioe, Auatria, and the Turka In ikt Seventeenth Century

things at irfeasure.'* The reis cffcndl, who served under the grand visir
[Amudshazade Hussein Kopriilii] as a sort of chancellor, was very astute,
and bein^ only too well aware of the mufti s influence over the court, he
tried to win his favor. For some time the reis effendi [Abdul Kerimbegj
had succeeded in keeping the mufti and the grand vizir on good terms,
but he knew that, as the two mt^or figures at the court, they would
inevitably fall apart. The reis effendi, therefore, soon threw in his lot with
the mufti.

At first Abdul KerimbejCt, the reis effendi, dealt cautiously with the
grand vizir. When the latter, however, resigned from his exalted post [on
5 September 1702], the reis effendi, "a person like the mufti, alwaies
ready to follow interest without any reguard to publick faith or engage-
ments," acquired a large part of the grand visir*s power of governance.
The grand visir, a man of character in Sutton's opinion, had made peace
with the enemies of the Porte. He had followed the course of justice. Now
he had been set aside, "because there are designs laying which he may
be too just to approve." The mufti had taken over.

The Grand Signor's master of the horse, his nephew, had been stran-
gled. His favorite kiaya, "an otticer who does almost all the business
under him," had been removed; another kiaya, an underling of the mufti,
had been put in his pkuse. The Grand Signer [Mustafa II], in Sutton's
view, really had no future, considering "his own age and infirmities, he
now lying under an obstruction in his liver, all these have brought him
down to so low a condition that he probably cannot last long." In this
regard Sutton was to be proved quite right.

With the change of vizir, Sutton thought " 'tis much too be feared it
will not be long before a war is begun by the Port[e] on one side or
another." Hie war would most likely be directed against the Venetians
for, as Sutton had already informed the secretary's office at Whitehall,
"the Turks cannot brook the loss of the Morea, and do not scruple to say
openly that they cannot leave that Rcpublik time to digest so rich a
morsel." It would be easy, Sutton believed, for the Turks to wrest the
Morea from the V^enetians. The Austrians, Poles, and Muscovites were
wrapped up in their own struggles. A large part of the Sultana Vallde*s
income had been derived from the Morea. She was presumably seeking
its return. Indeed, that the Morea was the Turks' mi^or objective seemed
clear as a consequence of "their having sent their oldest and best troops
to the frontiers of the Morea and taken particular care to furnish well
their magazins there with ammunition and provisions, great quantities
whereof have been transported to Lepanto, Ncgropon[te], and
elsewhere."

The Turits were also increasing their fleet, to which they intended to
add 40 ships, while "those they haVe already amounting to about 30, are
almost all very huge ships." A new ship in the Arsenal, now ready to be

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Treaties of Fyswick and Karlowtts, Peace between Venice and the Porte 415

launched, had "holes pierced for 120 guns." There was another on the
stocks at Istanbul which would carry between 50 and 60 guns, and five or
six more of the same size were abuilding on the coast of the Black Sea.
"The disputes witch the ministers of the Fort continually raise with the
Venetians show the aversion they have to that Republic and their readi-
ness to quarrel with it." The Turks had also become angry with the
Emperor Leopold of late, for '*the Emperor neglects his concerns with
the Port as much as if he were indifferent whether he was to continue in
peace with this [Ottoman] empire or not." The French were using "all
imaginable artifice as well as mony" to embroil the Turks in renewed
warfare with the Austrians or the Venetians, which would be of obvious
advantage to the French, as the War of the Spanish Succession gained
momentum.

The longer Sutton watched the political drama in Istanbul, the more
downhearted he became. On 12 January 1703 he wrote the secretary of
state at Whitehall that "there are two or three crafty ministers present in
this government who are heaping up immense riches by the most indi-
rect means/' He would seem to be referring to the mufti and the reis
effendi, whose names he does not give. In any event the unholy two (or
three) were selling "their protection to those who commit the greatest
injustices towards the Prank nations," i.e., the western Europeans, for
the safety of whose properties and persons Sutton now entertained no
little doubt. The two or three ministers in question had such a capacity
for deception that they "never give any satisfaction but in fair words,
contriving to defeat the etfect of their own orders and commands for
redresse of injuries."

Such violations of justice seemed never to have been done in the past,
in times of high prosperity, despite the haughtiness of the vizirs. The
ministers in question paid no heed to the letters of ambassadors and
made "a sport of the remonstrances of our druggermen." If they contin-
ued in this arrogant fashion, Sutton feared they might ultimately be
drawn "to invade the countries of their neighbors," which evoked Sut-
ton's concern that the interests of her Majesty's subjects — merchants
and ship-owners — might be "in a much worse state then ever they used
to be when the Port was engaged most in war."**

As Sir Robert Sutton warned the British government that the intrigues
and turmoil within the Ottoman government posed a danger to the Le-
vant Company, just so did Antonio Nani, proveditor general in Morea,
warn the Venetian Signoria (from Argos on 28 May 1703) that one must

PRO, 8P 97, XXI, fols. 86*-88, dispatch dated at Pera of Ck>n8tantinople 7/18 August

1702.

" I'RO, SP 97, XXI, fol. 118, dispatch dated at "I'era of Constantinople," 12 January
1702/3.

416

Venice, Auatria, and tht Ttwka In the Seventeenth Century

keep • watchful eye upon the Morea, Vantemurale del publico dominio
in Levante. Their powerful neighbor, the Turk, who was always alert to
profit from opportunity, would certainly aspire to seize possession of the
so-called kingdom. Therefore the best use of peace was to prepare for
war. Nani describes, as others had done before him, the strengths and
weaknesses of the chief fortress towns of the Morea — ^Nauplia-Pakunidl,
Monemvasia, Modon and Goron, the two Navarlnos (Vecchio e Ntiovo)^
and the Important Castle of the Morea, "situato allMmbocoatura del
Golfo di Lepanto e In se stesso un posto rlguardevole, e la vicinanza in
cui e di Patrnsso, plazza totalmente mancante, lo rende piu aooreditato e
considerabile."^"*

Nani also called attention to the Mainotes of Brazzo di Maina at the
southern end of Mt. Taygetus in the Morea, "people who are restless and
fierce [by nature], and have always aroused apprehension in the mind of
whoever has had dominion over them.*'^ The Mainotes had long been
well known for their sustained hostility to the Turks. How would the
Venetians make out with them?

In August 1702 Sutton had informed the secretariat of state at White-
hall that the Grand Signor Mustafa II probably could not last much
longer. And he was quite right. On 4 September 1703 Antonio Nani
wrote the doge and Senate that as the consequence of a "noisy revolt at
the court of Ck>nstantinople [on 22 August 1703] the rebels have put the
scepter in the hand of Mustafa [sic], brother of Sultan Mehmed, having
out to pieces the mufti [PelzullflJi] and the agha of the Janissaries [Tsha*
lik], while the grand vizir [Rami Pasha] fled with the minister [Alessan-
dro] Mavrocordato. ..." The provveditore of Achaea had confirmed the
report which Nani had received, adding that for three days at Lepanto
forty shots of cannon had solemnized the "new coronation." Such a
crisis in the Ottoman government required serious thought on the part of
the Venetian Signoria: popoli nuUcontentif gfinii deaideroai di fwoUd,
monarca d'etd giovanile, di spirid superbi eferoci, pianuito sul trono
da sudditi ribelli al frattello^ armi in moto formano un in^elice
aapetta . .

*^ The dispatches of Antonio Nani from 22 April 1703 to 27 December 1705 may be
found in the ASV, Senato, Frovv. da terra e da mar, Filza 852. The letter from Argos, dated
28 May 1703, is the tllinl entry in this "Hie." Despite the peace of Karlowitz piracy re-
mained an unceasini meiMoe (cf. Delib. Costantinopoli, Re^ 35, fol. 187' (2851, doc.
dated 15 April 1700).

Ibid., Filza 852, entry no. 5, dispatch dated at Kalamata on 4 August 1703.

**'lbid., FUza 852, entry no. 6. dispatch of Antonio Nani to the doge and Senate, Ro-
mania H 4 Settembre 1703 S[til] S'\()vo], which text is followed by an account from Cor-
inth, dated 2 September, of the deposition of Sultan Mustafa II. On the uprising in Istan-
bul, see also, ibid., entry no. 7, dated 2 October 1703. Obviously either Nani or his
secretary was oonfuwd as to die name of die saltan depoaed and die name <rf his successor

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Treaties of Ifyswick and KarlowU», Peace between Venice and the Porte 417

The rebellion had arisen on the Bosporus and in Adrianople, extending
over some thirty-six days, from 1 7 July to 22 August 1 703, ending on the
latter date when Mustafa 11, who died the following year, was replaced by
his younger brother Ahmed III.*^ As for the latter, Antonio Nani wrote
the doge and Senate in mid-May 1704 that according to word which he
had recently received from a confidante, who paid constant attention to
the goings-on in Istanbul, the new sultan was much concerned with mili-
tary preparations. The army was already on the way to Adrianople,
where an armed fortress had been established. Some thought that the
new kapudan pasha [Osman] was to go with the armada to the Black Sea
"to give a hand to the construction of the castle" which had been started
the year before. The serasker was allegedly instructed to go by land with
a body of troops to assist in the building of the castle and to protect the
kapudan pasha.

The attention which the sultan was giving to strengthening the Turicish
"maritime armament" was certainly worrisome. Despite assurances of

the sultan's good intentions, Nani was apprehensive, for there could be
no doubt as to his fierce and warlike spirit, and Christians knew that the
oath of a barbarian prince was worthless. Also the young Ahmed III was
fired with ambition to embark upon some undertaking to make a name
for himself and perhaps avail himself of Venetian weakness in
the Morea.**

Antonio Nani did indeed see weakness in the Venetian forces sta-
tioned in the Morea. The old discipline, which had been so well main-
tained during the late war, had grown "rusty and lax as a result of the
idleness of peace." Nani therefore took the officers under him to task.
The effectiveness of the soldiery had declined owing to the inattention of
their captains; the men had been unnerved by their "listless leisure**
{languido ripo8o)^ and they must learn again to bear the heavy weight of
armaments.** In the meantime Nani was trying to keep track of the turn
of events in Adrianople and Istanbul.

On 22 Feiiruary 1 705 Nani wrote the doge and Senate that the report
had been confirmed of the removal from the grand vizirate of Kalailikoz
Ahmed Fasha, who had been replaced by Baltadji Mehmed Pasha. Ka-
la'ilikoz had fallen from power on 25 December 1704. Nani had learned
the news from the Venetian bailie on the Bosporus. Mehmed appeared to
be a lover of tranquillity, for he was placid by nature, and was deariy

"Von llammer-Purgstall, Gesch. d. osman. Reichcs, VII (1S31, repr. 1963), 73-86,
trans. Hcllert, XIII (1839), 110-29.

Prow, da terra e da mar, Filza 852, entry no. 14, dispatch dated at Mistra on 17 May

1704.

*^lbid., Filza 852, entry no. 15, dispatch dated at Tripolitza on 30 May 1704.

418

Venice, Attstria, and the Turks in the Seventeenth Century

enjoying the peace which then obtained under Sultan Ahmed III, who
had been looked upon as a would-be warrior (and indeed he would even-
tually turn out to be so). In the meantime Nani as proveditor general in
Morea was trying to maintain the best possible relations {la migliore
corrispondenza) with his Turkish neighbors so that Venice should not
be subjected to any undue hardship/**

In the meantime life was peaceful in the Morea. On 1 September 1705
Antonio Nani acknowledged receipt of a "revered ducal letter/' dated 10
June, which the Senate had sent him, along with a decree relating to the
alms which had been collected in the Veneto "for the maintenance of the
Holy Sepulcher of Jerusalem." Nani had distributed a copy of the text of
the decree to all the prelates and parish priests in the Moreote provinces,
"those of the Latin as well as of the Greek rite," seeking to enlist their
support of the Signoria's pious objective of raising money for the upkeep
of the church (built on the assumed site of Christ's burial). Nani assured
the Signoria he would do his best to see that money was indeed raised
and taken care of for the sacred purpose which the Senate was fostering.
In this letter, however, he also dilates on the necessity of maintaining
"that sound discipline which, acquired at the price of blood in the last
war [with the Turks], now requires all our attention. . .

Like his predecessors and successors, as proveditori generali in
Morea, Antonio Nani had had many worries and responsibilities. The
dispatches to the Signoria are concerned with problems relating to mar>
iners, galley slaves, and shipwrecks, garrisons, available troops, and
shortages of manpower, tolls, taxes, contraband, and the lack of funds
needed for various purposes, with particular attention to the correspon-
dence between the local pashas and the Venetian officials. The weakness
of the three regiments of dragoons and the other forces in the Morea was
worrisome. In fact from 10 January to 26 March 1706 there appear to
have been only 2,045 infantry at Corinth to stop the entry of Turks into
the Morea. There were hardly a thousand cavalry at Corinth.

The pashas of Negroponte and Lepanto were alleged to be at some
odds owing to the "gelosia imaginabile entro il nuovo bassa in Lepanto
con sole 40 persone di seguito e non piu."^** Apparently the Turkish

^Ibid., Pilza 852, entry no. 24, dispatch dated at Patras on 22 February 1705 (m.v.
1 704), and cf., ibid., no. 28, dated at Romania on 4 July 1705: "S'e veriHcata la caduta del
prime visit Calailico, e dagl'avisi de' quali m'honora il zelo deU'eccellentissimo signor
cavalier bailo Giustinian, rilevo che vi si habbia sostituito Mehemet Galfa . . ." (entry no.
24). On Kalailikoz Ahmed, see von Ilammer-Purgstall, Gesch. d. 08man. Reichea, VII
(1831, repr. 1963), 107-109ff., trans. Hellert, XIII, 159-61ff.

Ibid., Pilza 852, entry no. 29, dispatch dated at Romania on 1 September 1705.
ASV, Senato. Prow, da terra e da mar, Filza 838, entry no. 5, pages unnumbered. Filza
( "Hie") 838 covers the period from 1705 to 1708.

"/Md, Filza 838, no. 8, dated March-May 1706.

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1Veatk» i!^HynHdt and IUkHowUm, Peiice between Vei^ 419

command on the border of the Morea was now as hard-pressed for man-
power as that of the Venetians, who had many other complaints. The
tithes were not being properly paid in Arcadia (Kyparissia), Phanari,
Androusa, Karytaina, Leondari, and Kalamata.^'* There was always some-
thing wrong, but after having spent the usual two years or more as prove-
dUor general in the Morea, Antonio Nani was happy to contemplate the
apparent success of his administration.

As Nani wrote the doge and Senate (on 20 October 1705), he was
giving up his post with the good fortune of leaving the Morcote frontiers
in complete quiet without any conceivable reason for dissatisfaction as
well as with an excellent relationship with the Turks who were in com-
mand at the borderlines. The kingdom of the Morea was thus free from all
molestation, even that often suffered from criminal raiders (anche de'
nwMnenfi^. Also Nani was leaving the revenues of the "public patri-
mony** of the Morea in a better state than he had found them. In fact he
said that the revenues had risen to "the sum of four hundred ninety-
seven thousand, seven hundred fifteen and a half ducats."" When one
still has the data upon which budgets of the distant past were allegedly
based, the totals are rarely in accord with modern calculations. We do
not (as far as 1 know) possess the facts and figures from which Nani
derived his total of the revenues of the kingdom, but that last half-ducat
was obviously his way of making clear to the Senate the meticulous
attention he had devoted to the provincial budgets of the Morea.

In eaiiy May 1706 Sultan Ahmed III managed to curtail the extortion-
ate practices of governmental officials and to reduce the unrest in Istan-
bul by the appointment of Tchorlulu Ali Pasha as the grand vizir. Bring-
ing reason and justice into the administration of Ottoman domestic and
foreign policy, Tchorlulu Ali made no attempt to profit from attacks
upon eidier Venice or Austria despite the opportunities which the War
of the Spanish Succession and the **Oreat Northern War** seemed to be
offering the Porte. Ahmed Ill's government remained neutral, adhering
to the treaties of Karlowitz (1699) with the states of the Holy League and
to the truce of 1 698-1 700 with Russia. The situation changed, however,
when on 8 July 1 709 Peter the Great defeated the Swedes under Charles
XII and the Cossacks under the hetman Mazeppa in the Ukraine, in a
battle some three miles northeast of the city of Poltava on the right bank
of the Vorskia river.

Charles XII had established Stanislaus I Leszczynski as king of Poland,
but Poland was now full of Russians and being held largely under Peter's

Ibid., Fihn 838, iw. 9, May-Jttiy 1706, and th« ddics were not being properly paid at
Patras (no. 28).
" Ibid, niM 8S2. entry no. 30.

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420

Venice, AuatHa, and Utt Tttrlui in the Seventeenth Century

wariike dominance. In Istanbul Tohoriolu All's non-aggressive policy
was interpreted as pro-Russian in some quarters, and he soon fell a vic-
tim to the intrigues of the Seraglio (on Sunday, 15 June 1710). He was
succeeded as grand vizir by Numan Kopriilii Pasha, the son of Mustafa
Koprulii, whose death we have noted at Slankamen (in 1691). Although
honest and just, after the fashion of the KdprOllis, Numan seemed unable
to delegate authority. He tried to do everything himself, but there was
too much to do. His grand visirate lasted only two months. His life was
spared, however, and he returned to Negroponte as governor, which
position he had previously occupied. Numan was the fifth and last
member of the Kopriilii family to serve as grand vizir of the Porte.

Now, once more, the grand vizir was Baltadji Mehmed Pasha, who
yielded to the anti- Russian feeling which had grown up in the Seraglio.
The Russians were becoming much feared in Istanbul. The Tatars of the
Crimea had also become hostile to the Russians, who were infringing
upon their territories. After his defeat near Poltava, Charies XII had
sought shelter in the Turkish fortress of Bender on the river Dniester.
Friedrich Augustus, elector of Saxony (1670-1733), who had become
king of Poland as Augustus II (in 1697), had just driven Charles's ally
Stanislaus Leszczynski out of Poland (in 1 709). Charles's affairs were not
prospering, but he was much encouraged when, quite to the surprise of
the British ambassador Sir Robert Sutton, the Porte declared war upon
Russia on 20 November 1710." Thereafter, on 17 January and 22 Febru-
ary (1711), Czar Peter I promptly made indignant responses to the Otto-
man declaration of war, for Ahmed III and his ministers had violated the
recently renewed treaty of peace between Russia and the Porte. ^®

According to a dispatch of 8 December (1710) which Sutton sent Lord
Dartmouth, who had recently become the secretary of state at Whitehall,
he had had a meeting a day or two before with the grand vizir Baltacyi
Mehmed Pasha. The latter was quite willing to discuss the Russian prob>
lem as aeesk by the Turlu and the Swedes. In fact Baltadji

^ Von Hammer-Puriptatl, Oeach. dL oeman. Retches, VII, 136-48, tram. HeUert, Xlil,
203-23.

" Akdes Ntmet Kurat, ed.. The Despatches of Sir Robert Sutton, Ambassador in Con-
stantinople (1710-1714), Camden Series III. vol. LXXVIII (London, 1953), nos. 8-9. pp.
25-29, dispatches dated 16 and 20 November 1710. Sutton attributes the Turkish declara-
tion of war against Russia entirely to the Influence of Devlctgerey (Davlat Giray), Tatar
khan of the Crimea (1698-1702. 1707-1713). which was undoubtedly the case. Sutton
kept himself very well informed; his dispatches are detailed, important sources for the
history of the Pone In the early years of the eighteenth century.

^".lean Dumont, Corps univcrscl diplomatique. Vill i (1731), docs. nos. cv, pp. 259-
64, dated 17 January, and cviii, pp. 266-69, dated 22 February 1711. According to Sut-
ton's dispatoh to Dartmouth dated 20 November 1710 (Kurat, Despatchea, no. 9, p. 28),
the sultan had "excused himself for having renewed the Truce with the Muscovites, laying
the blame of it on [Tchorlulu] Ali Pashaw the late Vizir, who had misrepresented things to
hlm and diverted hhn from thoughts of war."

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TVeoHes o/ Ryttwick and KarlowitM, Peace between Venice and the Fane 42 1

enlarged very much upon the motives of their present resolutions and ran into
complaint against the Muscovites, blaming the conduct of the late ministers
(Tchorlulu AH Fasha and Numan Kopriilu Fasha) for suffering themselves to be
amused by them. He shewed great jealousy of the growing power and ambitious
designs of the Muscovites, saying that they had already reduced the Suedes to a
low condition, and that the Port had certain Infbrauitlon that they intended to
fall upon them in another year.

Baltadji was indignant

that [the Muscovites) had committed great insolenoies on the frontiers, and been
guilty of many Infractions of the Peace. That they had cut in pieces a great many
Tartars, and carried away their horses, cattle and goods. That the Czar had
pretended precedence of other Kings and taken upon himself the title of Emper-
our. That they knew he promised himself to be one day Master of Constantino-
ple, and that he had said he hoped to be buried in the Ghnioh of Sancta Sophia,
and held other dlscounes to the same purpose."

Although Sutton believed that the sultan, his ministers, and most of
the populace were entering the war with reluctance, "the chief men of
the Law [the ulema] and the Soldiery [especially the Janissaries]" re-
fused to consider any alternatives. On 7 January (1711) Sutton wrote
Dartmouth that the Tuiks were anxious to maintain peace with western
Christendom, "for which reason they are posltlvdy resolved to dispatch
envoys to Vienna and Venice with letters from the Sultan and Prime Vlxir
full of assurances that his Highnesse will religiously observe and main-
tain the Treaties of Garlovitz."^" Sutton was certain, however, that if the
war should go on "without any notable successe," the Turks would grow
weary of it "in a few years'' because of the cost of maintaining their fleet,
the hardships the army suffered "in a desert country and inclement cli-
mate,** as well as the poverty of the pashas and tlmariots "who serve at
their own expense.*' Ahmed III had a good deal of money, but he was
loath to part with it, and if he were "forced to bring it out," it would not
last long, and there would seem to be no way of replacing it."'

The Turkish court was relieved for a while of its uncertainty and con-
fusion when on or just before 25 July (1711) the news reached Istanbul
of the defeat of the Russians in a sometimes violent two-day encounter
with the Tuiks on the banks of the river Pmth (on 9-10 July), In the
long-disputed province of Moldavia. When the Russians took fright, Gsar

A.N. Kiirat. cd . The Deepotchea qf Sir Roben Sutton, AnUMMttodm' in Conaumttno'
pie (1953), no. 10. p. 29.
** Karat, f>efipa(dlwii, no«. 10-11, pp. 30, 32, docs, dated 8 December 1710 and 7

Janiinn' 1711.

Kurat, no. 15, p. 49, dispatch to Dartmoutli, dated at Pera of Constantinople 29 May
1711.

422

Venice, Aitstria, and the Turks in the Seventeenth Century

Peter sent two "plenipotentiaries . . . with a white flag to the Vizir offer-
ing him peace on such terms as he himself could desire for the Port."®^
The grand vizir Baltadji Mehmed Pasha, the commander of the Turkish
forces at the Pruth, dealt generously with Czar Peter and the Russians, to
the annoyance of King Charles XII and the Tatar Khan Davlat Giray."
According to the treaty of Pruth, Peter was to give up the fortress of
Azov, destroy that of Taganrog, and henceforth not meddle in Polish
affairs.**

The treaty of Pruth did put an end to the war between the Turks and
Russians, but inasmuch as it did not terminate the disputes and differ-
ences between them, "on est convenu de part et d'autre de requerir et
prier les nobles seigneurs Mons. Robert Sutton, Chevalier, et Mons. Ja-
cob Golyer, Gomte de TEmpire Remain, Ambassadeurs . . . , d*em-
ployer leur mediation au nom de leurs Hants Souverains pour terminer
et ajuster les dits differens. . . By and laige Czar Peter had met the
requirements of the treaty of Pruth in which it had been agreed, how-
ever, "que le Czar ne se melera plus des Polonois ni des Cosaques qui
dependent d'eux. . . Since Peter had not relaxed his hold upon
Poland, the "said differences" were inevitable, and the result was an-
other treaty of peace and friendship between Russia and the Porte (on
5/15 April 1712).

Peter now agreed once more to withdraw all Russian troops horn Po-
land; if the Swedes entered Poland with the intention of attacking him
(or for any reason at all), his reentry was not to be regarded as an infrac-
tion of the treaty. But when the Swedes withdrew from Poland, he must
do so also. The Porte would see to Charles XII's return to Sweden "with-
out doing any wrong publicly or secretly to the subjects and lands of the
Muscovites."®^ Despite this formal agreement there was still unease

" Kurat, Despatches, no. 18, pp. 58-59, doc. dated 25 July 1711, in which Sutton also

gives Lord Dartmouth the articles of peace. On Moldavia, see esp. Demetrius Cantemir
(Dimitrie Cantemir), Descriptio Moldaviae, Bucharest, 1973, Latin text with Rumanian
translation, notes added by D.M. Pippidi.

On the background to the battle on the Pruth, the battle itself, and the Turco-Russian
peace of 21 July 1711, see Kurat, Despatches, nos. 16-21, 23, pp. 53-70, 75-76, docs,
dated from 25 June to 1 October 1711.

Cf. Dumont, Corps universel diplomatique, Vlll-1, no. cxiv, pp. 275-76, fait au
Camp des Turcs pres de la riviere de Pruth le 6. de la lune Gemaiel-Achir [Jumada
al-akhirah) I'an de I'Higire 1123 et le 10 ou 21 de JuiUet 171L
^^Ibid., Vill i, no. cxiv. p. 275a.

^ Ibid., no. cxxviii, pp. 297-98. signe et scelle par le Grand-Vizir Jusuf Bacha [who
had succeeded Baltadji Mehmed Pasha as grand vizir on 9 December 171 1) d Constantino-
ple le 5. Avril 1712. Cf. Kurat, Despatches (1953), no. 33, p. 113, dispatch of Sir Robert
Sutton to the British secretary of state Lord Dartmouth dated 7 April, 1712, "I have now
the honour to acquaint your Lordship that on the 5th instant a Truce for the term of 25
years was concluded between the Czar and the Sultan, and the same evening the Treaties
were exchanged in the Turkish and Russe languages. . .

Trwui«8o/Ry9wl^€mdKart€iwUM,P9ace between Vemieetmd^ 423

enough on the eastern fronts to require its full confirmation at Adriano-
l^e on 5/16 June 1713 and now, despite the Swedes, the Porte and
Russia had finally made peace, which was supposed to last for twenty-
five years. ®^

Sir Robert Sutton was well informed throughout his fifteen years as
the British ambassador in Istanbul, maintaining close relations with Ot-
toman officials, members of certain ambassadorial staffs, and various
dragomans. His dispatches are often lengthy and detailed. From De-
cember 1711 to April 1712 he was engaged with his colleague Jacob
Golyer, the Dutch ambassador, in efforts to make secure the peace be-
tween Russia and the I'orte. In fact both the Russians and the Turks
made such demands upon the time of both Sutton and Golyer that they
seem to have done little else for the almost four months in question.®*
Sutton appears to have favored the Russians, from whom he received
both money and gifts. Indeed it is apparendy well known that the Rus-
sian P.B. Shafirov gave Sutton 6,000 ducats and a sable coat** The
British government did not approve of his meddling in Russo-Turkish
affairs, but he found it difhcult not to do so. Although Sutton received
his salary from the Levant Company, he has little to say about English

On the long sojourn of Charles XII in Turkish territory, note the dispatches of Alvise
Moceni^o, the Venetian bailie in Istanbul, to the Signoria in ASy, Senato Hi (Secreta),
Dispacol GostantlnopoH, Flka 170. foh. 108-10, 13<Sh138, 202*11., 236fF., 5iV, does, dated
1 May, 15 .lune, 17 August, 6 September 1710, and 15 September 171 1, and Hnally on "il
passaggio del Re di Suezia per li stati Cesarei" (ibid., Filza 172, fols. 71ff.). On Charles XII
and the Turco-Muscovite peace as well as the Turiis' insistence that the Gsar Peter with-
draw from Poland, see, ibid., Filza 171, fol. 166', doc. dated 22 July 1712, and note fols.
269ff., doc. dated 6 December 1712; fols. 317'-320. doc. dated 15 Februar>' 1713 (m.v.
1712); et alibi in this Hie of the birille Mocenigo's dispatches and various other documents.

The text of the Hnai, formal treaty of peace between the Porte and Russia, concluded at
Adrianople on 5/16 .lune 1713. is given in an Italian translation in Filza 171, fols. 429-34,
but of course the troubles continued {ibid., fols. 463-66, a dispatch of Mocenigo dated at
Pent di Costantinopoli on 12 October 1713, and cf. fols. 479-482, dispatch dated at Pera
on 25 November 1713). Poland, however, remained a problem (Filza 171, fols. 498-503,
dispatch dated at Pera on 20 January 1714 |m.v. 1713|. abo fola. 526-530. 555-558'. et
iUtbi).

** Gabriel Noradounghian, Recueil d'actee Intemationaux de l*Bmpire Ottoman, I

(Paris, 1897), no. 18, pp. 203-7, with a summan,- of the treaties of Ahmed III (1703-1730)
on pp. 59-64. On the prolonged negotiations leading to the Turco-Russian treaty of 16
June 1 713 as well as the endless diflAculties which Charles XII caused Sultan Ahmed III In

the latter's efforts to get him safely out of Turkey, see Kurat, Despdtchvs (1953). nos.
34-74, pp. 123-204, Sutton's dispatches to Dartmouth from 19 April 1712 to 7 October
1714, with a French text of the treaty, UML, no. 60, pp. 180-81. On the Polish-Swedish-

Russian-Turkish problems and relations, see the report to the Venetian Senate of the
Republic's ambassador to Poland, Daniele Dolfin (in 1715-1716), which has been pub-
lished with an introduction by Marino Zorzi, "Dnnicl Dolfin 3", ambasciatorc in Polonin."

Ateneo Veneto, vol. 20. nos. 1-2 (1982), pp. 267-302 (DoUin's reiastone is dated 10
August 1717).

Cf. Kurat, Despatches, nos. 28-33, pp. 85-123, Stttlon's dlspatohet to Dartmouth
from 20 December 1711 to 7 April 1712.
"IhUL, p. 8.

424

Venice, Austria, and the Turks in the Seventeenth Century

trade or, for that matter, any trade at all. His reports to Whitehall are
concerned with his own diplomatic, political, and military interests, all
of which were of large importance while he represented Queen Anne on
the Bosporus.

During the years of the War of the Spanish Succession (1701-1714)
the English were anxious to see to the preservation of peace in eastern
Europe, whereas the French wanted to rekindle the old hostility between

Vienna and the Porte to weaken the Grand Alliance against France. The
War of the Spanish Succession involved the major states of Christen-
dom. The attention of FAirope was fastened upon it to a far greater extent
than upon the Turco-Russian-Swedish difticulties. Despite its great im-
portance, however, the War of the Spanish Succession lies outside the
sphere of our Venetian- Austrian-Tuiidsh interests.^ It did make its marii
in Istanbul. Sir Robert Sutton was at constant odds with the French
ambassadors, the baron Charles de Feriol, and (from 1711) his suc-
cessor, Pierre Puchot, the count Desalleurs. The Venetian Signoria
shared the views of the French government to no small extent. Thus
Sutton wrote Lord Dartmouth on 1 October 1711:

The Venetians here have taken an allarm at the discourses of the people of a
war with that Republick. There are hitherto no further grounds to fear it then

I have therefore deleted from the text what I had initially written on the War of the
Spanish Succession involving, as it did, the notable careers of Prince Eugene of Savoy,
Duke John |Churchill| of Marlborough, Nicolas Catinat, Francois de Villerol, Louis Joseph
de Vendome, Claude Louis de Villars, and others. NevertheleM, it seems worthwhile to
give thought to some of the more important documentation involved, whioh of course did
bear upon eastern Kurope and Italy, where in fact the war actually begMl with Prince
Eugene's invasion of the peninsula and his defeat of Catinat at Carpi and of Villeroi at
Chiari inl701.

The British declaration of war against France and Spain was announced at S. James'
Palace in Westminster (London) on 4/14 May 1702 (Dumont, VIII-1 [1731), no. xxviii, p.
1 15); that of the States General of the Netherlands was published at The Hague on 15/25
May (ibid.. Vill i, no. xxvi. pp. 112-11). On 15 May the Emperor Leopold I issued his
declaration of war against the king of France and the iattcr's grandson, the duke of Anjou,
now Philip V of Spain: the imperial seal was affixed to Leopold's decree of warfare in the
casde at Laxenburg on the Schwechat some ten miles south of Vienna {ibid., VlIM, no.
XXIX, pp. 1 15-16).

Louis XIV' responded with his own declaration of war against the emperor. Queen Anne
of Great Britain, the States General, and their allies, which he signed on 3 July (1702) in
the chateau at Mar1y-le-Roi to the west of Paris (t6td.. VIII-1, no. xxxi, p. 1 18). The more
important documents relating to the War of the Spanish Succession (1701-1714) are most
conveniently found in Dumont, VlII-l, nos. xxxiv-xxxv, xxxix, xui, xuii, xlv-xlvii, xux,
ixxxv, cxnt-cxx. cxxi, cxxxi. cxxxrv, cxxxvi-cxxxviti, cxui, cxlv, and cxlvii, pp. 120ff.

The War of the Spanish Succession was concluded in the treaties of Utrecht of 31
March/ll April 1713. which are given in Dumont, VIIM, nos. cu-cuii, glvi-glvii, cucnr,
and cf. no. glxix. pp. 339fr., and in the treaties of Rastatt (6 March 1714), ibid.. Vill i, no.
CLXX, pp. 415-23. and Baden (7 September 1714), no. cucxiv, pp. 436-44, and note nos.
CLXXX, CLXXXVi. Although some of these documents do relate to the main themes of this
book, their relevance has not seemed sufficient to deal with them in any detail.

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Treatiea c/ Ryswick and KaHawttM, Peace between Venice and the Porte 425

that the Turks bear them a particular ill will accompanied with contempt, and
will certainly fi,row very insolent and haughty after the execution of the peace
with Muscovy. The extreme partiality of the Venetian bailo to the French and his
intimacy with the Bmbassadour of that Grown as well as certain practices,
whereof I formerly gave your Lordship an account, administer occasion to sev-
eral to suspect that they will unite their endeavours to imbroil the Port with the
court of Vienna, especially if the bailo should flatter himself by those means to
divert a war with the Republick.^*

A month later, on 8 November (1711), Sutton again informed Dart-
mouth that "the people [in Istanbul] already begin to talk of a war with

the Venetians, and there is evidently a great propension to it in the
soldiery and the navy, which much allarms the Venetians, tho' there be
yet no other j^rounds of fear." After the conclusion of the treaty with the
Russians, however, Sutton believed that "we shall be better able to dis-
cover whether 4ke Port inclines to a war with the Republick or not."^

*' Kurat, Despatches, no. 23, p. 74.
•»/Wd., no. 26, p. 81.

XIV

The Turkish Reconquest of the Morea,

the Victories of Eugene of Savoy,
Von Schulenburg's Defense of Corfu,
the Peace of Passarowitz, and Venice
as a Playground of Europe

RwS|B| hen the Turks had made a final peace with the Russians in June
kWoI settling various issues (including certain questions relat*

filiiflql ing to the frontiers), the ministers of the Porte once more turned
their attention to V^enice. Turkish and Venetian ships had been as usual
in collision, and the Signoria had allegedly encouraged an insurrection in
Montenegro during the Russo-Turkish war. The last straw had been the
Venetians* seizure of a vessel carrying the treasures of the erstwhile
grand vizir Damad Hasan Pasha (1703-4) to his wife, the sultana Kha-
didje. The Hospitallers' seizure of a Turkish vessel on the way to Egypt in
1644 had led to the Cretan war and the loss of Candia, and now a like
venture on the part of the Venetians brought about another Turco- Vene-
tian war and the eventual loss of the kingdom of the Morea.

The revolt of Montenegro was a serious matter. When the rebels were
defeated, their leader, the vladika Gikan, who had distributed some
35,000 ducats (supplied by the Russians) among his people three years
before, now fled to Venetian-held Gattaro (Kotor). Despite the fact that
the Venetians were said to have promised the Porte not to give refuge to

426

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Turkish Reconquest o/Morea, Eugene of Savoy, Peace o/ Pasaaraf%t>U* 427

rebels, they received Giluui in Gattaro, and refused to turn liim over to
tlie Turks. The result was the Turkish declaration of war on 9 December
1714, with a "manifesto" in fourteen articles, of which the first was
concerned with the pillaging of the vessel belonging to the harem of
Damad Hasan Pasha, the last with Venetian support of the Montenegrin
insurrection, the remaining twelve relating to ttie Venetians' alleged ha-
rassment of Turkish ships at sea.'

AI>out five weelcs later (on 11 January 1715) the horsetails were put
up on display at the imperial Seraglio in Istanbul in the presence of the
vizirs and emirs, the sheikhs and the ulema, proclaiming the outbreak of
war. Ahmed III left the Seraglio in mid-March to convey the awesome
standard of command to the grand vizir Damad Ali Pasha, with whom he
began the westward journey to Thessaloniki (Salonika), and went with
him into northern Greece. At Thebes the grand visir, now the serasker,
held a council of war to decide upon which Moreote fortress they should
first put under siege. No meml>er of the council would venture an opin-
ion, however, and at length the grand vizir directed Kara Mustafa, the
beylcrbey of Diarbekr (Diyarbakir), to take the Venetian-held castle of
the Morea at the southern entrance to the CJulf of Ixjpanto (Naupactus).
To carry out this objective the grand vizir is said to have given the
beylerbey command of some forty thousand men, but most such figures
are suspect, whether we are dealing with numl>ers of troops in the East or
in the West.

Fate seemed to be working on the Tuiks' liehalf when the news came
to their army in Greece that the provveditore Bernardo Balbi had
surrendered the Venetian town of Exoburgo (to 'E^o)fiovpyov) on the
fortified height of Tenos. Balbi had given up the island without a struggle
in June 1715. It was a small island, but a large blow, for the Venetians

' By late January 1714 the bailie Alvise Mocenigo had become painfully aware "che

s'era sparsa la fania d'essersi deliberato in consults sccreta di farsi in quest'anno un podc-
roso armamento maritimo," whicli some people thou^t might be directed against the
Malteal, odien to hold the Trlpollni In cheiBk, "ma la maggiore parte pretendeva ehe olA
rignnrdasse la Morca" (Scnato, Dispacci Costantinopoli, Filza 171. fol. 504', dispatch
dated at I'era di Costantinopoli on 23 .lanuary 1714 |m. v. 1713|). The Turks had been
building up their armed forocaat an alarming rate, as Mocenigo's successor Andrea Memo
(Memmo) had more than onoe wamed the Signoria (Uhd., Fika 172. fols. 102-111. dis-
patch dated at Pent on 24 October 1714, and cf., Ihtd., fols. 164-173).

The bailie Andrea Memo and the Venetian dragomans were harshly treated at the Porte
after the Turliish movement toward the Morea (Dispacci Costantinopoli, Filza 172, fola.
134-145'. dispatches of the bailie dated 13 and 20 December 1714). In fact on 7 August
1 71 Memo informed the doge "from the waters of Zante" of his release "from the terrible
prison in which I WM shot up for four months" (ibid., fols. 205ff., and cf. fols. 216-218').
The secretary Domenlco Plninoeachl was also confined to prison, in the Seven Towers
(Yedikule). ibid., fols. 2.18-240. 2.S8*. letters dated 8 December 1714 and 28 March 171.S.
and note Amy A. Bernardy, LVUima Guerra turco-veneziana (MDCCXIV-MDCCXVIU),
Florence, 1902, pp. 89-97, letten of Memo dated 28 April and 7 August, 1715.

428

Venice, Austria, and the Turk* in the Seventeenth Century

had held Tenos from the year 1390, and It had become a Latin strong*
hold. The Turks removed thirty-five cannon from Tenos, which they put
aboard fifteen of the vessels in their fleet, and two hundred Catholic
families were carried off to North Africa. Many a Turkish kapudan pasha
had tried through the years to take Tenos, but now Djaniim Khoja
Mehmed Pasha was the first to do so. He had acquired the position of
lord high admiral in December 1714, and was to lose it in February 1717,
acquire it again for a few days and lose it in 17J0, and hold it for the third
time from 1732 to 1736. Djaniim Khoja was a Turk, originally from
Coron on the southern coast of the Morea. Captured in the last war,
which had ended with the peace of Karlowitz (in January 1699), Djaniim
had spent seven years as an oarsman slave on the Venetian galleys. Ran-
somed at the cost of a hundred ducats, he was now serving the Porte with
disdnotion, and enjoying the opportunity to strike back at the Venetians.

Clearing the roads from Thebes to Corinth, the grand vizir-serasker
Damad Ali Pasha entered the Isthmus by way of Megara about 10 June,
and came down into the Morea some two weeks later. Turkish transports
were soon unloading supplies (brought from Negroponte) in the Bay of
Cenchreac. The fortress of Acrocorinth was put under siege, but the
vahant days of Francesco Morosini and Girolamo Corner were no more,
and to the shame and distress of the Signoria, Acrocorinth passed into
the hands of the Turks after a mere five days of heavy bombardment.
They would hold it for more than a century. The fortress had been
surrendered with the understanding that the garrison would withdraw
without harassment, but owing to the sudden explosion of a powder
magazine, for which the Venetians and Turks blamed each other, the
latter tossed the terms of capitulation to the winds, and began slaughter-
ing the local Greeks as well as the Venetian mercenaries. The provvedi-
tore straordinario Giacomo Minotto, who had been in command at Cor*
inth, was carried off a prisoner to Anatolia, where the efforts of Fran von
Hochepied, wife of the Dutch consul in Smyrna, finally secured his
release.

On 1 2 June 1715 Sir Robert Sutton wrote a long letter from Istanbul to
be sent to Whitehall, where it arrived on 28 July, informing the secretary
of state that he had been in consultation with the Dutch ambassador
Colyer concerning the possibility of "an accomodation between the Port
and the Republik of Venice." Sutton was acting in accord with instruc-
tions from the Grown; George 1 had become the king of Great Britain the
year before. Sutton and Colyer were encountering difficulties, however,

upon consideration that the Vizir [Damad Ali I'asha] is already advanced very
near to the Isthmus of the Morea, that he is the principal author and promoter of
the war, that he is in greater credit and power then any minister in his post has
been known to be, insomuch that no other minister dares to represent a nuitter

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Turkish Recanquent o/Morea, Buftene of Savoy, Peace of Pasaarovoitz 429

of that nature to the Grand Si^nor without his knowledge and leave, and that we
are not empowered tf) make any overtures for the satisfaction of the Port in the
several articles of injuries and dammages, whereon the declaration of war is
grounded.

Sutton and Golyer decided to convey their instructions ftrom England

and the States General to the ka'imakam, whom they saw separately,
offering their "interposition and mediation for accomodating the differ-
ences between the Grand Signor and the Republik of Venice." They
sought to persuade the kaimakam that their "overture proceeded from
our masters' friendship to the Grand Signer and concern for the preserva-
tion of the peace of Cariovitz." The kaYmakam

received our presentations very civilly as a token of our masters' friendship to
the Grand Signor. and said it was a pity [that] these offers were not made sooner;
that the Grand Signor would have hearken'd to 'em. but that matters were
carried too far to give room to any negociations this year. . . .

The kaimakam was courteous, but evasive. His kiaya, however, "ex-
plained himself more deariy by saying that the mediation might take
place at another time, when they should be masters of the Morea."

Sutton had also discussed the matter with the "head gardener" (the
hoatanji-bashi), an important official, who had met him secretly:

lie stands so much in fear of the Vizir that, tho' he did not know the subject upon
which I desired to confer withe him, he came in disguise to the place where I had
appointment to meet him, and I was coniident he dares not let it be known that
he hath had any conversation with me.

Sutton informed the recipients of his letter that the Grand Signer and the
vizir were so far committed to the seizure of the Morea "that there is
little doubt but they will look upon all overtures of accomodation at this
time to be no other then an artlfiolous endeavour to deprive them of the
conquest of the kingdome. . .

In fact, according to Sutton, the Tuiits would seek "to recover all that
they lost in the late war with the Christian powers." All that could be
expected of them "will be to observe the peace with the Emperour 'till
they find an opportunity which they shall esteem favorable to break with
him." The French had assured the Porte "that the Emperour's affairs are
in such a situation that he can not give them any disturbance this year,"
with the further encouragement that the king of Sweden would not only
divert the arms of the czar of Muscovy and the king of Poland from any
sort of aggression against the Porte, but also those of his imperial
Majesty.

430

Venice, AtMria, and the Turks Hi the Seventeenth Century

Although Damad AM Pasha was confident that he could deal with the
Austrians' intervention, if indeed they should inten'ene, Sutton was not
so certain of Turkish success. Maybe the emperor could bring the Turks
to reason.

If the conjuncture were favorable, I humbly conceive It to be necessary to hum-
ble them, which would be no difficuh matter for the Emperour. They are arrived
at so high a pitch of presumption, insolence, and perHdy that there is no reason-
able hope of their remaining quiet 'till they have received a severe mortification,
for which they are more than abundantly ripe.

Sutton continued, however, with the news that "there has run a report
here that the capitan [pasha] has taken Tino, which is hitherto without
founfdation), but 'tis believed he either has [made] or will make a
d[escent] on this island. . . ."^ Yes, the Turks had taken Tenos, as we

have just seen.

The Venetian fortresses were beginning to fall like dominoes, for when
news of the surrender of Corinth reached the Greeks on the island of
Aegina, they asked the kapudan pasha Djaniim Khoja Mehmed Pasha to

deliver them from the heavy hand of Venice, which he did on 7 July
1715. The surrender of Corinth was also followed by that of Argos. Now
the grand vizir Damad Ali Pasha divided his Moreote forces into two
divisions, one to attack the castle on the height of Palamidi, which looms
over Nauplia (Napoli di Romania), and the other to assail the fortress
town of Nauplia itself and, of course, the little island fortress of the
Burdzi in the harbor of Nauplia. Sari Ahmed, the beylerbey of Rumelia,
and the agha of the janissaries were assigned to the considerable task of
taking Palamidi, while Turk Ahmed Pasha and the lieutenant-general of
the janissaries were to force their way into the lower town and, doubt-
less, to take the Burdzi.

On the height of Palamidi (ro HaXanrjdiou), more than seven hundred
feet above sea level, the Venetians had constructed huge fortifications.
The Palamidi was inaccessible on all sides except in one area on the east,
where a series of hills made an ascent possible. There were actually two
forts on the height (Morosini speaks of three), Palamidi and Acronauplia,
with huge cisterns which would allegedly keep a garrison supplied with
water for three years. The grand vizir Damad Ali Pasha was doubtless
well informed. He saw no point in bogging down the troops in trenches,
from which artillery fire could do the Venetian garrison little damage. He
decided upon attacks rather than a siege, promising rewards to those
whose feats of arms might earn them. One soldier, who wrenched a lion

^ I'RO, SF 97. XXIII. fols. 1 73-76, letter of Sir Robert Sutton, dated at Fera of Ck)nsun-
tinopie on 12 June 1715.

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TurkMt Reconquest qf Morea, Eugene o/ Savoy, Peace PaeaarouHtM 43 1

banner of S. Mark from a rampart, was given a purse full of silver, and was
authorized to put an emblem on his turban (on 14 July 1715). Another, a
sipahi, received a reward of two hundred piasters and an increase of ten
aspers in his daily wn^e for a minor exploit. At length on the eighth day of
the siege, if such it was, the Turks stormed the fortifications on the
height of Palamidi.

When the Turics had taken the forts on the towering hilltop, they could
bombard the lower town of Nauplia with no possible interference from
the beleaguered garrison of some seventeen hundred men. The Greeks,
most of whom preferred the governance of the Turks to that of the Vene-
tians, gave the invaders such help as they could. During these thirty
years of Venetian rule in the Morea it had become painfully apparent
that Latin Catholics and Greek Orthodox could not get along together.
The Turl(s moved into Nauplia and, as in their entry into other Moreote
towns, they slaughtered the inhabitants, collected booty, and enslaved
the commanders. Tradition allotted the grand vizir an army of 120,000
men. The loot they seized in Nauplia was said to be sufhcient to satisfy
them, some of them even gaining as much as ten to twenty purses of
silver from their plunder. The Turkish high command acquired an im-
mense store of munitions as well as 126 cannon and twenty muzzle-load-
ing mortars. As for the Venetian high command, Alessandro Bon, the last
proweditore generale of the Morea, was wounded, died in Megara, and
was buried in Thebes. Angelo Balbi, Giovanni Badoer, and Niccolo Bar-
baro were sent to the Bosporus to be imprisoned in the Seven Towers
(Yedikule) at the southern end of the walls of Istanbul.

Sultan Ahmed III was so impressed by the news of the Turkish occupa-
tion of Nauplia that he came to see the town and the forts of Palamidi.
The churches were turned into mosques. Osman, the agha of the sipahis,
was assigned to the defense of Nauplia. (Osman was the son of Sulfikar
Effendi, who with Alessandro Mavrocordato had tried in vain to make
peace with the Holy League at Vienna in 1689.) Toward the end of July
(1715) the knpudan pasha Djaniim Khoja Mehmed Pasha was ordered to
go with the armada to Coron. The artillery used at Nauplia was embarked
for Modon. On M) July the grand vizir himself arrived in Messenia, the
southwestern spur of the Morea between Modon (Methoni) on the west
and Goron (Koroni) on the east The distance from Modon to Coron is
about seventeen miles or about a five hours' ride at a leisurely Turkish
pace over the hills and the mountainous passes north of Cape Gallo, now
Cape Akritas. The bellicose Mainotes put up no resistance, nor did the
inhabitants of Kialepha and others in the vicinity.

The Turkish encampment had been located near the mills of Begoghli
north of the flat land of Modon (and between Navarino and Goron). The
Turks were allegedly informed tliat the Venetians were not prepared to
defend Coron and Navarino, and that they had removed their more valu>

432

Ventct, Auuria, and the Tiirk» in the Seventeenth Century

able possessions to Modon, which seems strange, for unless the Venetian
fleet was assembled in grent strength off the island of Sapienza, Goron
was a far easier place to defend than Modon. In any event the Venetian
mercenaries as well as the Greeks were in rebellion. The Turks entered
Modon without ditticulty.

The grand vizir Damad Ali Pasha had the Venetian captives put in
chains. The Venetian conunander Vincenxo Pasta was then taken over
by the "levends," the brigands in Turfcish employ. They hauled him off to
the kapudan pasha Djaniim Khoja, who remembered that in the days of
his travail as a galley slave Pasta had been kind to him. In fact Djaniim
not only pled Pasta's cause before the grand vizir but received with
compassion the other Venetian officers who had been brought aboard
the Turkish Hcet. He gave each one of them clothes and ten imperial
dollars, while Pasta received a slave to attend to his needs. The cruelty of
the grand visir stood out in sharp contrast to the kindliness of the kapu-
dan pasha, for in mid- August 1715 Damad All was paying thirty imperial
dollars for every Christian brought to him in order to ei^oy their decapi-
tation one after the other before his tent at Modon.

Kara Mustafa, the beylerbey of Diabekr, now took the Venetian-held
castle of the Morca at the beginning of August (1715). Thereafter the
fortress town of Suda in western Crete surrendered (on 25 September),
and when the garrison at Spinalonga on the eastern end of the island gave
up, the Venetian presence on Crete became but a memory. Monemvasia
surrendered to the Turics, as did Gerigo and Gerigotto. When news of the
fall of the castle of the Morea and the fortress towns of Navarino and
Modon reached Sultan Ahmed at Serrai (Turk. Siroz) in Macedonia,
northeast of Thessaloniki, three days of celebration began, as envoys of
the friendly powers offered the Padishah their congratulations (in late
August 1715).

In the meantime the grand vizir Damad Ali had set about the adminis-
tration of the Morea, where there were said to be some two thousand
villages. Flight commissioners were appointed to make a survey of the
peninsula, and another two to make an assessment of the sixty-two vil-
lages on the island of Tenos. The grand vizir also required an inspection
of the muster-rolls of the sipahis and silihdars, and instituted a rigorous,
overall discipline. Renegade Turlts, who had embraced Christianity
under the Venetians, were put to death. Governors were appointed to
the Moreote fortresses. And while the grand visir was at Nauplia, he
received the silihdar of Sultan Ahmed, who came with swords of honor
and fur cloaks as well as with letters of high praise for the grand vizir and
all the officers of higher rank.

The Venetians had, however, been doing well in Albania and on the
Dalmatian coast despite the destructive inroads of the Turics. But in the

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TurMah Reconquest qf Morea, Eugene qf Savoy, Peace of Paaaarowitn 433

Morea the overwhelming success of the Turks led the Venetians to fear
that the enemy would extend his aggression to Corfu. This led them to
destroy the fortifications they had built on the island of S. Maura, for
they feared they might not be able to hold the island against the Turks,
who would use it as a point of departure for an assault upon Corfu. With
the fortifications gone, the Venetians had to give up S. Maura. As they
did so, the grand vizir broke camp at Nauplia, leaving the Morea on 3
December 1715, after the hundred and one days which had sufficed for
him to conquer the entire peninsula. Thereafter he hastened back to
Adrianople.^

At the beginning of the Moreote war one Ibrahim, a tnuteferrika (a
member of the Ottoman palace elite), had been sent to Vienna with a
letter from the grand vizir Damad All Pasha to Prince Eugene of Savoy.

Damad Ali expressed the hope that the imperialists would remain neu-
tral while Venice and the Porte were at war, just as they had during the
recent conflict between the Turks and the Russians. Eugene received the
Turkish envoy on 13 May 1715, presumably in his palace on the Him-
melpfortgasse (which leads off the Karntner Strasse between the Ste-
phansdom and the Staatsoper). When Ibrahim returned to the Porte four
months later, he brou^t widi him a letter from Eugene, In which the
latter offered for a second time the assistance of Austria to reestablish
peace between Venice and the Porte, but the Turks did not reply.''

In Europe the political scene was complicated. The Emperor Charles
VI did not recognize Philip of Anjou as king of Spain, and claimed the
kingdom for himself while Philip refused to accept Charles's possession
of the Spanish Netherlands, Naples, Sardinia, and Milan. The treaties of
Rastatt and Baden (of 1714) had not brought about peace between the
Bourbons of Spain and Austrian Hapsburgs. Pope Clement XI had been
doing his best to enlist the aid of the imperialists on behalf of Venice,'
but Charles had feared that if he ventured into war with the Turks (in
Hungary), his Italian states might be exposed to Spanish attack. Iyf)uis
XlV's death on 1 September 1715 now added to the diHiculties of the

Von Mammer-I'urjjstall, (iesch. d. osman. Rciches, VII. 173-84, tran.s. Hellert. XIII.
262—77; Romanin. Storiu dovumentuta di Veneziu, VIII (3rd. ed., 1975), 28-vl3; Kretsch-
mayr, Gesch. von Venedig, III (1934, repr. 1964), 356-57; and cf. Amy A. Bemardy,
LIMtimu Guerra turco vcneziana (1902), pp. 17-34.

* Von Hammer Purgstall. Oesck. d. osman. Reichea, VII (1831, repr. 1963), 193-94,
tram. HeUert, Xlil, 291-92.

' Giovan Francesco Albant was elected pope on 23 November 1700, and received the
tiara on 18 December. There is a detailed surv ey of his reign by Pnnoesco Pometti, "Studii
sul pontiticato di Ciemente Xi (1 700-1 721)," in the Archivio dtXUt K Societd Romana di
Storia Patria, XXI (1898). 279-457; XXII (1899), 109-79; and XXIII (1900), 239-76,
449-515. Pometti deals with the Turco-Venctian war in the Morea and the Turks' attack
upon Corfu (in 1716) as well as with papal relations with France, Austria, Spain, and
£bivoy.

434

Venice, Austria, and the Tttrka in the Seventeenth Century

time. He was succeeded by his five-year-old grandson Louis XV under
the regency of Duke Philip of Orleans, who declared that Charles had no
cause for apprehension as far as France was concerned, but the Haps-
burgs feared, not without some reason, that the French might adhere to
their friendship of almost two centuries with the Porte.

When Philip V of Spain became reconciled with the Holy See, laf^cly
as a result of his marriage to Elisal>etta Pamese, he finally gave Pope
Clement assurance in a letter of 25 November (1715) that the Spanish
would make no move against Charles VPs Italian possessions in the
event of the latter's going to war with the Porte. Clement now renewed
his appeals to the Christian princes to take up arms against the Turks. He
granted Charles VI the sum of 500,000 florins to be collected from
church lands in the Hapsburgs' BrbUmde, and another hundred thou-
sand to Venice, but Gharies was stiU hesitant. Clement promised to do
everything he could to protect Charles's Italian states. Venice agreed to
defend Naples (against the Bourbons), and as a consequence of further
financial and other concessions to Charles, on 13 April 1716 the Aus-
trians and V^cnetians made an offensive and defensive alliance against
the Turks, with the pledge that war would be declared forthwith against
the Turiis. Appeals were made to King Augustus of Poland, Ciar Peter of
Russia, and to other Christian princes. If the Tuiks should attack Naples,
Venice must help defend the capital of the south-Italian kingdom with
6,000 infantry and eight ships of the line, while Charies VI promised to
send an auxiliary force of 12,000 men as soon as any part of Venetian
territory was attacked.*

At the time of the Austrian decision to join the Venetians in the war
against the Porte, Prince Eugene of Savoy had warned the Turks (in a
letter of 2 April 1716) that to maintain peace with the Hapsburgs they
must abide by the treaties of Karlowitz and restore to the Republic of
Venice all the territories they had taken. Despite the constant demands
made by Charles VI for guarantees as to the safety of his Italian posses-
sions as well as for ever-increasing financial support, the imperialists had
been preparing for war both in Hungary and in Transylvania. Indeed, at
the beginning of February 1716 the grand vizir Damad All Pasha had
reproached Anselm Franz Fleischmann, the imperial envoy at the Porte,
with the fact that the imperialists' increasing military readiness was
causing unease at the Ottoman court. Prince Eugene had given the Turha
until 15 May (1716) to reply to his ultimatum. The imperialists, how-
ever, made no declaration of war against the Turks, leaving that formal-
ity to the Porte, and in June the grand vizir wrote Eugene with adequate
invective that the Sublime Porte would emerge victorious with the help

• Ludwi^ von Pastor, Oeschichte d. Piipste, XV (Freiburg im Breisgau, 1930), 81-90,
and HiaL Popes, XXXIil. 110-23.

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Turkish Reconqueat oj Moreu, Eugene oj Savoy, Peace qf PaatarowUm 435

of the Almighty from this war which the Turics had neither wanted nor
oaused. And Damad AU and the divan peraisted in the assertion that it

was the Austrians who were breaking the peace.

The Austrian high command was given, as was to be expected, to
Eugene of Savoy, who was also the president of the imperial war council
{Hofkriegsrat). Eugene left Vienna on 2 June (1716), and reached the
viHage of Putog (Futak), north of the Danul>e and west of the fortress
town of Peterwardein (Petrovaradin), within a surprisingly short time
(on 9 June). The imperialists* lield army was believed to numl>er from
80,000 to 90,000 men, with some 40,000 men in Transylvania. On 26
and 27 July the Turks crossed the Sava, and advanced on the right bank
of the Danube in the direction of Peterwardein, as far as the area of
Slankamen (where the Margrave Ludwig von Baden had defeated the
Turlis in 1691). Eugene now informed Vienna (in a dispatch of 28
July) that according to the last news he had received the enemy
forces amounted to 200,000 men or (as some reports had it) even
250.000 men/

The first encounter of the imperialists with the Turks occurred on 2
August (1716), an unfortunate four-hour engagement in the area of Kar-
lowitz, a grievous if minor defeat. It would have been better if it had not
happened, "das besser nicht geschehen und unterblieben ware." The
imperialists lost about 700 men, and the Turks went on toward the for-
tress town of Peterwardein, of which Damad All Pasha apparendy de-
manded the surrender, rather an arrogant gesture under the circum-
stances. In a dispatch of 4 August Prince Eugene informed the emperor
that he expected to attack the enemy on the morrow "with a part of the
infantry and all the cavalry." Orders were issued on the afternoon of the
4th as to the disposition of the imperialist forces, including those within
the fortress of Peterwardein. Eugene had resolved upon offensive action
to recover the initiative in maneuverability. He moved swiftly, putting in
order as best one could some 70,000 men in 64 iMttalions and 187
squadrons to face the various military corps of Damad Ali*8 army of
allegedly 200.000 men. The offensive strategies of the western tacti-
cians, as wc have had more than one occasion to emphasize, were rarely
matched by the Ottoman commanders.

As Braubach has observed, however, one cannot say that in the battle
of Peterwardein, which now took place (on 5 August 1716), all went
according to plan, and that good fortune attended the Germans through-

' Max Braubach. Prins Eugen von Stivoyen, 5 vols.. Munich, 1963-65. 111. 308-9. 312.
314-15, and cf. Pastor, Oesch. d. Pdpste, XV, 91-92, not wlthoat error, and on the opin-
ions expressed by the Turkish Icjulcrship ;iful on the I'orte's preparations for the cominjl
war, cf. von Hammer-Furgsull, Gesch. d. oamun. Reiches, VII. 194-99, trans. Hellert, XIII.
292-;X)0.

436

Vettlee, Auatrta, and the Turka in the SeventeenUt Gmtury

out. Nevertheless, the speed of the Christian operations did take the
Turks by surprise in the early hours of the morning. The Christians had
their setbacks, but those which the Turks suffered were far worse. In the
heat of combat the grand vizir Damad Ali Pasha was laid low by a gun-
shot; his attendants took him to nearby Karlowitz, where he died. His
troops fled south in disorder to Belgrade. Prinoe Eugene now wrote a
dlsiNitoh in the tent (or "pavilion**) of the grand vizir to the dramatic
effect that the enemy had been completely defeated, "totaliter gesohla-
gen," whereupon Count Ludwig Andreas Khevenhiiller, the young com-
mander of the cuirassiers, rode off on horseback to bring the news to
Vienna, where he was received on 8 August with understandable
jubilation."

Spectacular victories frequently inspire awesome but unrealistic ac-
counts of batdes. Thus one could hardly believe that the Turks lost
30,000 men at Peterwardein, although their casualties were very likely
nearly twice those of the imperialists, who would seem to have suffered
the loss of almost 5,000 dead and wounded. The Janissaries had fought
bravely, but they were poorly led. The sipahis were a flighty horde, and
their horses enhanced their capacity for escape. We have already noted
Lady Mary Wortley Montagu's visit to "the Hclds of Carlowitz," very
close to Peterwardein (Petrovaradin), where she observed that "the
marks of that glorious bloody day are yet recent, the feild being strew*d
with the skuUs and caracases of unbury*d men, horses and camels.*"
Lady Mary had seen the widespread evidence of carnage some seven
months after the battle. Damad Ali Paslia*s ornate pavilion was taken
(Prince Eugene had penned his dispatch announcing the victory as he sat
among the treasures of the grand vizir). The imperialists had captured
156 banners, five horsetails, 172 cannon, and a huge supply of ammuni-
tion.'** When it was all said and done, the extent of Eugene*s success at
Peterwardein was almost unbelievable. He not only wrote to the &n-
peror Charles VI from the grand vizir*s pavilion, but also to Pope Clem-
ent XI, and the Christian triumph was celebrated in Rome willi almost
the same fervor as in Vienna.'^

Whatever Eugene of Savoy's failings may have been, procrastination
was not among them. Fie pulled the imperialist army out of the area of
Peterwardein during the night of 13-14 August; by the 16th he had
reached Zenta (Senta) on the river Thelss (Tisxa); and before the end of
the month his army was gathered around the fortress town of Temesv&r

* Braubach, Hrinz Eugen von Savoyen, III (1964), 315-20, with a map of the area of
Peterwardein and Kariowitt, the location of the Tnfkish oamp, and the pboement iA the
imperialist forces.

•See above, p. 403.

I'astor, Gcst/i. (/. Piipste, XV (1930), 91 . who gives the likely figures of 6,000 Turkish
dead, while the imperialist forces suffered 3,000 dead and 2,000 wounded.
" Fanor, XV. 92-93.

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Turkish Reconquest ofMorea, £tiKene of Savoy, Peace of Passamwttz 437

(Timisoara), which the Turks had held since the year 1552.'^ The capital
of the Mannt of Tcmesvar — an extensive, fertile area between the Tran-
sylvanian Alps and the Danube, the Theiss and the Mures (Maros) — the
stronghold was in its day of great importance. As the Austrians stood
under its walls, it was being defended by a body of ten to fifteen thousand
men, apparently superior troops. On 23 September a large Turkish relief
force attacked the camp of the imperialist general Johann von Palffy, one
of the commanders of the Christian troops which had put Temesvar
under siege. The Turks were beaten off, and although their return was
expected, they did not come back. On 1 October a Christian squadron
got across the Turkish trenches and the moat, pushing their way into an
important part of the stronghold. On 12-13 October (1716) the large
Turkish garrison surrendered, and Charles VI was virtual ruler of
the Banat.'^

Satisfying as his success was, it was not enough for Eugene of Savoy to
ovcr^vhclm the Turks at Peterwardein and thereafter seize the capital of
the r^anat of Temesvar. Eugene's desire to continue the offensive against
the Turks was, however, hardly the only motivating force in Christen-
dom, for troops and funds were soon forthcoming from Prince Maximil-
ian of Hesse, the Elector Max Emmanuel of Bavaria, Pope Clement XI,
and of course the Venetian Signoria. Pope Clement was committing the
resources of the Church in liberal fashion to help effect the undoing of
the Turiis. In 1716 he had granted the Emperor Charles VI a tithe to be
collected from the ecclesiastical properties in the hereditary lands of the
Hapsburgs, as well as a subsidy of 400, 000 Horins, and now for the year
1717 he imposed a tax on the clergy in Naples, Milan, and Mantua, which
was supposed to produce some 500,000 scudi within a period of Hve
years to support the imperialists against the Turlis. Venice received pa-
pal permission again to impose a tax of 100,000 gold scudi on the eccle-
siastical holdings in the domain of S. Mark, which would amount to
200,000 scudi for the years 1716-1717. Portugal assured the Holy See
of assistance against the Turks. Philip V of Spain took it upon himself to
provide six ships of the line, four galleys, and 8,000 men to reinforce the
Christian naval armament against the Turks, in return for which Clement
was to give the king authority to exact an annual subsidy of 150,000
ducats from the Spanish clergy for a term of five years. The Spanish fleet
was to go into action, but not against the Turks.'''

In the meantime (on 5 .June 1716) Kdward VVortley Montagu, Lady
Mary's husband, had been appointed the British ambassador extraordi-
nary to the Grand Signor. His mission, like that of Sutton, was to try to
make peace between the Austrians and the Tuiks. The Montagus had left

Setton, The Papacy and the Levant, IV, 584.
" Braubach, III, 323-28, and cf. Pastor, XV, 95.
" a. Pastor, XV, 93, 96-97, 100.

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438

Venice, AuttrUt, and tk» Ttarka in the Seventeetuh Century

London with their little son at the end of July, and had got as far as
Vienna by September. On 20 January (1717) Montagu wrote the secre-
tary of state at Whitehall,

Tomorrow I hope I shall receive Che orderB to the govemoun of the places thro
which I am to pass, and I intend Co sec out the next day. I hope in a very little time

to let this Court know how far the Turlcs are inclined to a peace, if they desire it
before they have made another campagne. This Court is of opinion that what-
ever they may offer concerning a cessation of arms is absolutely to be rejected,
and need not be communicaced. . .

It looked as though Wortley Montagu had embarked on a difficult

mission. He reached the Ottoman court at Adrianople on 13 March
(1717).'* The imperialists had been making ever>' effort to help Eugene
of Savoy raise the large army which he hoped to put into the field in the
spring of 1717. He had been tarrying for a while in Vienna — until the
Empress Elisabeth Christine gave birth to a daughter, Maria Theresa,
now heiress to the Empire. On the following day, 1 4 May (1717), Eugene
took leave of Gharles VI, who gave him a Jeweled cross, and admonished
him not to take undue risks. The imperialist army was now said to num-
ber 100,000 men capable of bearing arms. On 15 May Eugene went
aboard a ship which carried him down the Danube past Pressburg (Bra-
tislava)— later a favorite haunt of Maria Theresa — to Ofen (Buda),
where on the 16th he was greeted with a salvo of cannon hre, disem-
barked, heard mass, and inspected the fortifications and a new supply
depot. After five hours in Buda he resumed his journey, and on 21 May
arrived at Putak (Putog) which, as in 1716, had been fixed upon as the
rendezvous for the troops and their point of departure for what
lay ahead.

There had been no movement on the part of the Turks by the time
Eugene had reached Futak. One knew nothing of the Turks except that
they were building up their manpower little by litde. What their numbers
might prove to be ami the quality of their troops remained a question. In
the meantime the imperialists were directing their course southeastward
toward the village of Pancsova where, veering southwestward, they
crossed the Danube in late June, and some days thereafter Eugene's
army, now entirely united, settled under the walls of Belgrade at the
contluence of the Danube and the Sava. The imperialists had already
taken the city (on 6 September 1688), as we have stated more than once,
but soon lost It back to the Turks. Now they would get it again — ^and
eventually lose it again.

i'KO, i>l> 97, fol. 9 i6|, dispatch dated at Vienna on 20 January 1716/17.
**lbidL,fol. ll,di8|MCdidated 10 April 1717.

Copyrighled material

Turkish Reconquest qf Morea, Eugene of Savoy, Ptaet qf PutmmmitM 439

The garrison in Bdgnuie, the Turks' mi^r stronghold on the eastern

frontier, was very large, 30,000 men under the redoubtable Mustafa
Pasha. The Turks made sorties from the fortress town, but by mid-July
the imperialists bc^an a heavy bombardment of the walls from the left
bank of the Danube and from the left bank of the Sava, i.e., from across
the river in t>oth cases. After a few days a large part of Belgrade had
apparendy been ledooed to ashes. The imperialists had brought a good
deal of heavy artillery on their numerous transports whksh had come
down the Danube. The grand vizir Damad All Pasha who, as we have
seen, had been killed at the battle of Peterwardein, was soon succeeded
by Khalil Pasha. The latter now had had to assume the formidable tasli of
assembling a large army for the defense of Belgrade.

Khalil Pasha was not much of a soldier, although he now found himself
in command of a straggly army of some tens of thousands of janissaries,
sipahis, Tatars, and others. The first units, all horsemen, of Khalil Pasha's
massive forces came in sight of the Turkish soldiery atop the walls of
Belgrade on 28 July. They were greeted with jubikuit cries by the be-
sieged. As the days passed, the numbers of Turks arriving on the embat-
tled scene increased enormously. On 1-2 August they began shelling the
imperialist forces, having taken their stand on the high ground to the
west of Prince Eugene's campsites. While the Turks seemed content with
cannonading the various parts of the imperialist army, Eugene saw that
his position was becoming perilous. If the Turkish cannon dislodged his
troops and caused confusion among them, they could be exposed to
attack, for his campsites were between the fortress of Belgrade (on the
west) and Khalil Pasha's forces (on the east), between the upper and the
nether millstones, as it were. Eugene almost always solved a tactical
problem on the battlefield by an immediate, all-out attack, and when
eariy in the morning of 14 August a bomb struck the main munitions
depot in Belgrade, bringing down several defense towers and adding no
end to the destruction of the fortress town, Eugene knew that the hour
had come.'^

Having alerted the numerous generals in his high command. Prince
Eugene began the attack upon Khalil Paslia's vast hordes of soldiery
during the night of 16 August (1717):

Alles ssM auoh gleioh su Pferde,

Jeder griff nach selnem Schwerte,
Ganz still riickt man aus der Schanx';
Musketier wie auch die Reiter
Tlcen alle lapfer strelten:
*S war fBrwahr ein adiSner Tans.

Bfavbaeh, 111, 340-53; PaMor, XV, 102-3; von H«nnMr-Pof]^call, Vli, 217-19.

440

Venice, Austria^ and the J%urka in the Sevetueenth Century

A fog helped conceal the imperialist troops as they withdrew ftrom their
encampments, putting the Turks at a marked disadvantage although, it is
true, Christians also went astray. They ventured out, however, in as
orderly fashion as the hazy night allowed, but the Turks were caught at
loose ends. It was a ruthless, bloody battle. As the ghastly hours passed,
lUudll Pwha knew that he had been defeated, that Belgrade was lost. He
gave the orders for retreat, which became a tumultuous flight. The
surrender of the garrison, now twenty thousand strong, was ratified by
both sides on 18 August. The Turkish soldiers were free to depart, but
must leave all war materials behind. Prince Eugene made his formal
entry into Belgrade on the 22nd, and the Turks streamed out in the days
that followed with drums beating and flags flying.

It was an extraordinary victory. The imperialist army had seemed im-
perilled for some time. Even those who had shared the risks and gained
the rewards of the battle could hardly believe what had happened. Turic-
ish casualties have been estimated as high as 13,000; it is unlikely that
they fell much below some 9,000. Large numbers were wounded or made
captive, becoming losses to the Porte in either event, while the imperial-
ists suffered only 2,000 dead and somewhat more than 3,000 wounded.
The Christian forces won nine horsetails, insignia of Ottoman rank and
authority. They also acquired 131 cannon, 35 mortars, 20,000 cannon-
balls, 3,000 bombs, 30,000 grenades, 600 casks of gunpowder, 300 of
lead, and various minor trophies and treasures, some of them to be dis-
played at social gatherings in Vienna, Munich, and elsewhere. Within the
walls of Belgrade the victors found another 650 or so cannon and on the
banks of the Danube fifteen Turkish galleys and some armed boats. As at
Peterwardein, Prince Eugene acquired the ornate pavilion of the grand
vizir, this time that of Khalil Pasha, who lost the grand vizirate as a
consequence of his defeat. Eugene's victory was celebrated by poets and
painters, historians and Journalists, who enhanced his reputation and
spread his glory.

A full two months before the fall of Belgrade, the Turks had become
ready to make peace with the imperialists. In June (1717) Edward Wort-
ley Montagu had written the staff at Whitehall from Istanbul,

The day 1 left Adrlanople 1 sent a courier by Belgrade to Vienna with a general
proposal to enter upon a treaty at such time and place as shall be named by the

ambassadors of the mediators. . . . This Court is desirous of a Peace if they can
have one without great danger of the Grand Signor's being deposed; leaving
Temiswar in the hands of the Enemy without endeavouring to recover it would
bring him into much danger. If he cannot defend himself in this campaigne
■gainst the Emperour, and the Germans can take Belgrade, it is likely dils Court

Von Haaimer-Pttr^ttU. VII, 219-20; and cf. Braubadi, ill, 354-61; Pastor, XV, 103.

Turkiah Reconqueat t^Morta, Eugene of Savoy, Peace oj PaamarowliM 441

can agree to a Peace by which Belgrade is to be demolished, but no conjecture
about this Court or Government is to be depended on. A new Gmnd Signor or
new Ministers will continue the War. if a correspondence between the Imperial
Ciouit and the ambasMdora of the medlaton be kept open, we ahall be aUe to
make uae of the lint opportunity that offers to hasten a peace, and an opportu>
nity here, where changes are frequent, is not to be ne^ected. It is thou^t there
is even now some danger of the Grand Signor's being deposed.

Tho the Turks say it is not consistent with their safety to make a peace unless
Temiswar be restored, they onely mean as the state of affairs now is, which will
probably be alter*d before the return of my courier, and if a Congress is agreed
to, the demands on both sides will be according to the state of affairs at the time
of the Congress. The French ambassador doth his utmost to engage the Turks to
continue the war. The Emperour's ministers were of opinion 1 should send such
proposals as were made, tho never so unreasonable. 1 have communicated what I
have done to the Dutch ambassador, who thinks a very great point is gained, and
that there is a greater prospect of peace than cou'd have been imagined there
would be so soon. . .

The attention of Europe had been diverted froin the Venetians' strug-
gle with the Forte when the Emperor Charles VI and Prince Eugene of
Savoy reentered the war against the Turks. On 8 July 1716, however, the
kapudan pasha manfim Khoja Mehmed landed a laige force on the Vene-
tian island of Corfu, the gateway into the Adriatic, Vaniemuride d'ltalia.
The Venetian fleet, hovering in the waters of Zante, off the northwestern
shore of the Moreote peninsula, had been waiting more than a month for
the appearance of a Christian auxiliary fleet made up of papal, Spanish,
Genoese, and Tuscan vessels, which were late in getting themselves to-
gether. In fact they did not convene in the papal harbor of Civitavecchia
until 16 June (1716), which was late for rendering assistance to the
Venetians at Corfu.

Nevertheless, the situation was saved by the Saxon general Count
Matthias Johann von Schulenburg, now in the employ of Venice. He had
had a long experience of warfare, having begun his military career under

" PRO. SP 07. XXIV. f()Is. ^7-^H', letter In cipher (certainly by Wortley MonUtgu),
dated at I'era of (Constantinople on 8.lune O.S. [19 June) 1717. According to a letter of Sir
itoiiert Sutton, dated at Vienna on 5 January 1718 (PRO, 8P 97, XXIV, fol. 45), it would
appear that, as of that date at least, the Turks were not convinced of the desirability of
peace: "The delay of the answer expected from the Port (as to the proposed peace| joined
to the advices which the jKmperor'sj ministers have lately received from Wallachia of the
Turfca' having changed their dispoaltions to peace and making great preparationa for carry-
ing on tlie war gives this Court fat Vlenna| some pain, and some of the ministers begin to

cast rcllcctions upon Mr. \Vt»rtley as if he had marred their businesse. . . ."

On 28 October (1717) Wortley Montagu had received from the secreuriat of sute at
WhttalMill letters of reeal from tlie INnte, Init lie chose to femahi at Istantwl until 6 Jane
1718 (cf. the sketch of Kady Mary Wortley Montagu by Leslie Stephen, in the Dictionary of
National Biography, XIII [repr. 1937-381, 706ff.). Despite his social and Hnanciai advan-
tages Wortley Montagu did not achieve great distinction.

442

Venice, Autirtat tmd the TWte in Uie Sevtnteenth Century

the dukes of Savoy and King Augustus II of Poland. During the Great
Northern War von Schulenburg had fought against Charles XII of Swe-
den, and had shared in the defeats at Punitz (Poniec) in 1704 and at
Fraustadt (Wschowa) in 1706. Thereafter von Schulenburg had served
under Marlborough and Eugene of Savoy in the battles at Audenarde
(OttdeiUMrde) in 1708 and Ifalplaquet in 1709. After other oonunisaions
he had entered the service of Venice in October 1715 as field marshal of
the Republic's land forces for three years, and arrived on the lagoon in
December to take the overall command.

The fortress town of Corfu on the eastern shore of the island had been
neglected for years. After the war of Candia and Francesco Morosini's
Greek campaigns the Venetian treasury was almost empty. When von
Schulenbuig set to work on Corfu, he girded the town with palisades,
trenches, and other outworks. He also appealed for more men and
money to the Signoria, which responded with taxes on craftsmen and
merchants as well as with the sale of titles of nobility and various offices.
The Venetian captain-general Andrea Pisani had adjudged it unwise to
attempt to put a halt to Djaniim Khoja Mehmed's disembarking the
Turkish troops from some 250 vessels, for when all the troops had gath-
ered, including some from Gomenizza (Igoumenitsa) in southern Epirus,
they apparently amounted to almost 30,000 foot and 3,000 horse. The
serasker Kara Mustafa and the kapudan pasha had brou^t with them an
armament of allegedly 2,000 cannon. Nevertheless, von Schulenburg
was determined to stand fast, and he did so.

Having landed on Corfu, the Turks' first attempts were against the
forefront barrier of Monte Abramo, but they were beaten back. Both the
besiegers and the besieged spent the month of July (1716) in making
preparations. The Tuiks erected two batteries, bombarding the fortifica-
tions with one and the town itself with the odier. Andrea Pisani had to
keep the Venetian fleet out of their range. The Turks repeated their
efforts against Monte Abramo, and finally took the outpost; they also
breached a ravelin in the new fortress by the seaside. For the most part
the Turkish operations on land were presumably in charge of the ser-
asker Kara Mustafa.^'' It was hard to believe that the Venetian forces
could hold out on Corfu, but von Schulenburg believed it.

*• There Is a stirrinS and well written account of the Turkish siege of Corfu in the Diaria
relazione dell'attacco della Piazzu di Corfu formato dalle armi Ottomane I'anno 1716,
In MS. Marc. It. VII, 1619 (8412). fols. 1-46' (unnumbered). Inc. "Monsieur, Gia con piu
praoedentl lectere In pontuale adempimento di quanto vi ho promesso, non ho mancato di
•vaiizarvi quelle notizie dc' miei viaggi che ho creduto meritevoli delta vostra attenzione
. . . ," and indeed the author's account merited the attentton of every European In 1716.
There la a description of the Turiis' finally taking Monte Abramo on foh. 26*ff.

This MS. also contains a Copia di letteru scritui da Staggt Meemet Chozd [the kapudan
pasha Djaniim Khoja Mehmed], gran Basad, ail' ecceUentiasimo Signor Vettor da Moato
llhpri^edltioreeuiiUumtMCiaifAma^ . . ,m6alprooedi-

lor dclla GItid 6 1«<ilio (foL 47), widi da Mosto't reply dated from

Copyrighted material

Turkish Reconquest ofMorea, Eugene of Savoy, Peace of PassarowitM 443

At last the papal, Spanish, Genoese, and Tuscan vessels did become
united with the Venetian and Maltese galleys, in the waters of Corfu. All
told, there were a hundred Christian vessels to launch attacks upon the
Turks in early August, but this and that prevented their doing so, and on
20 August a severe storm scattered their squadrons. The storm also
raised difficulties for the Tuilis. But sometimes bad news comes quickly.
The battle of Peterwardein (on 5 August 1716) was bad news to the
Turks, nor were they pleased by the appearance of the Christian auxil-
iary fleet. During the night of 21-22 August they put all their horse and
foot aboard their ships, sailing off to the mainland, leaving cannon and
mortars, grenades and bombs in the remains of their encampment. Pi-
sani might have pursued the Turks, and done them some damage be-
tween Corfu and the Albanian-Greek coastline, but he did little or noth-
ing.^' It may have been just as well, for experience had often shown it

July (fol. 48). There is also an Altra lettera scritta da Muatafa Based, serraschier, at

Comandante dellu Piazza di Corfu e suoi capi principali . . . , data dalla Campagna di
Corfu li 5 Agoato 1716 (fols. 49-50'), together with the Venetian commandant's reply
dated "from the city of Corfu the sfxdi of August 1716" (fols. SO'-Sl). The Turkish letters
contain the usual threats (cf., above, the exchange of letters between Francesco Morosini
and Ahmed Agha "Desdar," p. 297, note 34) and (as the case may be) Christian or Turkish
defiance. In the present case the senisker Kara Mustafa declares his Intention "liberarla |la
Piazza di Corfu] dalle vostre mani per abbattere le chiese e i templi destinati al culto
de^l'iJoli e costruire in loro hiogo moschee e templi di vere adorazioni per seguire i
prccetti delta vera fede . . ." (fol. 49').

There is another copy of the Diaria rclazUme dell'attacco della Piazza di Corfu In MS.
Marc. It. VII. 1618 (8267). 126 pp., which also provides us with the Turco- Venetian ex-
change of letters {ibid., pp. 1 17-26). There are other MSS. of this text (Marc. It. VII, 584
18498], 1533 ]8826]. and 2247 [9629]): it was originally written in French, and translated
Into Italian by one Lxjrenzo Molin.

^' F. Pometti. "Studii sul pontiHcato di Clemente XI (1700-1721)," Arch, della R. So-
cietd Romana di Storia pntria. XXIII (1900), 269-74; Pastor, Gesch. d. Pdpste, XV
(1930), 93-94; Kretschmayr, Gesch. von Venedig, III (1934, repr. 1964), 358; Vere e
distinte notizie dell'assedio e liberazion di Corcira, oggi detta Corfu, . . . daU'armi
ottomane, seguita in Agosto del corrente anno 1716, raccoUe e date alia luce da Andrea
Caputi, Naples, 1716, and cf. At Serenissimo Doge Oioxmnni Comoro erf att'ittustrissimi
ed eccellentxssitni SigJinri Scnutori deU'iyiclitn c libera Signoria di Venezia . . . , with a
preface by Andrea Caputi, dated at Fartenope (Naples) on 30 November 1716, esp. pp.
1 Iff., a detailed account.

There is a brief but detailed account of the encounters both on land :ind at sea in
Veridica Nurratione di quanlo e successo in Levante tra I'armata della Sereiiissima
Repuhlicti di Venezia e quella dell'Ottomano, incotninciando dall'unno 1715 sino
all'anno I7JS chc .si few la Pace, MS. Marc. It. Vll, 563 (7692), 167 pp. of text, with
particular attention given to von Schulcnburg's defense of Corfu, ibid., pp. 27-49 and ff.

Theaources for this period available in the Marciana and the Venetian Archives are too
numerous to deal with, but attention should be called to the Reltudone o sia Trattato di
quanto e successo trd VArmi Venete e IXktomttne, t'anno 1716, in MS. Marc. ft. VI!, 38S
(7148), fols. 1-14', which, just before the arrival of the Christian auxiliaries, puts In place
26 Venetian ships (navi) "a romper un cordone di 64 Turchesche" (fol. 4'), and describes
the heavy losses suffered by the Turks in their naval engagements with the Venetians, the
late arrival of the Christian auxiliary forces, the struggle for Monte Abramo, which the
Turks at long last managed to take, the parts played by von Schulenburg and his Venetian
officers, the Turks* eventual "vergognosa fuga" (fol. 1 1*) on 21-22 August, and thereafter
the operations of the Venetian fleet In the waters of Zante and 8. Maura until mId-Ootober

Copyrighled material

444

Venice, Auatria, and the Turke in the Seventeenth Century

was difficult to manage the auxiliary Ghristiaii squadrons sent against
the Turks, with their several commanden, awareness of protocol, and
tendency to disagree with one another.

Matthias .lohann von Schulenburg had become the hero of the day.
The Signoria bestowed on him a lifelong appointment at 5,000 Venetian
ducats a year, gave him a costly sword of honor, and ordered the erecdon
of a monument to him as a lasting tribute. The monument was put up in
1718 on the esplanade at Corfu before the gateway to the old fortress.
After saving Corfu for Venice, von Schulenburg seized Butrinto on the
mainland across the channel from Corfu. He also reoccupied the island
of S. Maura, and was embarking upon the invasion of Turkish Albania
when the war came to an end, but it was not the end of von Schulenburg's
Venetian career, for he remained in the service of the Signoria until his
death in 1747.

After his dramatic successes against the Turits (who labored under the
colossal strain of Eugene of Savoy's victories), von Schulenburg never

ceased to worry about the defense of the fortress towns of Butrinto,
Gattaro, Spalato, Zara, Budva, Trau, and others. He feared the possibil-
ity of the Turks' using Knin (Ganina) as a point de depart for an attack
upon the coast. He was much concerned about the safety of the island of
Cerigo and especially the safety of Gephalonia. Most of all, however, the
defense of the idand of Corfu remained uppermost in his mind, as he
made clear in a long report to the doge, which he prepared at Venice on 1
October, 1718, ten weeks after the Venetians had made peace with
the Porte.^^

1716. This MS. also contains a diary of related events from 8-9 May to 17 August (fols.
18-34', fels. mrnumbered) as well as three other items of some interest.

A large, slender fol. volume entitled Motioni miirittime della Jlnttu Veneta e sqtuidre
ausiliarie per la campagna MDCCXVI e MDCCXVII sotto la direzione delli capitani
etraonHnarU deUe tutoi M H. & Andrea Comer, 1716, N.H. S. Lodovico Flangini, 1717
mori, N. fl. S. \fnrc' Antonio Diedo. 1717 (MS. Marc. It. VII, 384 (10048]), provides us witli
deUiled plans of the siege of Corfu, with the placement of the Venetian and Turkish fleets
frmn 5 July to 26 August 1716, showing the location of Mts. Abramo and S. Salvador, with
views of Imbros, Tencdos, and other islands with the positions taken by the Venetian and
Turkish fleets in various precisely dated engagements between 1716 and 1718.

" MS. Marc. It. VII. 1210 (9026), fols. 73-98, 106', ef aZibi. Von Schulenburg also made
it dear that he needed men and money {ibid., fol. 8b'): "Per dimostrare quanto e necces-
sarlo dl fortffioare le piazze (strongholds] di front! era sudette, e perchi non giovi miglio-
rare le altre per la diffesa della provincia, Vostra Serenita mi permetta che supponga 10
mila huomeni, truppe regolate, destinate alia diffesa della provincia in una guerra. . . ."In
fact, all toM, von Sdiulenbarg stated he had need of more dian 30,000 men for the defense
of Venetian possessions along the frontiers of possible Turkish attack (ibid., fols. 90^ 91',
et cUibi). And as the years passed, his letters, reports, and memoranda continued always to
MiipluurtM immnI for more troops here and still more there (of., tbUL, MS. Marc. It. VII,
1211 (9027), fol. 242', doc. dated 4 May 1731). The overwhelming importance of defend-
ing Ck)rfu against the Turks was forever in his thoughts (cf. his letter to the doge, dated at
Venloe on 6 June, 1733 jtbtd., Mt. 363ff.|). Of less importance than the defense of Corfu
was that of Cattaro, which .nlso greatly concerned von Schulenburg, however, as did a
sustained vigilance along the Albanian frontier (MS. Marc. It. Vll, 1210 [9026], fols.
505ff.).

Turkish Reccnquest Morea^ Buggne Savoy, Peace of PaaaarowitM 445

In the meantime, although the captain-general Andrea Fisani had been
held up to some opprobrium, he also became active. One can understand
his fear of subjecting the Venetian fleet to what he regarded as undue
risk. In view of the Republic's straitened finances, galleys and ships with

broadside cannon had become almost too expensive to replace. Collab-
orating with von Schulenbuiig and with the assistance of his brother
Gailo Pisani, the captain-general did move south of Corfu in October
1717, and took possession of the Turkish ports of Prevesa (Preveza) and
Vonitza (Vonitsa), the latter place being on the south shore of the Gulf of
Arta, about eight miles southeast of Prevesa. Actually the Venetian oc-
cupation of Prevesa was largely due to von Schulenburg, and when Pre-
vesa was taken, the Turks had to surrender Vonitza.^^ Although Andrea
Pisani did redeem his reputation to a fair extent, von Schulenburg was to
receive the lasting acclaim of the Venetians.'^

" Relazione dett'acquisto della fortezsa di Prevesa, ottenuta diM'armi deUa Serenis-

sima Repuhliva. .soffo la vnlorosa condottd del capitan fien. Andrea Pisani, Venice,
1717, published by Girolamo Albrizzi. in the Gampo della Guerra hard by the Church of S.
Oiuliano. and cf. the Rclazinne dcUi vombattivietiti scfiniti fro I'armata Venetu e I'Otto-
manti neH'acquc d hnhro ed in quelle di Santo Stratli c Monte Santo nei 0orni 12, 1,1, e
16 di Giu^no 1717 for further Venetian naval activities which began when Lodovico Flan-
gini, the capitan cstraordinario d^le navi, set sail from Zante on 26 May (1717). Also
published by Albrizzi (and two associates) in 1717, this tract describes events which
attracted attention at the time, but are of no historical consequence as we review the year
1717 from a modem standpoint. For details, see von Hammer-Purgstall, VII, 222ff., and on
the Venetians' occupation of Prevesa and Vonitza, note the Veridica Narratione di
qtutnto i auccesno in Levante tra I'armata delta Serenissima RetmhUca di Venexia e
quella dcll'Ottomano .... MS. Marc. It. VII. 563 (7692). pp. 128-41. Von Schulenburg
has left us a long account of past events in a letter of 15 August 1718 written to the doge
Giovanni Corner (MS. Marc. It. VII, 1210 19026|, fols. 46-72). Needless to add, he contin-
ued to worry through the years about the safety of Butrinto, Prevesa, and Vonltxa (ftML,
fols. 279-80, letter to the doge Comer dated at Corfu on 5 September 1721).

On Schulenbur^'s career, see the article by P. Zimmermann, In the AllHemeine
Deutsche Rinfiraphie, XXXII (1891, repr. Berlin, 1971). 667-74. Schulenburg was born
on 8 August 1661 at Emdcn in the onetime iVussian province of ilanover. lie died at
Verona in the Veneto on 14 March 1747. As I have already observed In 71ie Papacy and
tfte Levant, IV (1984), 110.1, note 220, two Inrge volumes of copies of Schulenburg's
lettera to the doge, relevant decrees of the Senate, plans for the recruittnent of troops, data
oonoeming the deployment and organiiatlon of the Republic's forces on land and at sea,
requirements of artillery and munitions, warehouses for supplies, hiscotto for the troops
and fora^io for their horses, ospcdali e quartieri per la conservatione de soldati, Hnan-
cial facts and li^urcs, the needed fortifications at Corfu, in Dalmatia, and elsewhere — all
this and more may be found in the Bibi. Nazionale Marciana, MSS. It. Vll. 1210-1 1 (9026-
27), which contain documents dated from 3 December, 1 7 1 5, to 30 October, 1 733, a few
of which have been cited above. Incidentally. Schulenburg closes a memorandum to the
doge, dated at Venice on 26 November, 1 729, "con quello antico ma saggio consiglio: Chi
desldera la pace, si prcpari alia guerra" {ibid., vol. II, fol. 60-

Schulenburg. whose name is also given as .lohann Matthias, was well knf)wn in his own
day as an ardent collector of paintings and as a patron of artists in Venice. The records of
his career are partially preserved In the NiedersSchslsches Staatsarchlv In Hanover. Gf. the
sur\ey of Schulenburg's collection by Alice Binion, "From Schulenburg's Galler>' and
Records, " The liurlington Magazine, CXIl, no. 806 (May 1970), 297-303. and the brief
notice of his career by Antonio Morassi. "Un Ritratto del Marcsciallo Schulenburg dipinto
da Antonio Ouaidi," Arte veneta, VI (Venice, 1952), 88-91. And now see especially A.

446

Venice, Austria, and the TuHtt in the Seventeenth Century

The Turks had fared as badly in the war with Austria as they had done
well in that with Venice. Now having suffered defeats at Peterwardein,
Temesvar, and Belgrade, they had also failed in the effort to take Corfu,
and thereafter had lost Prevesa and Vonitza. The Turks were ready to
make peace, and so doubtless were the Venetians, for they had become
exhausted. But astride the steed of victory. Prince Eugene of Savoy and
his friend the Emperor Gharies VI had no interest in peace with the
Turks. They would go on to further conquests of territory and the further
ruination of the Ottoman empire.

Suddenly, however, the winds of warfare changed. The Spanish fleet of
six ships of the line, four galleys, and 8,000 men which Philip V had
offered to assist Venice against the Turks was still at anchor in the harbor
of Barcelona at the beginning of July 1717. There was word afloat, how-
ever, that the fleet which had been fitted out largely with papal money
was in fact not going to set out against the Turks, but rather against the
Hapsburgs' Italian possessions. Ministers of the Spanish Grown denied
the rumor. Held up by contrary winds for a brief while at Mallorca, the
fleet soon sailed eastward, and on 25 July was moored in the gulf and
harbor of Cagliari, the capital of Sardinia. The Spanish landed troops,
and soon had taken over the entire island.

Pope Clement XI and the Curia Romana were shocked. The treachery
of Philip V was incredible, but there it was. Sardinia was now held by the
Spanish. The fleet which had laid siege to Cagliari and occupied the
island had been financed by tithes levied upon ecclesiastical lands and
revenues with the solemn assurance that its sole use would be against
the Turks. The Emperor Gharies VI and the Viennese court were furious,
accusing Clement of betraying them, for the pope had indeed promised
Vienna that the Hapsburg possessions in Italy would be safe. The Vene-
tians had added their own assurances to those of the Holy See that
Naples and presumably the islands would be protected.

The ambition of Philip V and the Spanish government had not only
aroused the indignation of the Austrians but also the concern of the
French and British. The regent of France, Philip of Orleans, and the
British statesman Lord James Stanhope now got together to prevent the
outbreak of war between the imperialists and the Spanish. They also
wanted to clear up some unsatisfactory provisions in the treaties of
Utrecht, Rastatt, and Baden.^ Joining the imperialists, they were soon

Dinion, Im Gulleria scomparsa del maresciallo von der Schulenburg: Un mecenate nella
Venezia del Settecento, Venice, Ateneo Veneto, 1990.

" The treaties of Utrecht (in 1713) and Rastatt-Baden (in 1714) had ended the War of
the Spanish Succession, but in complicated fashion. In MS. Marc. It. VII, 401 (7424), 400
pp., the doubts, differences and dissatisfactions attending the important congress at
Utrecht (in 1712) are made more than clenr by the numerous copies of the dispatches
which Carlo Ruzzini addressed to the doge of Venice and other officials of state, plus
various other relevant documents, including a letter to the pope dated at Utrecht on 8 June

Turkish Reconqueat of Morea, Eugene o/ Savoy, Peace qf PaaaanwitM 447

to form the Quadruple Allianoe, the Quadru'iAeae Foedus, mt London on

2 August 1718, whereby Charles VI, Louis XV of France, and George I of
Great Britain (who were supposed to be joined by the Dutch as the
fourth participant) would lay down the terms by which peace would be
established between the imperialists and the Spanish.

The Emperor Charles would at long last recognize Philip V as "the
legitimate king of the Spalns and the Indies." Philip's ambitious wife
Blisabetta Famese, who would be the heiress to lx>th Parma and Tuscany
(upon the coming extinction of the male lines of the Pamesi and the
Medici), had put in the claims for her little son Don Carlos. Charles
acceded to her request with the overall insistence that Parma and Tus-
cany were and must remain fiefs of the Empire. Philip V would be re-
quired to give up his claims to Sicily and Sardinia. Charles VI would
receive Sicily from Vittorio Amadeo 11, the duke of Savoy, and the latter
would now acquire the soKsalled kingdom of Sardinia from Charles. Vit-
torio Amadeo had been assured possession of Sicily In one of the treaties
of Utrecht, and Charles VFs rights to Sardinia and the Spanish Haps-
burgs' holdings in Italy had been acknowledged in the treaty of Baden.
If Philip refused to agree to the terms being thus imposed upon him by
the Quadruple Alliance, the signatories to the Alliance would have re-
course to arms, and force him into acceptance."

Philip V and his Italian prime minister Cardinal Giulio Alberoni were
certain to reject the terms being imposed upon Spain by the Quadruple
Alliance. They had added to the size and strength of their fleet with every
intention of continuing their aggression in the Mediterranean, their pur-
pose being to complete the conquest of Sicily and to make an attempt
upon Naples. By violating the recent treaties of Utrecht and Baden, and
bringing Europe to the brink of warfare, the Spanish had done the Turks
a great service. Under the circumstances the Austrians now became

1712 iibitL, p. 154). Ruxzini's Arst dispatch was written at Treviao on 11 February 1712
(m.v. 1711); the next to the last at Utrecht on 25 November 1712 (p. 394); the last dis-
patch (no. 53), which is to the doge, remains undated, for it breaks off in the middle of a
sentence. Obviously p. 401 (at least) has been lost from the bound volume. The issues
were Impwtant to the Venetians althoagh they were not directly involved (cf. Kretaoh-
mayr. Geschichte von Vcncdi^, III, 307-8).

^'^ On 1 1 April 1713 Lxiuis XIV of France and his grandson Philip V of Spain had accepted
art. V of one of the treatiea of Utrecht, "recornioiaaaiK i prftaent en vertu de oe Tralii
son Altesse royale de Savoye pour seul et legitime lUqrde Sicile" (Dumont. Corps untoer*
set diplomatique, VMIM |1731|, no. CLV, p. 363), and In the treaty of Baden which was
ratiHed on 7 September 1714 Louia XIV had promised and pledged "quod suam Caesar*
eam MsJestatem [Charles Vl| relinquet in tranquilla et paciKca possessione omnium sta-
toum et locorum quae in Italia modo tenet, et quae antea a regibus Domus Austriacae
poaaessa erant, videlicet (possessioj Regnl Neapolitan! .... dncatua shnliiler Mediola-
nensis, regni insuper et insulae Sardiniae, . . . ," etc. {ibid., no. (xxxnr, arL nx, p. 440).
Charles VI and Philip V would have nothing to do with each other.

" The terms of the Quadruple Alliance, the imperial, French, and British ratificationa
thereof, and the various artUmli aeparati are given in Dumont, VIIM, no. oon, pp. 531—
41, actum LontUni die 22JtiUi (v. at). 2 Augusti (n. sl) amto DamM MDCCXVIII.

448

Vcnfcc, Austria, and the nurka in the Seventeenth Century

willing to oonslder peace with the Poite In order to look to their Interests

in Italy.

Toward the end of June 1718, during the period of negotiations which
would lead to the Quadruple Alhance, a large Spanish fleet of eighteen
warships and some smaller vessels set sail from Barcelona, headed for
the isliind of Sicily. The Spanish moved into Palermo, took Catania, and
laid sie^ to Messina, which according to the Quadruple Alliance was to
become the property of the Emperor Gharies VI. At this point the inter-
est of the British in the Alliance had become especially important, for Sir
George Byng, who had just been raised to the rank of admiral (in March
1718), was sent into the Mediterranean to give effect to the intentions of
the Alliance, which meant that he must put a halt to the Spaniards'
efforts to take Messina. On 21 July Byng reached Naples, where he con-
ferred with Gharies VI*s viceroy.

By the end of the month Byng was in communication with the Spanish
commander, to whom he proposed a cessation of arms in Sicily for two
months, i.e., until the negotiations in progress had determined the steps
to be taken to preserve the peace. The Spanish commander apparently
had no alternative to declining Byng's offer. His purpose in the Medi-
terranean was to win the island of Sicily for the king of Spain. The result
was the naval battle off Gape Passero at the southeast corner of Sicily (on
31 July 1718). The Spanish fleet was poorly organised and badly led. The
BngUsh captured or sank every ship. In August 1720 the Spanish had to
withdraw from Italy. Byng later helped arrange for the surrender of Sar-
dinia to Vittorio Amadeo. The ambitions of Philip V and his minister
Alberoni had come to nothing.^*

By the time Spain made peace with the Quadruple Alliance, Austria
and Venice had already made peace with the Turks, who had gained a
good deal from the territorial aspirations of Philip V and his minister
Alberoni. The treaties of these years tended to be repetitions and modifi-

On the admiral Sir George Byng, who was raised to the peerage as Viscount Torring-
ton (on 9 September 1721), and the naval battle off Cape Passoro, see the artlole by J.K.

Laughton. in the Dictionary of National Biography, III (repr. 1937-38), 567-70. The
major events invoivinj* Spain, the Empire, Clement XI's efforts against the Turks, and the
Qufldntpls Alliance between the years 1716 and 1720 (which I have tried to compress as
much as possible) are dealt with in some detail by Pastor, Gesch. d. Pdpste, XV, 9^,
99-100, 104-23; Pometti, "Studii sul PontiHcato di Clemente XI," Arch, delta K Societd
Romana di Stnria patria, XXIII (1900), 483-512; von Hammer-Purgstall, Geech. d. O**
man. Reichcs, VII (1831, repr. 1963), 220-37; Braubach, Print Eugen von Savoyen, IV
(1965), esp. pp. 20-39, 55-64; and cf. Kretachmayr, Gesch. von Venedig, Hi, 426; Ro-
manin, Storia documentata di Venezia, VIII (3rd ed., Venice, 1975), 43-44.

Mary Lucille Shay, The Ottoman Emp4re/rmn 1720 to 1734, as Aeveaied in Deepatches
qfdte Venetian Baili, Urbana. 1944, fllliiols Studies In die Social Sciences. XXVII-3, repr.
Westport, Conn., 1978. has ^ivcn us a namtlveofTviW'Venctian relations as reported by
dw ImIIIm Giovanni Emo, Francesco Gritd, Daniele DolAn, and Angelo Emo from 1 720 to
1734 with nocowm of the uprisings in Istanbul in 1730 and 1731, the svooesslon of grand
vicirs, Hros and leagues on die Boaporus, the oeasdess giving of gifts to the vlziis, ^

Turkiah Reconqueat ofMorta, Eugene Savoy, Peace of Paaaarowitu 449

cations of those of the recent past. Thus according to the Austro-Turkish
treaty of Karlowitz (of 1699), as we have seen, the Emperor Leopold I
had retained the kingdom of Hungary and all Transylvania then in his
possession as well as Croatia and Slavonia. Now by the terms of the
treaty with Sultan Ahmed III, "set forth in the pavilion at Passarowitz on
21 July in the year 1718," Leopold*s son Charles VI not only kept all the
imperialist gains recognized by the Turks at Karlowitz but added to
them. The treaty of Passarowitz (Pozarevac) was supposed to last for
twenty-four years. The Ottoman government, represented by the pleni-
potentiaries Ibrahim Bffendi and Mehmed Pasha, gave up to the Haps-
burgs the Banat of Temesvar (Timisoara) and the western parts of Walla-
chia and Serbia, the fortress town of Belgrade [which the Turks were to
recover in 1 739], and most of Bosnia. Again, as at Karlowitz, peace had
been made by the intervention of Great Britain and Holland and so, as
legati mediatores, Sir Robert Sutton and Count Jacob Colyer signed the
treaty on behalf of King George I and the States General of the Nether-
lands. It was the most impressive and profitable treaty that the Haps-
burgs had ever concluded with the Porte.
When judged by the Austro-Turkish treaties of the past, the accord of

kapudan pashas, rcis effendis, etc., the decline of Venetian commerce, and the weakness
of the Serenissima in naval matters. Her book ends with a Jumbled account of the difllicul-
tics which the Turks, I'crsians. and Russians had with one another.

^ Uumont, VIII- 1 (17J1), no. cxcix. pp. 520-24: ". . . Frovinciae Moldaviae et Vala-
chiae, partim Poloniae et paitim Transylvaniae limitibus conterminae, inteijacentlbus, ut
ab :intiqiio, mnntibiis distinguantur ct separentur, itri lit ab omni parte antiqiioriim
conhniorum termini observentur, nullaque in his ncc ultra, ncc citra Hat mutatio, ct cum
partes Valachiae cis Aiutam fluvium sitae {i.e., west of the river Olt or Oltui| cum locis et
munimcnto Tcmeswarini in potestatc et possessione Sacrae Romano-Caesarcae Regiae-
que Majcst.'itis sint, juxta accuptatum fundamcntum p.-icis I'ti I'ossidetis, in ciusdcm po-
testatc ct dominio permaneant ita ut praedlcti fluvii ripa occidcntalis ad Romanorum, ripa
vero orientalis ad Ottomannorum Impcratorem pertinent, " i.e., the imperialists owned all
the area west of the OltuI, and the Turks the area east of the OltuI (art. i).

"Cum a Drinn tUivin [the river Drina in eastern Bosnia) usque ad Unnam (the Unacor
Unats in western Bosnia] in utraque ripa fluvii Savi sitae, sive apertae sive occlusae arcet
ct palankae Romanorum Imperatorfs milite munltae sint, cum antiquis suls tcrritorils Juxta
fiindamentiini pads in Kjusdem Sacrae Caesarcac Rcgincquc Majcstatis potcstatepcmian-
ento, quare etiani integer tluvius Savus cum suis ripis ad Eandem pertinet," i.e., Charles VI
possessed the entire valley of the Sava (art. ni), plus certain other territories specified In
the treaty (arts, iv-vi). The signatures of Sutton and Colycr as representing George I and
the Netherlands are given, ibid., p. 524 b. Having been left out of the negotiations which
led to the peace of Passarowitz, Abraham Stanyan, Wortley Montagu's successor as the
British ambas.sador to the Porte, was quite disgruntled (ef. his letter to the secretary of
state at Whitehall in PRO. SP 97. XXIV. fols. 257-58. "at the Grand Vizir's camp at
Sophia, 2()th .luly 1718 O.S." (i.e.. 31 .luly|, and note, ibid., fol. 260).

There is a large volume in the Marciana (MS. It. VII, 383 |7733j, 154 fols., with 15 blank
fob.), containing the dispatches of GaHo Rutzint to the doge Giovanni Comer, i.e., to the
Signoria, from 21 March to 10 November 1718, with other relevant addenda and numerous
texts signed at Passarowitz by the mediators Robert Sutton and Jacob Colyer (fols.
1-114), plus letters written by Ruzzlnl to various princes, diplomats, and others relating to
the peace of Passarowitz from U> April to 15 October 1718 (fols. 127-51, and numbered
separately as fols. 1-25) as well as two (original) letters of credence on parchment issued

450

Venice, Auatria, and tht Titrka in the Seventeenth Century

Pasiarowitz was indeed extrmordliuury, a source of pride and satisfaction
to the court at Vienna, but one wonders what further gains the imperial-
ists might have made if Philip V and Alberoni had not interrupted Prince
Eugene of Savoy's campaigns against the Porte. The intervention of Aus-
tria had certainly reduced the losses which Venice would otherwise have
suffered. In any event the Serene Republlo had to ^ve up the entire
Morea and the islands of Tenos and Aegina, but she did retain the seven
Ionian islands, including S. Maura as well as the mainland strongholds of
Butrinto and Paiga, Prevesa and Vonitza.^

Austria had done well in the years preceding and including 1718; in a
moment we shall look at the subsequent history of Venice. In the mean-
time, however, we should note that at the assembly of Pressburg (Brati-
slava) in 1687-1688 the kingdom of Hungary had been recognised as a
hereditary possession of the Hapsburgs. Ten years later Transylvania
was added to Hungary, and after the War of the Spanish Succession the
Austrians had little cause for complaint in the treaties of Utrecht, Ra-
statt, and Baden (in 1713-1714). The scattered lands with disparate
languages over which Charles VI now ruled would involve the Austrians
in many ditiiculties in the years to come, but fortunately they lie beyond
the scope of this volume. When Lady Mary Wortley Montagu first arrived
in Vienna (on her way to Turkey with her husband), she found that the
city **did not at all answer my ideas of it, being much lesse than I ex-
pected to find it."^* As the days passed, however, she became much
impressed with the city and the court, and as the years passed, Vienna
would become one of the artistic centers of Europe.

to Ruzzini in the doge's name on 12 March and 28 April (1718), and signed by the secre-
tary Giovanni Francesco Busenello. On Passarowitz and the results thereof, see Amy A.
Bernardy, L'lltima Guerra turco-veneziana (1902), pp. 53-71.

Dumont, V'III-1, no. oc, pp. 524-28, actum sub tentorio ad Possarovitz XXI. Jul.
MDCCXVIU, esp. arts, ihv on the VeneUans' retention of parts of the Dalmatian ooast with
Butrinto, Prevesa, and Vonltxa on the basis of uti poeetdetU, The hailaggio was restored in
Istanbul (art. xiv), and various judicial, inaritime, and other problems were dealt with at
length in the Veneto-Turkish treaty of Passarowitz, which had also been negotiated
through the mediation of Sutton and Cdyer (<MdL, p. 524 b). Cf. Setton, The Papacy and
the Levant. IV, 1 103-4.

Despite the gains which the Ottoman empire had won from Venice in the treaty oi
Paaaarowits, tiM Turks had embarlted upon a period of difficulty and decline, aldraugh

diey made some effort at administrative and military reform, which the Venetians followed
with dose attention (Paolo Preto, Venezia e i Turchi 11975], pp. 357-77). The successes
of Austria and the growth of Russian power were, however, too much for tiie Turks to
contend with, especially in view of their failure to make much progress in military technol-
ogy and the extreme conser\'atisni of Islam. Nevertheless, the advance of Austria and
Russia moved Venice to ever closer ties to the Porte {ibid., pp. 380-92).

The Complete Letters of Ixidy Mary Wortley Montagu, ed. Robert Halsband, I (1965),
259, letter dated at Vienna on 8 September 1716, and for Lady Mary's letters from Vienna,
see, ibid., 1, 259-79, 291-97; for thoae from Adrianople and istanlMd (Ckmstantlnoirfe), I,
308-415.

Copyrighted material

Turkish Reconqueat 0/ Morea, Bugene 0/ Savoy, Peace 0/ Pasaarowiu 451

The Viennese suooumbed happily to the giandeur of Baioque palaces

and churches with their fresco paintings and fine sculpture. They en-
Joyed the Italian drama and opera, the French comedy, and even re-
turned to the German theater and German literature. In the later eigh-
teenth century Austria was remade in remarkable fashion by the reform
and reconstruction of governmental institutions, by a marked improve-
ment in the lot of the peasantry (owing to the efforts of Maria Theresa
and her son Joseph II), and by the well-planned promotion of trade and
industry. There was a notable enrichment in the cnrrlonla of the primary
schools and those of the universities. Ecclesiastical privilege was almost
drastically abridged, monasteries were suppressed, and monastic wealth
reduced.

Maria Theresa's ministers, Wilhelm von Haugwitz and Wenzel Anton
Kaunitz, managed (more or less) to organize an imperial bureaucracy, a
Standing army of considerable size, a woricable treasury, and an almost
efficient Judiciary. The estates of the Hapsburg realms (those of Bohe-
mia and Moravia, Styria and Gamiola, Gorizia and Giadisca) were drawn
into a system of general taxation, from which neither the clergy nor the
landowning nobility was any longer to be exempt. The reluctant Carin-
thians were forced to pay taxes, and although the Hungarian estates
contributed considerable sums to the military budget, by and large the
Magyar nobility escaped general taxation for almost another two centu-
ries. The Hapsburg Erblande were on the whole taxed as were the odier
component parts oi die &npire, but in the governmental intricacies of
the time it is difficult to make entirely reliable generalizations. Although
Maria Theresa (d. 1780) initiated many of the reforms which helped to
establish the Hapsburg empire upon a more solid foundation, the more
radical and perhaps far-reaching changes for the better were brought
about by Joseph H (d. 1790). He was moved by the thought of the time,
the period of the so-called Enlightenment. Although mother and son
often disagreed, their combined effect, despite subsequent disruptions,
was certainly lienefloial to Austria and the Empire.

Despite the Crown's adherence to Catholic orthodoxy, non-Catholics
and Jews were finally given access to the universities. Torture was abol-
ished in 1776, and so was the death penalty a decade later. Early in the
reign of Joseph II the huge general hospital (the Allgemeines Kranken-
haus) was built in Vienna, as was the large academy of military surgery
(the Josephinum), where the tourist may now visit die Museum fOr Ge-
schichte der Medizin. These buildings, important in the history of medi-
cine and surgery, are to be found between the Sensengasse and the Van
Swieten-Gasse.

A highly cultivated bourgeoisie grew up in Vienna and elsewhere in
the Hapsburg domains. Music flourished. Haydn and his friend Mozart
were, needless to say, as joyously received in the aalofis and drawing
rooms of the well-educated bourgeoisie as in those of the nobles of

452

Venice, Auuria, and the Ttarka <n the Sevetutenth Century

Vienna. Their work was also very popular in public performances, espe-
cially that of Mozart. Freedom of the press became widespread in Austria
until the political pamphleteers aroused Joseph IPs not entirely unjusti-
fied fears toward the end of his reign. The events in France in 1 789 made
censorship inevitable in Austria. The Austrian Enlightenment almost
came to an end in the reactionary and repressive regime of Francis II [I]
(1792-1835), but an Intellectual renaissance lay ahead In the Vienna of
die later nineteenth century.^

As for Venice, she held on to the Ionian islands and the four towns on
the mainland until the dissolution of the Republic in 1797 (when Napo-
leon gave up Venice and part of the Veneto to Austria in the treaty of
Campo Formio). For some time after Passarowitz, however, the Vene-
tians feared an attack by the Turks,^ but the Porte (like Venice) had
embarked upon years of decline and, holding on to the Morea, the Turks
were more Interested In recovering Belgrade ^m the Austrlans than In
seeking to regain territory from the Venetians. The Signoria's adminis-
tration of the islands and the mainland ports was poor. The state was
financially exhausted. Venetian officials exploited the islanders to the
fullest extent they could. Conditions on the island of Zante were espe-
cially oppressive. They were rather better at Corfu, which remained the
chief naval station for Venetian vessels plying the Adriatic and Ionian

Cf. in general the excellent little book by Ernst Wangermann, The Austrian Achieve-
ment, 1700-1900, London, 1973, and note the selectlonB from the sources (In EnfjfUh
trnnsliitinn) in C.A. Mncartney. The flubsbiir^ tmil Unhenznllcrn Dynasties in the Seven-
teenth ami Eifihccenih Ceiittiries, New '^'ork, 1*>7(). csp. pp. 94ff. There is a detailed study
of the mercantile policies of Maria Theresa and her son .loseph II by Adolf Beer, "We
dsterreichiache Handebpolitili unter Maria Theresia und Josef il.." Archivfiir rister-
rHchtevheOetichichte, LXXXVI (1899). 1-204, and on Marts Theresa and the early years
of Joseph, sec Derek Bcales, Joseph II, I. Canibridj»e Univ. i'ress, 1987.

^ Cr. ASV, Senato III (Secreta). Dispacci Costantinopoli (1719-1720). fols. 18', 19', a
dispatch of Carlo Runini to the dofte dated at Corfu on 25 June 1719: "Apertamente si
profcssa (according to the ambdsciutori mediatori, the Dutch and British ambassadors
Colyer and Stanyanj che I'intentione della Porta sia dl riouperar quelli non solo deU'ultima,
ma deirantecedente guerra dl Morea, motive che potri servlr a quelle ulteriori comlssioni
che la publica pnidenza conosccsse opportune per scansare le dilationi che per altro
seguircbbero sopra I'intiera liberta de schiavi nosth . . ." [Colyer and Stanyan soon se-
cured the release of a number of Venetian "alavet," UML, fol. 47, and note fols. 626ff.|.

"L'occhio unito alia mcmoria dclle passate contingenzc c andato osservando il sito deili
pericoli e delle gloriosc diffese non meno che lo stato, in alcuna parte, migliorato delle
foRiilMCiOill. A queste per6 ben molto vi manca, ondc si possan creder rimosse le facility e
per oona^uensa gl'allettamenti nel cuor de' nemici, ben stabilito e sicuro I'unico ante-
murale della Patria e dell'ltalia, che chiama dalla somma sapienza deU'eccellentissimo
Senato un'aatldua ae ben dispendlosa curs per oondur'aHa perfettlone opera dl tanto
valore."

There were allegedly various Turkish violations of the treaty of Passarowitz, ibid., fob.
48ff., a dispatch of Ruzzini dated at Pera di Costantinopoli on 5 September 1719, and of.
fols. 97', 99, 101, 103, et ttlibi, as well as fols. 224, 232-233, etc., with many parts of many
dlspaiehes in oif^ier. Somettmet, however, Ruialnrs meetiiiii with the Tuilitoh leadecriiip
were very friendly (UfkL, fol. 324*).

Copyrighted material

Turkish Reconquest o/ Moreu, Eugene of Savoy, fftace PtumtrouritM 453

Seas. During the Russo-Turkish wars (1768-1774, 1787-1792) the

Greek islanders made manifest their hostility to the Turks by assisting
the Russians in every way they could despite the sustained efforts of the
Venetian Si^noria to remain neutral. These two wars made a deep im-
pression upon Europe, and certainly upon Venice; indeed the war of
1768-1774 was the Hrst Greek revolt against the Sublime Forte."''' In
fact, after Passarowltz (1718), Venice tried to detadi herself from all the
conflicts in Europe for, with so many problems at home, she could not do
otherwise.^

■'^ Franco Venturi, Scttccento rxformatore, 4 vols, (so far published in five parts, Turin,
1969-84), III, 22-73, 90-91, 92-96, 100-6. 1 1 Iff., trans. R. Burr Litchfield, The Endqf
the Old Re0me in Europe, 17fy8-1776: The First Crisis, Princeton Univ. Press, 1989, pp.
23-73, 91. 93-96. 100-6, 1 1 Iff.

With m mastery of the souroes Mid the seooodary literature Marino Berengo, La So-
cietu veneta alia fine del Settecentn, Florence: Sansoni, 1956, chaps. I-III. has traced in
some detail the historical l^ackground to the decline of Venice — the economic difticulties.
political unease, administrative corruption, and social instability of the Republic — during
the course of the later eighteenth century. Various troubles arose in the Signoria's rela-
tions with the complicated network of the "states" which made up the Republic (Bergamo,
Brescia. I'ndua, Verona. Udinc. Crema, Vicenza. Treviso, Rovigo, Peltre, and others). Be*
rcngo has described the social classes (no6t7i. cittadini, popolani, and the incerta clasae
hnr/ihese), the divisions and hostilities among them, and the parts they played in govern-
ment, the professions, agriculture, commerce, various industries (and arti^uinuti ), fisher-
ies, etc., as well as the helpless, hopeless class of wandering vagabonds: "U povero doveva
restare povero, ed II ricco eonservare le sue rlohesse." The ruling patriciate oonid not see
the problem, and so the Republic of S. Mark started to go down hill.

Berengo has also depicted with painstaking care the miserable foodstuffs availaUe to
the masses^ rural life in the Veneto; probiems of land ownership (by the nobles, the nionas*
tcrics, and the Church); leases, iVntS (in kind), and the labor needed for cultivation of the
land; the "rustiche insurresioni** often caused by famine, tolls, and taxes; the governmen-
tal monopoly of tobacco (an important source of income for the Republic), the iHelal
cultivation of the profitable plant, and its clandestine sale in Venetian territory. Violation
of the tobacco contraband could bring the offender three years on the galleys.

The snragglen of tobacco often had recourse to brigandage. In dw poorer areas of the
Republic, where surveillance was less thorough, the brigands moved to and fro not without
some support from the local residents. Highway robbery added to the tribulations of mer-
chants, travelers, and the police, especially In the Alpine regions from Prluli and Oortsla to
the plains of Bergamo as well as in the hinterland of Istria where the people, always happy
to evade the salt and tobacco monopolies, were in constant conflict with the law.

In dealing with the intellectual life of the Venetians in the eightecndi century Berengo,
chap. IV, has emphasized the cleavage between the traditionalists, some of whose works
were limited by » scholarly attention to detail (pedantesca minuMiosUd). and the small
number of illuniitiiHti vencti, whose activities were limited by the censorship of books,
especially when they ventured into religion and politics. Thus the sale of Rousseau's worlu
was ofHclally prohibited in Venice, but Bei^amln Pranklln's woriis were qaite acceptable.
On the whole, however, the discreet Venetian could acquire, read, and keep almost any
book he wanted. The iniluence of the French Enlightenment had pervaded the Veneto, and
spread throu^iovt Italy, which became increasin|^ open to the currents from Bn^nd,
Holland, and flcrmany. As for the so-called religious "tolerance" of the Venetians, it is
perhaps better to think of their "indifference." of which in the latter half of the century
Freemasonry (involving nobles and the bourgeoisie) was a rather important part.

The rationalist and revolutionary ideas of the French .lacobins, the deism of the Freema-
sons (sometimes deviating into atheism), and the heretical determinism of the Jansenists
caused no end of politioni and tdlgtow diMansloa in Venice aad the Veneto. In fMt, since

454

Venice, Austria, and the Turks in the Seventeenth Century

To look back for a moment, Venice had managed to sustain some
measure of economic prosperity (despite a prolonged period of infla-
tion) after she had lost her dominion over the island of Cyprus to the
Porte (in the war of 1570-1573). The island declined rapidly after the
Turks had taken it. Prom the early years of the seventeenth century,
however, Venice began to suffer some measure of economic deteriora-
tion, owing to the huge increase in English, Dutch, and French com-
merce in the eastern Mediterranean. Also the circumnavigation of Africa
had already ruined the Venetian spice trade, which the Portuguese, En-
glish, and Dutch had quickly taken over. Venetian trade with the com-
mercial centers in Germany had been a rich source of revenue, but this
was of course vastly reduced by the Thirty Years' War.

The long war with the Porte for possession of the island of Crete
(1645-1669) had drained the Venetian treasury. Taxes and tolls of all
kinds were increased during the Cretan war, titles of nobility were sold
(for 100,000 ducats per family); but these funds were spent on warfare,
not invested in commerce. Later on, whatever resources the Signoria
could assemble were spent in support of Francesco Morosini's conquest
of the Morea which, as we have seen, the grand vizir Damad AH Pasha
had reconquered in one hundred and one days in the latter part of the
year 1715.

During the last half century or so a large literature has grown up relat-
ing to the decline of the Venetian Republic in the seventeenth century,
of which we cannot take any detailed account here.^ Despite the set-

the time of Paolo Sarpi relations between the Signoria and the Curia Romana had been
weighed down by disagreement and conflict despite the fact Venetians were all supposed
to be good Catholics. There was now a wide gap between the patricians of Venice and the
revolutionaries of Paris. Many liberal ecclesiastics had come to believe that the rights of
man were embedded in the Gospels. They defended the Jews, on whom the indignity of the
ghetto had been imposed. The breach between old Venice and the new France could never
be bridged, and even the nobles of the terraferma, cut off from the centralized government
of Venice, welcomed the advent of Napoleon, who liberated them from the rule of the
Signoria. So much for the effect of the "new ideas" of the Enlightenment and the French
Revolution upon Venice, which Berengo, ciiaps. V-VII, has explored in full, and cf. Bruno
Caizzi, Industria e commercto delta RepubbUca veneta nelXVIII secoio, Milan, 1 965, pp.
12ff., concerning the restrictions on the trade in tobacco (and woolens, raw silk, foreign
cloths of all kinds, coffee, oil, salt tish, indigo for dyeing cotton, wool, and silk, etc.), "il
tema del eontrabbando domina la tematica dell'econoniia veneziana del Settecento," with
which Berengo has dealt at length. Note also the slender volume of Franco Venturi, Vene-
zia nel secondo aettecento, Turin, 1980, who gives brief (but instructive) synoptic views
of life in Venice and the Veneto in the eighteenth century, concentrating upon prominent
persons and the principal problems of the time. On the costumes (and to some extent the
social customs) of eighteenth-century Venice, see La Moda a Venezia nel Secoio XVIII,
with notes by G. Morazzoni, Milan, 1931.

In listing the names of historians who have dealt in recent years with the latter-day
history of Venice there come to mind (among others) Daniele Beltrami, Marino Berengo,
Wm. J. Bouwsma, Fernand Braudcl, Carlo Cipolla, Bruno Caizzi, Gaetano Cozzi, Jas. C.
Davis, .lean Georgelin, Felix Gilbert, Frederic C. Lane, Gino Luzzatto, Brian Pullan, Donald
E. Queller, Ruggiero Romano, Guido Ruggiero, Domenico Sella, Federico Seneca, Aldo
Stella, Alberto Tenenti, Gianfranco Torcellan, Franco Venturi, and Stuart J. Woolf.

CopyilL|hicQ nialerial

Turkish Reconquest of Morea, Eugene of Savoy, Peace of PassarowiUi 455

backs In wailire, local maimfacturefB and artisans remained at work in
the Veneto as well as in Venice. In liot they sometiines retreated to the

Veneto. The silk mills and paper mills prospered. Rice was grown in the
Veneto, and exported in fair quantities. Sugar was refined, and soap was
made. Maize had become an important product in the later sixteenth
century, and still remains so in the Veneto to this day. The woolen in-
dustry had grown remarkably in die sixteenth century, and declined in
sad fashion in the seventeenth. Labor was a persistent problem in Venice
and the Veneto. So were exports and imports.^^ The overall decline of
the Ottoman empire had made the Turks less dangerous enemies (they
were preoccupied with the Austrians), and had also made them less

Bruno Caizzi, Industria e commercio della Repubblica veneta nel XVIIl secolo
(1965), has made a oarefbl sttidy of the various work>foroM In Venice and die enthe

Veneto. Labor was jjeneraily held under strict discipline, and a day's work might well
amount to fourteen hours. The woolen and silit mills were especially important; so were the
glass woriu on die Island of Mvrano, exporting beads, nrinrora, 0am plates, and window
panes. Cloth was woven for garments and the long hose of the lime. Paper was manufac-
tured, and e.xported in large quantities. A good many men were employed in the lead- and
iron works as well as In the prodnotkMi of soap, wax, oeramlcs, porcelain, and tobacco.
Although the Signoria strove to keep peace with every state in Europe with which she
could become involved, arms were manufactured in Venice and the Veneto but, as Caizzi
makes clear (p. 192), "forelgnefS had no access to the forges; every cannon that was
produced had to bear the name of the manufacturer and the seal of S. Mark. Customers
could not have recourse to individual master craftsmen, but could only make contracts
with trade-unionists among the master workers |. . . coi sindact delle maestranze]."

The Venetian eiMComs duties had been generally high and the snrveUlanoe of labor
ahnost rigid, bat as the eighteenth century and the Independence of the RepuMle were
gradually drawing to a close, there was some oscillation between the protectionism of the
past and a certain measure of free trade. The distinction was drawn between such goods as
were produced within the boundaries of the Venetian Hepvbllo, which remained sutjject lo
heavy customs duties, and essential imports which mnalned exempt from high tariHs. It
was not always easy, however, to set the one apart from the other, which caused difRoui-
tles both wlditai die Venertan state and widi those bringing goods Into the Veneto.

During the Turco- Venetian war, which ended in 1718, the Republic had been obliged tO
allow certain foreign traders to do business on more or less equal terms with the local
residents. Upon the restoration of peace between the Porte and the Venetian fovermnent,
it proved to be impracticable to revert to the old restrictions placed by the Signoria upon
the foreign traders, who had taken over a large part of Venetian commerce, and now lield
on to It, "leavini the locals the crumbs of commerce" (Caizzi, pp. 217ff.). After 1758
Ottoman ships appeared in ever larger numbers at the docks in Venice, bringing goods
from the Levant. Venetian merchants often chartered ships from Mlssolon^l (Me-
solonginn), as the consul in ThessaionikI reported in September 1790, preferring them to
Venetian ships, for they were lighter and less expensive. While Venice lost much of her
trade to competitors, riie continued to And profit In tobacco, soap, salt, and wax. Although
the lyCvantine trade declined on the whole, Turkish coffee and cotton became of prime
importance; wool also came from Turkey and Albania, as did linen (made from the Hber of
flax). But generalisations are diAoHk, for oonditlons varied meflMdly (and so did oustoms*
regulations) from one generation to the next. The subject can only be dealt with in some
detail, as Caizzi, pp. 2 19-66, has done. The Venetians remained suspicious of (and hostile
to) the Turks uiMll the end of the century, and aooMtlmes they even entertained silly ideas
of reconquest, but accommodations were made, and peace obtained between the Signoria
and the Porte to the end of the century, on which cf. Paolo Preto, Venezia e i Turchi,
Florence, 197S, pp. 378(1.

456

Venice, Atutria, and the Turka in the Seventeenth Century

profitable customers. The Russians had become an important force in
eastern Europe in the early years of the eighteenth century, as we have
seen, and the Venetian Signoria looked happily upon their military ven-
tures, for they were inimical toward both the Turks and the Austrians.

The plagues of 1576-1577, 1630, and 1657 had brought about marked
increases in wages, while the Venetian guild system apparently made
production too costly for both manufacturers and merchants to compete
in Istanbul, Smyrna, or elsewhere with the English, Dutch, and French.
Over the years commercial enterprise and arranged marriages had con-
centrated wealth in the hands of various patrician families, whose sons
came to avoid the labors and risks of navigation. As their commercial
opportunities declined, these families turned to the countryside, to the
reclamation of the marshlands in the Veneto, became agriculturists (not
without profit), and built themselves luxurious villas, /acendo la bella
JigurcL Various aspects of the economic and social consequences of the
patriciate's acquisition of large landed estates still remain obscure, how*
ever, and until further archival research can furnish us with instructive
detail, it seems best to confine ourselves to general statements of appar-

■IQ

ent accuracy.

After the peace of Passarowitz, despite economic hardship, life went
on in Venice with some measure of tranquillity. Possessing a wide range
of talents, Venetian craftsmen were highly respected. They maintained
the iron foundries which produced (among other things) the bells for the
campanili which still sound the hours in Venice. More refined worionen
manufactured mechanical clocks which, one generation after another,
Venetian ambassadors and bailies took as gifts to the sultans and the
pashas. The Turics loved cioclis, but they could never repair them when

^ Undoubtedly ajlric-ulturc. viticulture, and the rents derived from the Utrtfi landed
estates on terru fermii helped fill the ^.ip caused by the decline of Venetian industry,
although the export of Venetian glass, paper, and silk cloths, especially the panni d'oro,
for the most part remained strong. Tlie Venetian economy certainly had its ups and downa
tiirou^out the eighteenth centuiy, on which cf. in general .lean Gcorgelin, Venise au
aiide de» lumiires, Paris and The Hague, 1978, pp. 86ff., 157ff., 237ff., 303ff., et alibi,
whose weighty tome contains a vast amount of f;ictual detail sometimes at odds with itself.

Georgelin has dealt with the production of grains (especially maize), the breeding of
cattle, pigs, sheep, goats, and horses, as well as with changes in the weather from one
period to another and their a.ssumed effect upon the price of grains. Me has also dealt with
the history of Venetian coinage, the building and rebuilding of palaces, theaters, hospitals,
and villas in the ei^teenth century. He moves back and forth in time, going from one
country to another to make comparisons with the V^enetian economy, causing rather a
jumble of the abundant statistical data he has collected.

Franco Venturi, Venesto nef aecondo settecento, Turin, 1980, pp. 6-7, believes that
Georgelin has been misdirected by the precepts of the i4nna/e.s school in his analyses of
the connections between changing economic conditions and the political difliculUes of the
Venetian government, in any event Georgelin has the decline of Venice and the Veneto
constantly in mind at the same time as he combats the idea of decline. I must, however,
add that I have found his book lively, interesting, and instructive.

Turkish Reconquest o/Morea, Eugene o/ Savoy, Peace Cff Pastarowitx 457

they went awry. Graftsmen also constructed fine organs for use in
churches as well as for secular purposes. Venetian g<rfdanitlu'and jew-
elers were highly esteemed in Europe, and today there are several well-
known jewelry shops on the Piazza S. Marco. Venetian craftsmen gave
much time to the manufacture of pottery, the blue-and-white majolica,
and (from the early eighteenth century) fine porcelain. Examples of their
woric, collected by the Venetian noble Teodoro Gorrer (d. 1830), may
now be seen in the Museo Givico Gorrer (in the Procuratie Nuove on the
Piazza S. Marco).

The glassworks of the island of Murano are as well known today as they
were in the late seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, for there has been
a renascence in glass-making at Murano since the 1920's, when Paolo
Venini and Giacomo Gapellin revived the artistry of the sixteenth cen-
tury in their production of vases, goblets, and other glassworks. The
Aldine press became famous; its works are still treasured. As the years
went on, despite some measure of censorship, the Venetian book busi-
ness prospered. Popular editions were inexpensive. The literate popu-
lace followed local events and foreign affairs in the newspapers, the
gazzette and ^azzetiiii, which we have cited from time to time. Today
every Venetian reads // Guzzettino, the chief newspaper on the lagoon.
Learned academies were established in Venice and the Veneto, and to-
day the Ateneo Veneto remains one of the more highly esteemed and
productive learned societies in Europe. From one generation to the next
the Venetians have continued to build up the Library of S. Mark, the
Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana (now in the old Zecca or Mint), which
gradually became a most important library after Cardinal Bessarion gave
the Signoria his large and valuable collection of manuscripts (in 1468).
The Venetians have always maintained the Marciana with the greatest
care (despite some spoliation and disruption by Napoleon after the fall of
the Republic in 1797), and today scholars from much of the learned
worid come together to use the manuscripts, incunabula, and other
works assembled in the Marciana, where they are always accorded help
and a generous receptlon.^^

^On the French and Austrian plundering of the Venetlfln> libraries, those of the

churches, monasteries, and convents, and to some extent that of S. Marco in 1 797, lROf>-
7, 1810-1812, and thereafter, see the important work of Marino Zorzi, Ixt Libreria di S<in
Marco, Venice. Ateneo Veneto [Milan, 1987|, esp. pp. 3 1 9-64, and ff. For a brief survey of
the intellectual and social life of Venice in the eighteenth century, see Geor^elin, Vfniae
uu sicvlc lies lumiercs (1978), pp. 705-81, who puts some emphasis upon the Venetians'
interest in mathematics and the sciences, libraries and the public press as well as upon
convents and the feminism of the Enlightenment, the popularity of clubs and cafes, fetes
and religious processions, along with the growth of deism, the decline of the priesthood,
the widespread political unrest, and the corruption, disarray, and gradual enfeeblement of
the Venetian governmental institutions. Cf. also GianfrancoToraeUan,Se((ecento veneto c
(iKrf acrUti atarict, Turin, 1969. esp. pp. 14911.

458

Venice, Austria, and the Turkt in the Seventeenth Century

Holidays and festivities, enlivened by fireworks, were long popular on

the lagoon, and indeed they still are. As the masses turned out to witness
the regattas, so did the nobility. The nobles also gave large banquets
when they could afford them, and won and lost money at the gaming
tables, which often took up the time and attention of the younger patri-
olAte, whose employment abroad had been curtailed after the year 1718.

Learned Venetians, of whom there were many in every generation,
occupied themselves with the dose study of maps, topography, geogra>
phy, astronomy, astrology, navigation, anatomy, medicine, and history.
The University of Padua, a Venetian institution, was famous. Sir John
Finch, the English ambassador at Istanbul from 1674 to 1681, had taken
a doctorate in medicine at Padua, and so had his friend and constant
companion Sir Thomas Baines. The humanists had long thrived in Ven-
ice, where one continued to pursue the study of philosophy and theol*
ogy, write poetry and compose dramas, ending up with the worlcs of
Pietro Ghisiri, Carlo Goldoni, and Carlo Gossi. Of these Goldoni is the
most famous, especially for his comedies; he wrote In Venetian, and his
statue now stands in the busy Gampo S. Bartolomeo.

The theater and theatrical companies became especially popular in
Venice in the eighteenth century. The Teatro "la Fenice," built in 1790-
1792, was largely destroyed by fire in 1836, but having been restored, it
is still the revered scene of the opera, always a high spot in the Venetian
year. The first public opera house had opened in Venice in 1<>37. We
have already noted Anna Akerhjelm's enjoyment of both the opera and
the carnival in February 1689, and they remain much the same three
centuries later, the carnival with its masks and masquerades. Hotels and
travelers, some of them "tourists," had been common in Venice from the
fourteenth century, often complaining about the prices.

Music gradually became an indispensable part of the social as well as
of the religious life of the Venetians. Some names stand out in the record
of die past. Andrea Gabrieli (d. 1586), Venetian composer and organist,
became well known for his choral and instrumental music on ecclesiasti-
cal and state occasions as well as for festive gatherings in the palaces of
the patriciate. Andrea's nephew Giovanni Gabrieli (d. 1612) also be-
came famous as a composer and an organist. Both Andrea and Giovanni
distinguished themselves as organists in St. Mark's, by far the most im-
portant church in Venice (although it did not become die cathedral until
1807 when the church of S. Pietro di Castello had to give up its primacy).
Glaudio Monteverdi (d. 1643), the great avant-garde composer of madri-
gals and operas, spent the last thirty years of his life in Venice, where he
now lies buried in the church of the Frari. Monteverdi furnished com-
posers in Venice with the model to which they would adhere in the years
to come. In the more modem era there come to mind Qioacchino Rossini
(d. 1868) and, above all, Giuseppe Verdi (d. 1901), the outstanding
operatic composer of the nineteenth century.

Turkiah Rectmquest qf Morea, Eugene of Savoy, Peace of PeuaarowUm 459

After the peace of PasMiowits the "grand tour** began slowly to bring

tourists to Venice. The city gradually became what has been called a
playground for the wealthy. On the whole it would appear that the tour-
ists and the wealthy did not see much of one another. Among the wealthy
was l>ord Byron (d. 1824), who had an apartment on the Frezzeria (in
1816-1817). After January 1818 he took a three years' lease on one of
the Palassi Mooenigo on the Grand Canal as well as on a villa at La Mira
on the river Brenta. Byron's letters depict his views of Venice (and of
course give much attention to his persona! affairs and literary problems).
While living on the Fresseria he wrote his friend Thomas Moore (on 24
December 1816) that, as for Venice, "the nobility, in particular, are a
sad looking race — the gentry rather better."^*'

The tourists enjoyed riding in gondolas up the Grand Canal and under
the Rialto bridge; when they went along the entire Canal, they passed a
doxen churches and some two hundred palaces. The degant Ga d*Oro
caught their attention, as it had that of all visitors to Venice since the
mid-fifteenth century (it is now a museum). Many of these palaces were
and are famous. Travelers of the later eighteenth century were bound to
be impressed by the huge Palazzi Pesaro, Rezzonico, and Grassi (all
museums now). The Palazzo Corner-Loredan (now the Municipio) would
interest historians who knew something of the annals of the Corner fam-
ily, and historians could not fail to seek out the Palazzo Dario, which the
Signoria had given to the Venetian secretary GtovannI Dario, who had
ended sixteen years of warfare with the Porte in the renowned treaty of
January 1479. All these palaces are on the Grand Canal.

The architecture of Venice reflected both eastern and western styles,
the major buildings being the Lombardo-Byzantine basilica of S. Mark
and the Veneto-Gothic Doges' Palace. Visitors were taken to see the
church of S. Maria Gloriosa dei Frari (where the Archives of State were
eventually assembled in the Franciscan convent after the fall of the Re-
public), the Dominican church of SS. Giovanni e Paolo (where a number
of doges are entombed), the church of 8. Stefano (where Francesco
Morosini lies buried), the huge church of the Salute (built to commemo-
rate the Venetians' escape from the plague of 1630), the tiny church of
the Miracoli (which the Germans have recently restored), and so on and
on. Many visitors ventured to the far north of the city to see Tintoretto's
house and the handsome church of the Madonna dell'Orto. There was no
end of things to be seen in Venice and, as time went on, no end of visitors
came to see them.

^" The Works oj Lord Byron, Letters and Journals, ed. Rowland E. Frothero, 6 vols.,
London. 1898-1901. IV, 29. and note Rosdla Mamoll Zorti, "Lotd Byron e Veneda,"
Ateixcn \ cricfo, CLXXV. n, s. XXV'I (1988), 24,1-55. And of course the Americins were to
join the British in their love of Venice, in which context note Zorzi, Robert Browning a
Venesta, Venice, 1989, and Henry Jamm, Latere da Pakaan Barbaro, Milan, 1989.

460

Venice, Atiatria, and the Turka in the Seventeenth Century

Uppermost in the minds of at least some travelers and tourists were
the works of art in Venice. Anticlericalism was part of the eighteenth-
century Enhghtenment, and when the fall of the Republic came in 1797
thousands of paintings and pieces of sculpture were bought, stolen, and
otherwise dispersed from unprotected palaces, closed churches, bygone
guilds, and suppressed monasteries. Nevertheless, in the Venice of today
the works of more than a thousand painters, sculptors, and architect*
builders may be seen in palaces, churches, and museums. Important
paintings were collected in large part in the Accademia, built from the
old Ghiesa della Carita and the Scuola di S. Maria della Carita, one of the
six Scuole Grandi or "Great Guilds" in the city.

The Accademia was not established until 1807, after which works
were gathered from various churches and elsewhere, gifts were made by
Venetian nobles, and chrou^ the yean the ooflection grew to include
the woriu of Qentile and Giovanni Bellini, Piero della Prancesca, Andrea
Mantegna, Gima da Gonegliano, Jacopo Palma il Vecchio, Vittore Gar-
paccio, Giorgione da Gastelfranco, Jacopo Bassano, and the maestri del
Rinascimento Titian, Tintoretto, and Paolo Veronese. To see such
works, the legacy of the old Republic, the earlier travelers and tourists
had had to go from one church or palace to another, hoping for admis-
sion. In the Scuola Grande di San Rocco, despite the spoliation after
1797, the extraordinary series of paintings done by Jacopo Tintoretto in
the sixteenth century still remains one of the miyor attractions of mod-
em Venice.

In a letter to his friend Samuel Rogers, Lord Byron wrote ftx>m the
Palazzo Mocenigo (on 3 March 1818),

The Carnival was short, but a good one. I don't go out much, except during the
time of masques; but diere are one or two converBoxUmi, where I go reguiariy.

. , . The city, however, is decaying daily, and does not gain in population. How-
ever, I prefer it to any other in Italy; and here have I pitched my staff, and here
do 1 purpose to reside for the remainder of my life Iwhich of course was not to be
the easel . . . .**

Venice had become a dissolute city, and Byron fitted well into the life of
the social elite. As he wrote another friend on 8 September 1818:

Venice is not an expensive residence (unless a man chooses it), it has theatres,
soolety, and profligacy rather more than enough. I keep four hones on one of the
Islands, where there Is « beach of some mdes along the Adriatic, so that I have

daily exercise. I have my gondola, and about fourteen servants . . . , and \
reside in one of the Mocenigo palaces on (he Grand Canal; Che rent of the whole

LettenandJoumaU, ed. Prodiero. IV (1900), 208.

Copyrighted material

Turkish Reconquest of Morea, Eugene of Savoy, Peace of Ptuaarowitg 461

house, which is very lar^e and furnished with h'nen, etc., etc., inclusive, is two
hundred a year (and I gave more than I need have done). In the two years I have
been at Venice I have spent about Jive thousand pounds, and I need not have
spent a third of this, had it not been that I have a passion for women which is
expensive in its variety every where, but less so in Venice than in other cities.
You may suppose that in two years, with a large establishment, horses, house,
box at the opera, gondola, journeys, women, and Charity (for I have not laid out
all upon my pleasures, but have bought occasionally a shilling's worth of salva-
tion), villas in the country, another carriage and horses purchased for the coun-
try, books bought, etc., etc., — in short everything I wanted, and more than I
ought to have wanted, that the sum of five thousand pounds sterling is no great
deal, particularly when I tell you that more than half was laid out in the Sex; — to
be sure I have had plenty for the money, that's certain/^

As Byron played, he also worked, and as he began the fourth canto of
Childe Harold's Pilgrimage, his thotights turned from the profligate
present to the historic past:

I stood in Venice, on the "Bridge of Sighs;"

A Palace and a prison on each hand:

I saw from out the wave her structures rise

As from the stroke of the Enchanter's wand:

A thousand Years their cloudy wings expand

Around me, and a dying Glory smiles

0*er the far times, when many a subject land

Looked to the winged Uon's marble piles,
Where Venice sate in state, throned on her hundred isles. . . .

In Venice Tasso's echoes are no more.

And silent rows the songless Gondolier;

Her palaces are crumbling to the shore,

And Music meets not always now the ear:

Those days are gone — but Beauty still is here.

States fall — ^Arts fade — but Nature doth not die,

Nor yet forget how Venice once was dear.

The pleasant place of all festivity.
The Revel of the earth — the Masque of Italy!

«/Wd., IV. 255-56.

Copyrighted material

INDEX

Aaron, voivode of Moldavia (1595), IQ

Abafi, Michael L prince of Transylvania
(1661-1690), 2AS

Abbas L "the Great", shah of Persia from
1587 (b. 1571, d. 1629), 6, 16ff., 31

Abdul Kerimbeg, Ottoman reis effendi
(1702), AlA

Abdurrahtm, mufti of Istanbul (ca. 1648),
152f., 154n

Accarigi, Clemente, Hospitaller com-
mander (1668), 199ff., 22A

Achaea, 213. 316; Latin principality of
(1204-1432), lOTj Venetian province,

398. 400n, A\h
Acquapendente, 106n

Acrocorinth, 299. 303f., 330. 337. 344.

399. 428; see also Corinth
Acronauplia, 339. 430: see also Nauplia
Acropolis, of Athens, 303ff., 309ff., 317,

329. 332. 334ff., 340ff., 347, 365
Adana (Seyhan), 401
Adda river, 67, 104

Adrianople (Edirne), 245, 247ff., 26L 264.
280. 288f., 369ff., 379f., 38L 393n,
403f., 406ff., 412n, 413, 417, 423n, 433,
438. 440. 450n

Adriatic islands, IAS

Adriatic Sea, 2, 143, 163, 176, 188, 236,

252f., 255, 279, 282n. 44L 452, 460
Aegean islands, see Archipelago
Aegean Sea, 148, 150, 162, 167^ 112, 179,
181. 186. 188f., 193, 195, 208. 257, 348,
363,411

Aegina, 179, 334. 337n, 341, 411, 430,
450; Gulf of, 304f., 309

462

Africa, 193, 428
Africans, 119

Ahmed L Ottoman sultan from 1603 (b.
1590, d. 1617), 4, 19, 2L 150, 160. 165,
Ki2

Ahmed 11, Ottoman sultan from 1691 (b.
1643, d. 1695), 380, 383, 393n, 396

Ahmed III, brother of Mustafa II, Ottoman
sultan 1703-1730 (b. 1673, d. 1736),
416ff.. 42L 429, 431f., 440f.. 4^

Ahmed Agha "Desdar", Turkish com-
mander in Modon (ca. 1686), 297n, 443n

Ahmed Chelebi, Ottoman envoy to Charles
V of Lorraine in 1685, 217

Ahmed Kopriilii Pasha, son of Mehmed
Kopriilii, Ottoman grand vizir from 1661
(b. 1635, d. 1676), 32, 102, 192ff.,
206ff., 210, 213, 215, 224, 227n, 229ff.,
235ff., 240f., 246ff., 256f., 289f., 370f.

Ahmed Pasha, Ottoman grand vizir, 1647-
1648 (d.l648), 151ff.

Ahmudshazade Hussein Kopriilii, Ottoman
grand vizir, 1698-1702 (d. 1702), 406,
408. 410, 414

Aische, Sultana, wife of Suleiman Pasha,
Ottoman grand vizir (ca. 1655), 180

Aix-la-Chapelle, treaty of (1668), 19L 159

Akerhjelm, Anna, lady-in-waiting to Cath-
arina Charlotta, countess von
Konigsmarck (1686-1688), 296. 298.
301f., 344n, 349n. 353ff., 458

Akerhjelm, Samuel Mansson, brother and
correspondent of Anna Akerhjelm (ca.
1686-1688), 298, 31 7n, 349n, 353ff.

Alais, peace of (1629), 49

Index

463

Alba luHa (Welssenburg. Karlsburg, Gyula-

fehenar), 9, 19
Albania. 162, 228n, 229n. ML 235f., 374,

376. 396n, 432, 442, 443f., 455n
Albanians, 168, 332. 334. 337. 376f.
Alba Regia, see Stuhlweissenburg
Alberoni, Giullo. prime minister to Philip V

of Spain (1716-1719), and cardinal,

from 1717 (b. 1664. d. 1752). 447f.. 45Q
Albrecht. Hapsburg archduke, brother of

Emperor Rudolf II. and co-ruler of the

Netherlands (b. 1559, d. 1621), 3nn, 20,

Albrecht, duke of Sachsen-Weimar (b.
1599, d. 1644) and (from 1640) Sachsen-
Eisenach. brother of Bernhard. 70n

Aldine press, 457

Aldobrandini, Gian Francesco, nephew of
Pope Clement VIII and papal commander
(b. 1545. d. 1601), lOf., 14ff.

Aldobrandini. Ippolito, see Pope Clement
VIII

Aldringen, Johann von, imperialist field
marshal (b. 1591. d. 1634). 63, mS

Aleppo (llaleb). 132n, 119

Alexander VII (Fabio Chigi). pope 1655-
1667 (b. 1599). 89. 95. 98. 186. 188. 198

Alexandria, 2, 116f., 126, 192f., 233, 348

Algeria, 1

Algerians, 324. 371. 388: see also Barbary
corsairs

Algiers (Zer), 2, HO, 146, 156, ISQ

Ali Hammal. executioner of Sultan Ibrahim

I (1648), 153
Ali Picenino, commander of North African

corsairs (1638). 1118
Allacci. Leone, papal librarian (b. 1586, d.

1669). 37f.
Allerheim. battle of (1645). 76, 8Q
Alsace. 28, 65. 67, 70, 85, 9L 263, 390.

398

Altenburg (Mosonmagyarovar). 1_4
Amiens. 68

Amsterdam. 50, 69. 86

Ananes, Aegean island. 178

Anatolia, 150n, 154, 157, 160f., 179, 183.

189. 196. 281. 284. 312. 383n. 40L 428
Ancona. 356n

Andimilos. Aegean island. 178
Andros. 179, 182. 192f., 344. 348
Androusa, 419

Angaranto, Greek monastery on Crete, 1 18
Anna, daughter of Emperor Maximilian II

and wife of King Philip 11 of Spain (b.

1549. d. 1580). 28
Anne of Austria, daughter of Philip III of

Spain and wife of Louis Xlil of France (b.

1601, d. 1666), 25

Anne, queen of England, Scotland and Ire-
land (Great Britain and Ireland), 1702-
1714 (b. 1665, d. 1714), 406, 424

Antivari (Bar), 368

Antwerp. 86, 236

Apostolic See, .see Holy See

Arab Redjeb Pasha, Ottoman governor of
Sofia and commander on the Danube, (d.
1689), 365. 369

Arabia, 215

Arabic language, 409n

Arcadia (Kyparissia), 351f., 391n. 419

Archipelago (Egeopelagus, Aegean is-
lands), no, 118, 121f., 139, 167. IIL
177f.. 189f., 198. 229n, 260, 324, 381ff.

Ardennes, 74

Argolid. 341

Argolis. Gulf of. 388

Argos, 297f., 315, 338f., 391 n. 396n, 416n,

430: battle of (1686). 298
Aristotle, 2Qi

Arlington, Lord, see Bennet. Henry
Armenians, 1 17n

Arnim, Hans Georg von, Saxon general (b.

1581, d. 1641), 56. 60. 62
Arnstadt, 61

Arrighi, Antonio, biographer of Francesco
Morosini, 179n, 182n, 189n, 192n, 193,
223n, 228n, 243n, 272n, 299n, 305n,
312n, 346n, 353n, 360n, 388n

Arta, Gulf of, 445

Articles of Reconciliation, treaty between
Rudolf II and Archduke Matthias (1610),
25f.

Artois, 65

Aschaffenburg, 56

Ateneo Veneto, 457

Athena, 340: Athena Nike, temple of, 303n
Athenians, 305, 321. 331f.. 337n, 340ff.,

345. 365: see also Athens, city
Athens, city, besieged by Morosini (1687),
299n, 301ff., 317n, 361; occupied by
Venetians (1687-1688), 314. 316ff.,
324f., 330ff., 334f., 347: evacuation of
(1688), 334, 336f., 339ff., 344n, 347;
mentioned, 213. 294n, 329n, 350, 364f.,
368

Athens, duchy of (1204-1456), 107

Atlantic Ocean, 5n, 50, 99

Attica, 146, 28L 304. 32L 336, 340, 354,

359; Venetian Invasion of (1687-1688),

3Dlff.

Aul)usson, Frangois d', duke de la Feuil-
lade, commander of French volunteers at
Candia (1668-1669), 222f.

Audenarde (Oudenaarde), battle of (1708),
442

464

Venice, Austria, and the Turks in the Seventeenth Century

Aiiersperg, Franz Karl von. count, imperial-
ist infantry commander (1684), 212

Augsburg, 23, 2T, 4T, hih ConfcvSsion of
(1530), 45f.. 6(L Ml League of. 1686
(Grand Alliance), 390f., 424. Peace of
(1555), 18, 23, 29, 35, 90, 98; Reichstag
of Augsburg (1555), 18, 23, 26, 29, 35,
90. 98; War of the League of (1689-
1697), 389f.. 392f.. 396, 398, 400f.

August, son of .fohann Georg 1 of Saxony,
administrator of the archbishopric of
Magdeburg, 1628-1638 (b. 1614, d.
1680), 66, 93

Augustinians, on Crete, 135

Augustus 11, king of Poland from 1697, see
Friedrich Augustus I, elector of Saxony

Auhausen bei Nordlingen, 23

Austria, in 18th century, 450ff.; in Austro-
Turkish ("Long") War (1593-1606), 8,
10, 12, 23; in Thirty Years" War (1618-
1648). 30, 33, 44n, 48ff., 74, 8L 92; refer-
ences to, 4, 6, 62, 96f., 102. 104f., 192f..
263. 367, 390, 405n, 419, 433. 446, 448,
450: Turkish invasion of, 1683 {and see
Vienna, Siege of), 257, 260. 266f.; see
also Austrians, German Empire, Haps-
burgs. Imperialists

Austria-Hungar>'. 81

Austrians, in campaign of 1716, 434f., 437:
in imperialist campaigns of 1680s-
1690s, 27 Iff., 32L 328, 330, 362, 364ff.,
390, 395, 406, 412; In Thirty Years' War,
40. 48n, 63, 15. 83, 99f.: in Turkish inva-
sion of 1683 (and see Vienna, Siege of),
257f.. 260f., 265ff., references to, 32n,
51n, M, 120, 238, 251f., 290, 404, 408.
413ff., 430, 446f., 452, 455; see also
Hapsburgs, Imperialists

Austro-Hungarian empire, 102

Austro-Turkish War. 1593-1606 ("Long
War"), 6ff.. 3L 37n

Austro-Turkish War (1663-1664), 32

Avogadori di Comun, of Venice, 1.17

Avogaria di Comun, of Venice, 1.18

Azerbaijan, 6

Aziz Kffendi, mufti in Istanbul (1651), 161
Azov, 400, 406, 422; Sea of, 400f.

Babylon, Babylonia, 153n, 28J
Bad Wimpfen. battle of (1622), 21
Baden, treaty of (1714). 424n. 433, 446f.,
450

Badoer, Barbaro. Venetian proweditore
dell'armata (b. 1617. d. 1657). 182ff.,
187n, mS

Badoer, Giovanni, Venetian officer impris-
oned by Ottomans (1715), 43J
Baghdad. 1Q9

Bagnaluca, 247

Baines, Sir Thomas, physician educated at

Padua (b. 1622. d. 1680). 458
Balbi. Angelo, Venetian officer imprisoned

by Ottomans (1715), 43i
Balbo, Bernardo, Venetian proweditore on

Tcnos (ca. 1715), 421
Balkan peninsula, Balkans, 7, 12, 16, 257.

■167

Baltadji Mehmed Pasha, Ottoman grand vi-
zir (1704-1706, 1710-1711). 417f.,
420ff.

Baltic Sea, 43, 49f.. 67, 71, Zi 92n
Bamberg. 21

Baner, .lohan. Swedish field marshal (b.
1596, d. 1641). 68f., 72f.

Barbaro, Antonio (b. 1627, d. 1679), Vene-
tian captain of the Gulf (from 1 654). 184:
proweditore d'armata and opponent of
Francesco Morosini (1658-1661), 191.
239f.; proweditore generale on Crete
(1667), 193f.

Barbaro, Luca Francesco, Venetian ca-
pitano dclle navi (1651), 163

Barbaro, Niccolo. \'enctian officer impris-
oned by Ottomans (1715), 431

Barbary, 2, 12Q, 140, 145. 155, 172, 175,
177. 284. 380: Barbary Corsairs, 108.
173. 178. 180, 205, 254, 256, 27L 279.
324. 373: see also Corsairs

Barberini. Francesco, cardinal protector of
Poland ca. 1683 (d. 1738), 268n

Barberini, Italian family, 142n

Barberini, Maffeo, see Urban VIII

Barcelona. 71, 446. 448

Barozzi. Venetian deserter at Candia
(1669), 227n

Barton, Edward. English ambassador to the
Ottoman court, 1590-1597 (b. ca. 1562,
d. 1597). 8f.

Biirwalde, treaty of (1631), 50f.

Basadonna. Venetian proveditor estraor-
dinario of Navarino (ca. 1688), 351

Basel. 76

Basilicus, Jacob (Meraclides), see Jacobus

Heraclides
Bassano, Jacopo (b. 1515, d. 1592). 460
Bassignani, Giovanni, Venetian engineer in

Greece (ca. 1687-1691). 329, 339, 325
Basta. Giorgio, imperialist commander

against the Transylvanians, 1601-1606

(b. ca. 1540. d. 1612). 17f.
Bathory. Andras. cardinal, cousin of Sigis-

mund Bathory, ruler of Transylvania,

1598-1599 (d. 1599), L5
Bathory, Sigismund, prince of Transyl-
vania, 1581-1613 (b. 1572. d. 1613),

lOff., 14ff.

Index

465

Bathory, Sophia, mother of Francis I
Rak6czy (d. 1680). 2AE

Battnglia, Giroianio. Venetian captain at
the battle of Paros ( 165 1 ). 163

Bavaria. 26f.. 292; "circle" of, ?L 390; In
Thirty Years* War. iL JL 40, 44n. 53f..
57f., 63, 83, 93n, 99, 102, 132; rulers of.
.see Maximilian L Maximilian Emmanuel

Bavarians. 26, 273, 276; at Vienna (1683),
267f.; in Thirty Years' War, 75f., 83, 92

Begoghli mills, near Modon. 431

Begtash. Ottoman agha of the janissaries
(d. 1651). 165f.

Bchayi, mufti in Istanbul (ca. 1651). 16J

Belgium (Catholic or Spanish Netherlands),
84. 197. 392. 394. 397. 405. 433

Bel|4rade. 162, 247f.. 26L 264, 2TL 2TL
279f.. 282ff.. 288f.. 387, 393, 406f.. 412,
436. 452; peace of (1739), 367. 449:
siege of (1688) and recapture by Otto-
mans, 364, 366f.. 376, 389f., 392n; siege
of (1717), 403, 438ff., 446

"Belgrade", village on the Black Sea, 250f.

Bellini, Gentile (b. 1429, d. 1507). 460

Bellini, Giovanni (b. ca. 1430, d. 1516),
460

Bembo, Angelo, Venetian convoy com-
mander (ca. 1684-1694), 364

Bembo. Tietro Antonio, galley commander
captured by Turks (in 1697), 409

Bembo, Pietro, Venetian convoy com-
mander (ca. 1684-1694). 364

Bender, Turkish fortress on the Dniester.
420

Bene, Gilberto del. Hospitaller galley com-
mander (1688). 194

Benedetti, Simon. Venetian captain of the
Duca di Ixyrena (ca, 1688). 345

Benfeld, town in Alsace, 65

Bennet. Henry, earl of Arlington. English
secretary of state, 1662-1674 (b. 1618.
d. 1685). 208, 213, 215, 218, 25J

Benzio (Bencio). Milano, bishop of Canea.
1642-1657 (d. 1657). 119

Benzon. Venetian family. 328n

Benzon. Zorzi. Venetian provveditore di
cumpo in Athens (1687). pri}weditore
estriiordinario of the Morea (1687-
1688). 322, 338, 343, 345, 350f., 355f.,
363, 3SS

Bcrat, town in Albania, 376f.

Beregani, Nicola, Venetian historian (b.
1627, d. 1713), 273n, 278n. 290ff.(nn),
296ff.(nn), 301n. 305n, 312n, 321n

Beregh, county of, 21

Berg, German duchy of. 25

Bergamo, 453n

Berkel River. 4Q

Berlin, 52f,

Bernardo, Antonio, Venetian capitano
delle fialeazze (ca. 1648). LSD

Bernhard, duke of Sachsen-Weimar (b.
1604. d. 1639), 6L 64f„ 67ff., 85

Bcrnhardines, 85

Bernini, Gian Lorenzo (b. 1598, d. 1680),

128n
Besan9on, 263

Bcshiktash, northeast section of Istanbul,

170

Bcshiktash, Ottoman agha of janissaries

(ca. 1650), 160
Bessarion. cardinal (b. 1395?, d. 1472),

457

Bethlen, Gabriel (Gabor), prince of Tran-
.sylvania, 1613-1629 (b. 1580, d, 1629),
IS, 20, 32n, 33f.. 36, 4 If.. 44n. 81, 260
Bethlen, Stephen, brother of Gabriel. 42n
Betti. Venetian sergeant major (ca. 1669),
235

Bettoni, Venetian family. 328n

Bianchi. Agostin. secretary to the doge Do-

menico Contarini (ca. 1669). 228n
Bianchi. Zorzi de'. Venetian captain of the

Margarita and deserter (1654). 1 73
Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana. 457
Biblioteca Palatina, taken from Heidelberg

to the Vatican (1622-1623). 38
Bichi, Giovanni, nephew of Pope Alexander

VII, papal commander. 1657-1658 (b.

1613, d. 1676), 186, 188, 194f.
Bihac. town in northwest Bosnia, 6
Bisamberg, across the Danube from Klos-

terneuburg. 265
Bittcrfeld, town in Saxony, 51
Bizerte. port in northern Tunisia, 2, 156n
Black Forest, 26

Black Sea, 117n, 141n, 159, 190. 246, 255,

401. 415. 417
Blake. Robert, English admiral (b. 1598, d.

1657). 150
Bocskay, Stephen, voivode (1604-1606)

and prince (1605-1606) of Transylvania

(b. 1557, d. 1606), 18ff.
Boeotia, 304

Bogislaus XIV, duke of Stettin from 1620,
of Pomerania 1625-1637 (b. 1580, d.
1637), 49

Bohemia, before Thirty Years' War. 6, 24,
28. 32n; Diet of, 28^ 43; Estates of. 28,
30f.. 35f.; in 1618-1619, 3L 33; invaded
by Catholic forces, 35, 31, 42f., 47f., 56:
invaded by Swedes. 77, 85, 87f.; kings of.
see Rudolf II, Matthias, Ferdinand 11,
Frederick V of the Palatinate, Ferdinand
III, Leopold L Charles VI: other events of

466

Venice, Austria, and the Turks in the Seventeenth Century

Thirty Years' War in, 2L 60, 62, 66f., 9±,
132: references to, 45, 88n, 402. 451
Bohemian Brethren, 25, 29, 31, 31
Bohemians, before Thirty Years' War, 24ff.;
in Thirty Years' War, 31, 43, 295n; refer-
ences to, 27n, 93n
Bojana River, 368

Bollani, Antonio, Venetian convoy com-
mander (ca. 1684-1694), 364

Bon, Alessandro, Venetian capitan del
Gol/o (1688-1691), 376, 380; Venetian
provveditore generate of the Morea,
1714-1715 (b. 1654, d. 1715), i21

Bon, Ottaviano, Venetian baihe in Istanbul,
1604-1608 (b. 1552, d. 1623), 154n

Borghese, Camillo, see Pope Paul V

Bosnia, 152, 162. 166. 252. 279. 368.
372n, 40L 406, 449

Bosnians, 249. 252

Bosporus, see Istanbul

Bostanjis, gardeners of the palace In Istan-
bul. 219, 32i

Bourbons, French (1589-1830) and Span-
ish (1700-) royal dynasties, 40, 64, 392.
401. 433: see also Henry IV, Louis XIII,
Louis XIV, Louis XV, Philip V (of Spain)

Brabant, 4J

Braccio (Brazzo) di Maina, 121. 199n, 416

Braga, Lorenzo, chief physician of the Ven-
etian fleet (1688), 342n

Braila. city in Wallachia, 10

Branca, Giovanni (b. 1571, d. 1645), mO

Brancovan, Constantine, prince of Walla-
chia, ca. 1696 (b. 1654, d. 1714), 393

Brandenburg, 3, 39, 4 1 , 49, 52, 69, 72f., ZL
82. 266; Brandenburg-Prussia, 102;
Brandenburgers, 252; electors of, .see Jo-
hann Sigismund, Georg Wilhelm, Fried-
rich Wilhelni, Friedrich III

Bratislava, see Pressburg

Brazil. 71

Brazza di Maina, .see Braccio di Maina
Breda, town in southwest Netherlands, 4L,

Breisach. captured by Bernhard of Sach-
sen- Weimar, 69ff.; references to, 76, 91.
263. 398

Breitenfeld, first battle of (1631), 55, 6L

74: second battle of (1642), 74
Bremen, archdiocese of, 43, 45, 92
Brenta river, 459
Brescia, 379. 453n

Bresciano, Count Soardo. Venetian com-
mander at Novigrad (1646), 143n
Brindisi, 205

Brno (Briinn), capital of Moravia, 267
Bromsebro, peace of (1645), 12
Brun, Antonio, Spanish envoy, 84f.

Brunswick, 43, 214

Brunswick- Luneberg (Braunschweig-
Liineburg), 73; troops of, in Venetian
campaigns (of 1684-1688), 292ff., 299n,
310n, 319, 323, 325f.. 329f., 359; dukes
of, see Georg Wilhelm, Johann Friedrich,
Ernst August

Brusa (Bursa), 166

Brusoni, Girolamo, historian of Venice (b.

1614?, d. after 1686), 144n, 146n, 149n,

184f.(nn), 187n
Brussels, 63, 94n

Bucintoro, Venetian state galley, 388
Buda (Ofen), 8, .164, 403. 438; attacked by

imperialists (in 1598-1599), 14f.; pashas

of, 123, 144, l^j siege of (1684), 273ff.;

siege of (1686). 277ff., 289
Budovec, Vaclav (Wenceslas), Bohemian

noble and lord of Mnichovo Hradiste (d.

1623), 38
Budva (Budua), in Yugoslavia, 444
Budweis (Ceske Budjovice), 33
Bulgaria. 26L 326, 365, 390
Burdzi. island fortress in harbor of Nauplia,

338f.. 430
Burgundy, imperial "circle" of, 9L 97
Busenello, Giovanni Francesco, secretary

to the doge Giovanni Comer (ca. 1718),

449n

Butler, Walter, Irish conspirator against
Wallenstein, 1634 (d. 1634), 63

Butrinto, in Albania, 411. 444. 445n, 450

Byng, Sir George, British admiral in the
Mediterranean (1718), Viscount Torring-
ton from 1721 (b. 1663, d. 1733). 448

Byron, George Gordon, sixth lord Byron (b.
1788. d. 1824). 133n; in Venice (1816-
1819), 459ff.

Byzantine empire. Byzantium, 15f., 115

Ca d'Oro. palace in Venice on the Grand
Canal. 459

Caboga. Marino. Ragusan envoy to the Ot-
toman court (1687), 286
Caffa (Feodosiya), 255
Cagliari, 446

Cairo, m, 151n, 247, 259
Calabria. 108

Calami, port near Canea on the Island of
Crete, 190

Calbo, Alvise, Venetian officer (1668), 196
Calbo, Marco, Venetian convoy com-
mander (ca. 1684-1694). 364
Calogero. fort near Canea, 190
Calvinism, 90

Calvinists, 3, 17f., 29, 34f., 37, 43. 45. 82
Cambrai, League of (1508-1510), 13
Caminietz, .see Kamenetz-PodolskI

Index

467

Cammin (Kamlen), diocese of, 93
Campo della Guerra, in Venice, 445n
Campo San Bartolomeo, in Venice, 458
Campo Santo Stefano, in Venice, 243
Canakkale, town on the Dardanelles, 173,
182. 384

Canal, Antonio, Venetian convoy com-
mander (ca. 1684-1694), 364

Candarli, Gulf of, 154

Candia, archdiocese of, 134ff.; archbishops
of, see Mocenigo, Leonardo, Querini,
Giovanni; see also Crete, Roman Catho-
lic church on |Candia|

Candia, city (Herakleion, Iraklion), 12j
117ff.(nn), IIL 123n, 125n, 134f., 237.
245. 250. 256n. 353. 370, 387j war of
Candia (1645-1669), 129, 132, 135f..
141n, 144ff., 150, 164, 178f.; siege of
(1647-1669). 147f., 150n. 153n, 154ff.,
158f., 182f., 185. 188f., 188ff., 193ff.,
208. 21 Iff., 219, 221ff., 253; surrender
of. to the Turks (1669). 228f., 232.
236ff., 272, 426; Venetian "kingdom" of,
106-108. llSff.n. 124f.(nn). 128n. 185n,
221f.. 23L 238, 283, 285, 3M

Candia. war of (1645-1669), 126ff., 137ff..
154ff., 158f., 162ff.. 167ff.; references to.
L 8L 94, 97. 104, 107, 108n, Uln,
115n, 125n, 239, 24L 245n, 247, 252,
254. 272n, 330, 363, 426, 442; peace ne-
gotiations in (1668-1669), 180ff., 229ff.;
see also Candia (city), Crete

Candians (Candiotti), 118n

Canea (Chania, Khania), lOL 118ff.(nn).
12 If., 126, 232, 234f., 245, 252f..319: in
war of Candia (1645-1669), 127f., 140f.,
146f., 149n, 150, 155, 158n. 162, 164.
182f., 185, 189ff., 193. 195f., 199ff.,
216ff., 224, 229; siege of (1692), 386f.,
389, 391. 395

Canea Bay. 14L 198f.. 373n

Canea. Gulf of. 205

Canina (Knin). 148, 170, 374ff., 444

Cape Gallo (mod. Cape Akritas), 431

Cape Passero, naval battle of (1718), 448

Cape Spada {Akra Spdtha), in western
Crete, 126, 199n

Capellin, Giacomo, Venetian glassmaker,
457

Capo Doro, Greece (Cape Kaphereus), 348

Cappello. Antonio Marino, Venetian prov-
veditore deU'armata, 1638-1641 (b.
1500, d. 1656). 108f.

Cappello, Giovanni, Venetian captain-gen-
eral of the sea. 1646-1647 (b. 1573, d.
1653), 129, 139n, 140f.

Cappello, Giovanni, Venetian secretary to

Andrea Valier and Alvise da Molin,
1668-1670 (b. 1632, d. 1701), 207.
209ff.. 215n, 246; emissary to the Otto-
man court (1683), 259f.

Cappello, Niccolo, Venetian officer at Ath-
ens (in 1687), 313

Capuchins, in Athens, 31 7f.

Carafa, Antonio, imperialist general, 1687
(b. 1642, d. 1693) 282ff.

Carafa. Gregorio. commander of Hospital-
ler galleys (in 1656-1657). prior of Ro-
cella and (from 1680) grand master (b.
1615, d. 1690), 182ff., 186, 188, 192

Cardona, 149n

Carino, 148n

Carinthia, 28

Carinthian Bastion (Karntnerbastei), at

Vienna, 264
Carinthians, 451

Carleton. Sir Dudley, Viscount Dorchester,
English secretary of state, 1628-1632 (b.
1573, d. 1632), 44n, 105, 109f.

Carlino, Neapolitan renegade in the Tur-
kish armada (in 1655), I8J

Carlo Emmanuele II, duke of Savoy, 1638-
1675 (b. 1634, d. 1675), 89, 190

Carniola, 28, 451

Caropulo, Francesco Vizamano. Venetian
militia commander on Crete (1645),
126n

Carpaccio, Vittore, Venetian painter (b. ca.

1450, d. 1522), 460
Carpi, battle of (1701), 424n
Carraresi, 138n
Carystus, .see Castel Rosso
Casale Monferrato, siege of (in 1630), 48n
Caspian Sea, 6

Castel Bicoma, fort near Canea, 1 18f.(n)

Castel Nuovo, .see Castelnuovo

Castel Rosso (Carystus), 178, 189. 348f.,

358f., 361 n, 385f.
Castel Selino. in Crete, 111
Castel Tornese, on the northwest coast of

the Morea, 210, 212, 299, 319. 334, 337
Castello deirApricorno, fort near Canea,

IQO

Castelnuovo (Herceg Novi, Khertseg Novl),

254, 320. 32 In, 346n. 411
Castle Hill in Budapest, 278; Varhegy (in

Esztergom), 26J
Castro, fort near Candia, 159
Castro, in northern Italy, 106. 162
Catalans, revolt of. against Spain (1640),

Catalonia, 84; revolt of (1 640), ZL 73, 132
Catania, in Sicily. 448
Cateau-Cambresis, treaty of (1559), 104
Catholic church (or faith), Catholicism, 16,

468

Venice, Austria, and the Turks in the Seventeenth Century

18f., 2T. 349; and Hapsburg policies, VT,
43, 47, 49, 90, 270, 451; in Germany
(1618-1648), 23, 2L 50, 54, 65, 89; on
Crete, 107. 133ff.; see also Catholics,
Holy See

Catholic League, foundation of (1608), 23,
26f.; in Thirty Years' War (1618-1648),
34f., 3L 39, 4A 46, 48ff., 54, 56ff.; see
also Catholic princes

Catholic princes, 23, 35, 45f., 57, 82. 87;
.see also Catholic League

Catholics, in Bohemia, 30f., 42, 87j in
France, 79; in Germany and the Empire,
18, 24, 26, 44f., 66, SJn, 90, 98; in Vene-
tian colonies, 293, 396, 40(L 418, 428.
431; .see also Catholic church

Catinat. Nicolas, French marshal in the War
of Spanish Succession (b. 1637, d. 1712),
424n

Cattaro (Kotor), port on the Montenegrin
coast, li 22L 228n, 236, 290n, 372n,
411. 426. 444

Caucasus, 20

Cavalli, Giovanni Pietro, secretary to the
Venetian Senate and emissary to the
Turks. 1668 (b. 1632, d. before 1689),
215. 218. 220

CelalTs, 20

Ceisi, Giacomo, Venetian officer (ca.

1668), m6
Celsi, Lorenzo, Venetian provveditore (ca.

1688), ms

Cenchreae, Bay of, 428

Cephalonia, HI, 206, 209, 253f., 319, 325,

390. 399. 444
Ccrdagne (Cerdana), 71
Cerigo (Cythera, Kythera), 12, Hi, 126,

14 In, 178f., 18L 190ff., 195, 199n, 224,

326. 359. 432. 444
Cerigotti, .138
Cerigotto, 202, 432

Cesar, duke de Vendome, son of Henry IV
of France and Gabrielle d'Estrees, father
of Francois de Bourbon, duke de Beau-
fort (b. 1594, d. 1669), 223

Ceske Budejovice, see Budweis

Ce§me, see Chesme

Chaicidic peninsula. 189

Chalcis, see Negroponte

Chandos, Lord .lames (James Bygge), En-
glish ambassador to the Ottoman court,
1680-1686 (b. 1642, d. 1714), 274ff.

Charles L king of England, 1622-1649 (b.
1600, d. 1649), 40, 45, 48n, 69n, 73n,
109. 122

Charles II, king of England, 1660-1685 (b.

1630, d. 1685), 208, 213n, 238, 251f.
Charles I of Gonzaga-Nevers, duke of Man-

tua and Montferrat, 1631-1637 (b. 1580,

d. 1637), 48n, 67, LOS
Charles II of Gonzaga-Nevers, duke of Man-
tua and Montferrat, 1637-1665 (b. 1629,

d. 1665), 91n
Charles II, king of Spain. Naples and Sicily,

1665-1700 (b. 1661. d. 1700), 223. 390.

392. 394. 396ff., 401
Charles III, king of Spain ( 1 759-1 788), son

of Philip V and Elisabetta Farnese (b.

1716, d. 1788), 447
Charles IV, duke of Lorraine, 1624-1675

(b. 1643, d. 1675), 66
Charles V, duke of Lorraine. 1675-1690,

and imperialist commander (b. 1643, d.

1690); his role in the siege of Vienna

(1683), LL 261ff., 265ff., 273f.; later

campaigns (1684-1687), 15, 274, 276f.,

300. 362

Charles V, prince of the Netherlands,
1516—1556, king of Naples and Sicily,
1516-1556, Holy Roman Emperor,
1519-1556 (b. 1500, d. 1558), 91, 110,
248

Charles VI. Holy Roman Emperor (1711-

1740), king of Bohemia (1711-1740),

king of Hungary, 1712-1740 (b. 1685, d.

1740), 392, 429, 433ff., 440f., 446ff.
Charles X, king of Sweden, 1654-1660 (b.

1622, d. 1660), im
Charles XI, king of Sweden, 1660-1697 (b.

1655, d. 1697), 101
Charles XIl, king of Sweden, 1697-1718

(b. 1682. d. 1718), 399n, 401n, 419f.,

422, 423nn, 429, 442
Charles Emmanuel L (Carlo Emmanuele I)

duke of Savoy, 1580-1630 (b. 1562, d.

1630). 66, LQ5
Cherasco. treaties of (1631), 105
Cherso (Cres). island off northwest coast of

Croatia, 143
Chesme (Ce§me), Turkish port, west of

Smyrna and opposite Chios, 147, 189
Chiari, battle of (1701), 424n
Chiari, Pietro, dramatist (b. 1712, d. 1785),

458

Chiesa della Carita, in Venice, 460
Chigi. Fabio, see Pope Alexander VII
Chigi, Mario, brother of Pope Alexander

VII, captain-general of the papal forces

(1657), L86
China, 9n

Chinam Pasha, kapudan pasha of the Turk-
ish armada (1656), 182ff.
Chioggia, war of (1379-1381), 138n
Chios (Scio), 139n, 140, 145, 148, 150,
151n, 155f.(n), 159, 163. 177f., 185.
189. 193, 198. 202, 245, 348. 372n; at-

Index

469

tack on, considered by Venetians (1691),
JSlff.; taken and lost by Venetians
(1694-1695), 395f.
Christian IV, king of Denmark and Norway,
1588-1648 (b. 1577, d. 1648). 43, 46f..
17

Christian of Braunschweig- Wolfenbiittel
("the mad Halberstadter"), administra-
tor of the diocese of Halberstadt, 1616-
1624 and Protestant general (b.l599, d.
1626). 3L 40f.

Christian II. elector of Saxony, 1591-1611
(b. 1583, d. 1611), 25

Christian I, prince of Anhalt. advisor to
Electors Friedrich IV and Friedrich V of
the Palatinate, 1595-1620 (b. 1568, d.
1630), 34ff.

Christian, margrave of Kulmbach, co-
founder of the Evangelical Union. 1608
(b. 1581, d. 1655), 2J

Christina, queen of Sweden, 1632-1654 (b.
1626, d. 1689), 65n. 67ff., 72n, 78, 89,
92, mi

Churchill, John, first duke of Marlborough,
.see Marlborough, John Churchill, first
duke of

Cima da Conegliano (Giovanni Battista
Cima), Venetian painter (b. ca. 1459, d.
ca. 1517). 46D

Civitavecchia, 182, 224, AAl

Civran. Pietro, Venetian co-bailie in Istan-
bul. 1679-1682 (b. 1623. d. 1687). 256

Clement VIII (Ippolito Aldobrandini).
pope. 1592-1605 (b. 1536, d. 1605), 6.
9ff., 20

Clement IX (Giulio Rospigliosi), pope,
1667-1669 (b. 1600, d. 1669), 195n,
198, 199n, 203ff., 214, 211i, 222f., 2J9

Clement XI (Ciovan Francesco Albani),
pope, 1700-1721 (b. 1649, d. 1721),
433f., 436f., Mh. 448n

Cleves. duchy of. 25

Clissa (Klis), fortress in Croatia. % 149n,
229, 251; Ottoman pasha of (1647), lAA

Coke, Thomas. English diplomat in Istanbul
(ca. 1691-1692). 380, 38L 389, 391f.

Colbert. Jean Baptiste. minister of Louis
XIV of France (b. 1619. d. 1683), 99, 222

Collegio, Venetian ministerial council, 280,
282. 285. 328n. 337, Ml

Colloredo, Count Ciovanbattista. V^enetian
commander at Candia. 1649 (b. 1609. d.
1649). 158

Colloredo. Kodolfo, imperialist field mar-
shal and conspirator against Wallenstein.
1634 (b. 1585. d. 1657), 6i 73n

Cologne. 27, 69; electors of. see Ernst Fer-
dinand von Wittelsbach

Colonna, Cape (Cape Sounion). 354

Colyer (Coljer). Count Jacob. Dutch am-
bassador to the Ottoman court 1686-
1725 (d. 1725), 422, 428f., 429, 452n;
helps negotiate peace of Karlowitz
(1699). 405: helps negotiate Peace of
Passarowitz (1718). 4^9, 450n

Conde. the Great, .see Ix>uis II de Bourbon,
duke of Enghien

Constance. Council of (1414-1418). 30

Constantinople, see Istanbul; I^atin empire
of (1204-1261), 107; patriarch of. 400

Contarini. Alvise. doge of Venice. 1676-
1684 (b. 1601, d. 1684), 237ff., 244ff.,
249. 272. 214

Contarini. Alvise, Venetian ambassador to
the Holy See (1645-1648). 142, L44

Contarini. Alvise (b. 1597. d. 1651). Vene-
tian bailie in Istanbul (1636-1641), 72n,
98n, 108ff.; Venetian envoy in Miinster
(1644-1649). 88n. 90ff.(nn), 94ff., 230n

Contarini. Alvise, Venetian naval officer
(1668), m6

Contarini, Bartolo, Venetian capitan or-
dinario of the sailing .ships (1691), 386

Contarini. Domenico. the doge of Venice,
1659-1675 (b. 1585, d. 1675). 191,
206f., 209, 21 Iff., 219, 221f.. 228f.(nn),
230ff., 235f., 255n, 259

Contarini, Giacomo, Venetian convoy com-
mander (ca. 1684-1694). 364; j^overna-
tore estraordinario di nave (ca. 1688-
1689). 372n

Copais. Lake. 327

Copenhagen. 77, IDl

Cops. Henry. Dutch agent at the Ottoman

court (1644). LLl
Corbie. French fortress town on road to

Paris. 68

Corbon. marquis de. sergeant-general of
the Venetian army at Athens (1687),
323: at the siege of Negroponte, 1688 (d.
1688), 349, 356, 357n. 358

Cordoba. Gonzalez de, Spanish general
(1622), 37

Corfu, citv and island. 12, 125n. 127n. 129,
140n, lAL 1S8, 199n. 202ff., 206, 211,
21X 224, 230. 254f., 290, 291n. 325,
349. 364, 375, 377f.. 391, 433, 444f..
452: defense forces on (in 1675), 253;
siege of (1716). 426, 433n. 44 Iff.

Corinth. 181, 29L 302, 304^ abandoned by
Turks to Venetians (in 1687). 200. 30 1 :
under Venetian rule (1687-1715). 303,
309, 3 1 4f., 319, 330, 334, 338, 34L 344.
388, 391n, 399, 416n, 418, 428, A2Q

Corinth Canal, 344

470

Venice, Austria, and the Turks in the Seventeenth Century

Corinth. Gulf of (Gulf of Lepanto), 299.

301. 315. 337. 339. 344. 411. 416. 427
Corinth, Isthmus of, 301. 303. 330. 334.

337ff., 348, 374, 42S
Corinth, Strait of, 304. 305nn, 315. 322,

331. 336n, 337, 378
Corner, Andrea. Venetian provveditore

generate of Candia, ca. 1644-1646 (b.

1610, d. 1686). 116ff., 123f., 125n.

126f., 128n, 140f.
Corner, Andrea, captain-general of the

Venetian fleet (in 1664), 192
Corner (Cornaro), Giovanni, the doge of

Venice, 1709-1722 (b. 1647, d. 1722),

444. 445f.(nn), 449n, 452n
Corner, Girolamo, Venetian commander in

Dalmatia, 1684-1687 (b. 1632, d. 1690),

291n. 320f.; proveditor general dell'

armi, 1685-1688, 350. 362; proveditor

general da mar, 1689-1690, 336f.(n),

363ff., 370ff., 398, 42S
Corner, Lorenzo, Venetian proveditor

dell'armata (1668), 196
Corner (Cornaro), Venetian family, 119n,

459

Coron (Koroni), 359, 428; siege of (1685),
276n, 296f.; under Venetian rule (1685-
1715), 319, 325, 338, 345, 373n. 374,
416

Coron, Gulf of, 338

Correr, Angelo, Venetian ambassador in En-
gland, 1634-1637 (b. 1605, d. 1678),
132f.(n)

Correr, Antonio, Venetian avogador del

Comun, 1670 (b. 1622, d. 1676), 239ff.
Correr, Teodoro, Venetian collector of

works of art (b. 1750, d. 1830). 452
Corsairs. 108, im 170, 20L 238, 256n.

260. 324. 348. 413; see also Barbary

corsairs
Cossacks. 9, 190, 368. 422
Cotentin peninsula. 394
Cotoner (Cotoner y Oleza), Nicolas, grand

master of the Hospitallers, 1663-1680

(b. 1608, d. 1680), 204f.
Council of Ten, of Venice, 19L 210. 259n,

28Q

Cracow (Krakow), 101, 266, 268
Crema, 453n

Crescenzio, Bartolommeo (fl. 1607), IQQ

Cretan war, see Candia, war of

Cretans, under Venetian rule, 106f., 188;

killed In war of Candia, 147f.(n)
Crete. In war of Candia (1645-1669). 128,

130ff., 139f., 143n, 144, 147ff., 154.

158ff., 169, 178, 189ff., 195ff., 214nn,

217. 221. 223f.. 227f., 23L 23L 240;

Hospitallers' landing at (1645), lllf.,

114ff., 123f., 126; references to, 8L ?0,
106, 108. 121, 124f.. 319, 326, 373n.
386; (Roman) Catholic church on, 133ff.;
Venetian rule of, 118n, 120ff., 188; see
also Candia, Venetian "kingdom"

Crete, Sea of, 153

Crimea, 9, 368, 42D

Croatia, 6, 9, H, 2L 32, 141n, 148, 170.
27L 287, 412, 449

Cromwell, Oliver, lord protector of En-
gland, Scotland and Ireland, 1653-1658
(b. 1599, d. 1658), 185n

Crow. Sir Sackville, English ambassador to
the Ottoman court (ca. 1638-1644),
109f.(nn), 115

Crusade(s), 12, 195; Fourth (1204), 106f.

Culogli, Ottoman privy councilor (1670),
25D

Curia Romana, see Holy See

Curzola (Korcula), Dalmatian island in the

Adriatic , 290n, 323. 325
Cyclades, Greek islands in the Aegean,

145. 147, 162, 17L 179ff., 192, 328, 386
Cyprus, If., 107f., 115, 133, 168, 393, 454
Cythera, see Cerigo
Czech language, 43
Czechoslovakia, 74

Czernin, Count Hermann, imperial ambas-
sador to the Ottoman court (1644-
1645), 124, 125nn

Cz^stochowa, city in southern Poland, with
monastery on the height of Jasna Gora,
home of the Black Virgin, 101. 266

Dagestan, between the Greater Caucasus

and the Caspian Sea. 6
Da Mosto. Vettor, Venetian provveditore of

Corfu (1716), 442f.(n)
Dalmatia (Illyria, Illyricum). 2, 21, 43, 122.

127n, 129, 141n. 145. 149n, 213, 215,

221. 229. 231. 235f., 238, 243, 249, 251,

257f.. 273, 316, 326, iU, 445n, 450n;

Turco-Venetian warfare in (from 1646),

142ff., 148, 162, 190, 228n, 320, 362,

372n, 396n, 432
Damad All Pasha, Ottoman grand vizir,

1715-1716 (b. 1667, d. 1716), 427ff.,

439. 454

Damad Hasan Pasha, Ottoman grand vizir,

1703-1704 (d. 1713). 426f.
Damascus, 168. 233

Dandolo, Bartolommeo, Venetian physi-
cian (1668), 207

Dandolo, Enrico, doge of Venice, 1192-
1205 (b. 1107, d. 1205), 388

Danes, 77, 79, lOL LU

Danube river, 7f., 10, 14, 22, 59, 83, 260f.,

Index

471

265. 267. 271. 273. 279. 287f., 390.

403f., 435, 437ff.
Danzig (Gdansk). 49. lOln
Darda (near Mohacs), battle of (1 687), 287.

300

Dardanelles (Hellespont, straits of Galli-
poH), 2, 126, 149f., 152, 159, 162f., 16L
171. 178f., 185, 189. 245n, 289, 319,
324. 380. 382ff., 388, 402, 4111: battles of
(1654-1657). 172ff., 18& first battle of
(1654), 172ff.; second battle of (1655),
180f.; third battle of (1656), 182ff.:
fourth battle of (1657); 186f., 189; other
battles (from 1646), 1.39f., 154f.

Dario, Giovanni, Venetian envoy to Istan-
bul in 1478-1479 (d. 1494), 459

Darmstadt, princes of, in the Venetian army
(1688). 358f., 36 In

Dartmouth, Ix)rd (William l^egge), English
secretary of state, 1710-1713 (b. 1672,
d. 1750), 420f.. 422nn, 424f.

Davila, Venetian lieutenant-general at Ath-
ens (1687). 323

Davlat Giray (Devletgerey), Tatar khan of
the Crimea (1698-1702, 1707-1713),
420n, 422

Defenestration of Prague, 29

De la Rue, Rinaldo, artilleryman in the Ven-
etian army, 1687-1688 (d. 1688), 310.
312n

Delahaye, .lean, French ambassador to the

Ottoman court (1644), 112ff.
Delos, 18L 185

Denmark, 34, 41. 49. lOlf.; In Thirty Years'
War, 43, 46f., 48n, 77, 95; kings of, see
Christian IV, Frederick III

Der\'ish Mehmed Pasha, kapudan pasha of
the Ottoman armada, 1652-1653. grand
vizir 1653-1654 (b. 1585?. d. 1655).
168ff., 173, il9

Deserta, island in the Aegean, 359

Dessau, in Anhalt, bridge of (battle, 1626),
A3

Devereux, Walter, assassin of Wallenstein
(1634), 63

De Ville, Giron Franqois, see Giron

Fran9ois, marquis de Ville
Devletgerey. .see Davlat Giray
Devolution, War of, .see Franco-Spanish

War, 1667-1668
Diana. Roman goddess (Greek Artemis),

184n

Diodati, Fabio, imperialist officer and con-
spirator against Wallenstein (1634). 63

Diodati, Giulio, imperialist officer and con-
spirator against Wallenstein (1634), 63

Dionysus, theater of, at Athens, 335

Djaniim Khoja Mehmed Pasha. Ottoman ka-

pudan pasha (1714-1717, 1730, 1732-
1736), 428, 430ff., 44 If.
Dniester river. 420

Dobrodzien (Guttentag), town In Upper Si-
lesia. 282

Doges' Palace, in Venice. 239, 281. 346n.
347. 489

DolHn, Daniele, Venetian convoy com-
mander (ca. 1684-1694). 364: also name
of the provveditore di campo and gover-
nor of Athens (1687-1690), 313, 317,
331. 342. 348

Dolfin, Daniele. Venetian ambassador to
Poland (1715-1716), 423n

Dolfin, Giovanni (Zuan), Venetian ambas-
.sador to the Holy See (in 1598), 15

Dolfin. Girolamo, Venetian nobleman
(1692), 387

Dolfin, Giuseppe, Venetian capitano delle
nuvi at the first battle of the Dardanelles
(1654), 171, 173ff., 180

Dolfin, Niccolo, appointed councilor to the
Venetian doge Francesco Erizzo (in
1645-46), 129

Dominican Order, 111

Don river, 400

Dona, Filippo, Venetian commus.sarto pa-

^(idor (1690), 376
Dona (l)onado), Giovanbattista, Venetian

bailie in Istanbul (1682-1684), 256ff.,

280. 368

Dona. Ivorenzo, Venetian officer engaged in
a naval battle north of Candia (in 1668),

196

Donauworth, town in western Bavaria, 23,

59f., 63. 73n
Dorchester, Viscount, .sec Carleton, Sir

Dudley

Doria. Giannetto. Neapolitan galley com-
mander (1668). L94

Dosse river, in Brandenburg, 69

Dover, treaty of (1670), 251

Drava river, in south central Europe, 287

Dresden, L 82, 266, 268, 402

Drina river, in Bosnia, 449n

Dryden. .lohn. English poet and dramatist
(b. 1631, d. 1700), 365

Diiben (Bad Diiben), town in central Ger-
many, 54

Dubrovnik. .see Ragusa

Duche de Vancy, J. B., secretary to the
Count of Vivonne at the siege of Candia
(1669). 224

Dulclgno (UlcinJ). in Montenegro, 252,
254. 368

Duodo, Natal, Venetian officer engaged in
naval battle north of Candia (in 1668),
196

472

Venice, Austria, and the Turks in the Seventeenth Century

Durazzo, 148n, 375

Dutch (Netherlanders), 3. 30. 74. 77. 79.
84. 94, 99f., 126; their commercial af-
fairs. 27, 32f., TL 85f.. 88. lOL 195.364.
454. 456: their diplomatic affairs. 33^
84ff., IKL 393n. 40L 404. 405n. 412.
447: their military and naval affairs. 4f.,
4L 51n, 65, 69, 8(L LLL 252, 324

Dutch language, 133n

East Indies, 7J

Eberstcin (Ehrenbreitstein), castle of the

elector of Trier, 58f.
Edict of Restitution (1629), 44f., 4L 52, 22
Edirne. see Adrianople
Edward of Braganza. prince, brother of

John IV of Portugal (b. 1605, d. 1649), 95
Eger (Gheb). in Bohemia, 61. 63
Eger, in Hungary, .see Erlau
Egypt, L55, 165, 17L im 426
Eichstatt. 27

Eisenstadt (Kismarton), town in Burgen-

land (eastern Austria), 14
Eisleben, town in Saxony, 54
Elbe river, 43, 52, 54

Elia. captain, pirate in the Aegean (1691),
378

Elisabeth Christine, consort of Emperor
Charles V'l, mother of Maria Theresa of
Austria (b. 1691, d. 1750), 4,18

Elizabeth L queen of England, 1558-1603
(b. 1533, d. 1603), 8

Elmas Mehmed Pasha, Ottoman grand vizir,
1695-1697 (b. 1662, d. 1697), 401

Emden, town in Hanover, 445n

Emir Pasha. Ottoman commander at Liva-
dia (in 1687). 327

Emir Pasha, Ottoman defterdar (in 1650).
160

Emo, Pietro, Venetian nobleman at Athens
(in 1687), il3

Emo, Zorzi, Venetian commissioner of the
fleet (1687), 308n

Enghicn, duke d'. .see Louis II de Bourbon,
duke of Enghien

England, 3f., 5n, 35n, 73, 77, 105, 109n,
132. 133n, 212, 24L 392, 428; involve-
ment of, in Thirty Years' War, 39ff.. 43;
relations of. with France, 105. 197. 251 .
392ff.; relations of, with Ottoman Em-
pire, 403, 429, 449, 453f.(n)

Engli.sh (British). 30, 43, 45n, 100, 144,
185n, 394, 446. 448; their commercial
affairs, 4, 27, 85, 88, 107, 132, 195,
364f., 393, 423f., 454, 456; their diplo-
matic relations with Ottomans, 8, 105,
109, 161. 212. 215. 250f.. 365f., 393n,

401, 403f., 405n, 424; their ships. 3, 5,
126, 131, 185n, 233, 312, 325

English language, 133n

Enlightenment, the, 460; in Austria, 451f.,

453f.(n)

Eperjes (Presov), in Slovakia, 283
Epidaurus (Limera), see Monemvasia
Epirus, see Albania
Ercsi, in Hungary, 273
Erfurt, 56, 90

Erizzo, Francesco, doge of Venice 1631-
1646 (b. 1565. d. 1646), 6Jn, 63n, 108,
117, 122ff., 127f.(nn). 129, U2

Eriach. Johann Ludwig von, Protestant
commander in the Thirty Years' War,
later governor of Breisach (b. 1595, d.
1650), 20

Erlau (Eger, Agria), city in northern Hun-
gary, Ih 15, 26L 283, 285, 364, 366

Ernst August, duke of Brunswick—
Liineburg, prince of Osnabriick (from
1 692), elector of H anover (d. 1 698), 226,
292. 330

Ernst, duke of Sachsen-Gotha, 1640-1674,

brother of Bernhard of Sachsen- Weimar

(b. 1601, d. 1674), 70n
Ernst, archbishop and elector of Koln,

1583-1612 (b. 1554. d. 1612), 25
Erskine. Frances, countess of Mar, sister of

Mary Wortley Montagu (d. 1761), 269f.
Esseg. see Osijek

Esseid Mustafa Pasha, Ottoman defterdar

(in 1687), 285, 288
Este, Almerigo d', commander of French

troops in Candia, 1660 (b. 1641, d.

1660), Ulii
Este (anc. Ateste), town in the Veneto,

under Venetian domination (1405-

1797), IM

Este, Luigi d' (b. 1594, d. 1664), 133n,
140f.(n)

Este, Estensi, north Italian noble family,
131; see also Este, Almerigo d'; Este,
Luigi d'

Estrees, Gabrielle d', mistress of Henry IV
of France and mother of Cesar de Ven-
d6me (b. 1571?, d. 1599), 223

Esztergom. see Gran

Etherege, Sir George, dramatist and secre-
tary to Sir Daniel Harvey, in Istanbul in
1670 (b. 1635?, d. 1691). 249f.

Etting (Ettingen), Wolfgang von. imperial-
ist envoy at Karlowitz (1699), 405n

Euboea, see Negroponte

Eugene, prince of Savoy and imperialist
held marshal (b. 1663. d. 1736). 263.
362. 364, 424n, 426, 433, 441, 444, 446.
450; his campaign against the Turks (in

Cc^y righted malenal

Index

473

1697), 390. 401 ff.; his campaign against
the Turks (in 1716), 16n, 403. 434ff.; his
siege of Belgrade (in 1717), 438ff.

Evangelical Union (formed in 1608), 23,
26f . 34f.

Evangelicals, .see Protestants

Exoburgo. fortress town on island of Tenos.
422

Fahricius. I'hilipp. secretary defenestrated
at Prague (1618). 29

Falkenberg. Dietrich von. Swedish com-
mander at Magdeburg, 1631 (d. 1631),
52

Farnese, Elisabetta. consort of Philip V of
Spain (b. 1692, d. 1766). 434, AAl

Farnese, Italian family, 106. 447: see also
Farnese, Elisabetta; Odoardo; Ranuccio
II

Farnese, Odoardo L duke of Parma. 1622-
1646 (b. 1612, d. 1646). 6L IM. 133n

Farnese, Ranuccio II, duke of Parma,
1646-1694 (b. 1630. d. 1694), 106n

Faro di Messina, lighthouse, 199n

Fazli, Ottoman pasha of Bosnia (in 1654),

FeVzuilah. mufti in Istanbul in 1703 (d.
1 703).

Feis. Colonna von, Bohemian Protestant
leader (1618), 29

Ferdinand II de'Medici. grand duke of Tus-
cany, .see Medici. Ferdinand II

Ferdinand II, Holy Roman Emperor. 1619-
1637 (b. 1578. d. 1637); as archduke of
Styria (to 1617). 17, 20. 25ff.; as king of
Bohemia (from 1617). 27ff.. 347; chosen
king of Hungary (1618). 29; elected em-
peror ( 1 6 1 9), 33i in Thirty Years' War (to
1637). 33f., 39, 41f., 44ff., 52f., 56ff., 60,
63, 65f.. 68f.. 8L H15

Ferdinand III. Holv Roman Emperor.
1637-1657 (b. 1608, d. 1657), 102, 123.
157. 1 68; as king of Bohemia (from
1627), 45, 46n; elected king of the Ro-
mans (1636), 68; elected emperor
(1637), 69; in the Thirtv Years' War, 47,
63f., 72f., L5, 80ff., fil, L3i and the
Peace of Westphalia (1648), 89ff., 95ff.

Ferdinand, brother of Philip IV of Spain,
cardinal-infante (b. 1609. d. 1641). 63f.,
74

Ferdinand von Wittelsbach, archiepiscopal
elector of Cologne, 1612-1650 (b. 1577,
d. 1650), 28, 46, 59n, 8J

Feriol, Charles de. baron, French ambassa-
dor to the Ottoman court (to 1711), 424

Ferrara, 13L 3QQ

Feuquieres, Manasses de Pas, marquis de,
French general and envoy to the League
of Hcilbronn in 1633-1634 (b. 1590, d.
1640), 62,64

Fichtelgebirge. highlands on the Bohemian-
German borderland. 6J

Fils river, in northern Wiirttemberg, 64

Finch. Daniel, second earl of Nottingham,
secretary of state for military affairs in
1688-1693 (b. 1647. d. 1730), 379f.,
387. 391

Finch, Heneage, second earl of Winchilsea,
English ambassador to the Ottoman
Court in 1661-1669 (b. 1627, d. 1689),
212f.

Finch, Sir .lohn, English ambassador to the
Ottoman court. 1672-1682 (b. 1626, d.
1682), 8, 251f., 256ff., 380n, 453

Flanders, 43, 65, 85, 112, 145

Flangini, Lodovico, Venetian capitan es-
truordinario delle navt (in 1717). 445n

Fleischmann, Anselm Franz, imperial en-
voy to the Ottoman court (in 1716), 434

Flemings. Flemish, 177, 233

Fleurus, town in Hainaut province, battle of
(in 1690), 394

Florence, capital of grand duchy of Tus-
cany, L 312n; rulers of, .see Medici, Co-
simo II, Ferdinand II

Florentines, mercenaries in the Venetian
campaigns in the Morea (1684-1688),
291n. 316, 353n, 35L 259

Fondamenta Nuove. in Venice, 256

Fortis. Giacomo, translator of Turkish texts
(in 1687), 286n

Foscari, Alvise, Venetian commander of
the galleasses at the second battle of the
Dardanelles (1655), 180

Foscari. Alvise MI. Venetian capitonio
delle galleazze (1690-1691). 21h

Foscarini, Girolamo, appointed capitain-
general of the sea, 1655 (d. 1655). 179,
Ui2

Foscarini. Michele, Venetian patrician and
historian (fl. 1670). 242f., 272n, 31 7n

Foscarini. Piero. Venetian bailie in Istanbul
(1635). 132n

Foscolo, Leonardo, Venetian general in
Dalmatia (1647-1650), 148, 149nn, 162:
captain-general of the sea (1651-1654),
164. 167, 169. 177f.

Fracasetti, Venetian family admitted to the
nobiltd, 328n

France, 3f., 29, 4L. 109n, 113, 132, 142,
145n, 172, 19L 223, 22L 24L 25L 263,
317. 324, 424, 433f.. 452; French, in
Thirty Years' War (1618-1648), 30, 35,
40ff., 49ff., 59f., 62ff.. 68ff., 81ff., 88,

474

Venice, Austria, and the Turks in the Seventeenth Century

106; and the Peace of Westphalia (1648),
82f., 90f., 95ff.. lOlf.; in Italian wars
(1620-1639), 104f.; in War of the
League of Augsburg (1688-1697), 390,
393f., 397f., 404n; relations of, with Ven-
ice, 189f.. 197f., 216; rulers of, see Henry
IV, Louis XIII, Louis XIV. Louis XV
Franceschi, Domenico, Venetian secretary
imprisoned in Istanbul (1714-1715),
427n

Francesco, Venetian deserter, assassin of
Lorenzo Venier. 1689-1690 (d. 1690),
373n

Franche-Gomte, 19L 263

Francis II, emperor, 1792-1806 (Francis I

of Austria, 1804-1835; b. 1768, d.

1835), 452
Franciscans, 135. 368
Franco-Spanish War. 1667-1668 ("War of

Devolution"). 197
Francois de Bourbon, duke de Beaufort.

French commander at Candia, 1669 (b.

1616. d. 1669), 216, 221ff.
Franconia, 64, 76; "Circle" of, 46, 62, 390
Franconians, in imperialist campaigns

(1683-1685), 226, 226
Frankfurt am Main, 7. 33. 52. 56, 60. 82
Frankfurt an der Oder, 52
Frari, church of the, in Venice, see Santa

Maria Gioriosa dei Frari
Fraustadt (Wschowa), battle of (1706), 442
Frederick, see also Friedrich
Frederick II, the Great, king of Prussia,

1740-1786 (b. 1712, d. 1786), 80
Frederick III, king of Denmark, 1648-1670

(b. 1609, d. 1670), IQl
Frederick Henry, prince of Orange (d.

1647), son of William the Silent, 44n, 69,

84n

Freemasonry, 453n

Freiburg im Breisgau, L 70, 76, 398: battle
of (in 1644), 76

French, 79f.. 9L 99f.. 104f.. 266, 390, 401.
446: commercial activities of. 4, 27, 195.
233, 236. 247. 364. 454, 456: diplomatic
activities of. at Westphalia (1643-1648).
88f., 96f.; diplomatic activities of. in Is-
tanbul. 115, L20, 139. 219, 246f., 272n,
277, 344. 366. 387. 389. 393. 404.
410ff., 415, 424f., 429; in Thirty Years'
War (in general), see France in Thirty
Years' War; military and naval activities
of, 38, 58f., 74ff., 80, 8L 131f., 142, 145,
193. 253f., 296. 312, 322, 386. 392ff.,
397f.; on Crete (1646-1669), 14L 189f.,
198. 206. 213f., 220ff., 237, 240ff.

French language, 80, 89n, 133n, 296n,
390n, 409n

French Revolution, 452. 453f.(n)

Frezzeria, in Venice, 459

Friedland (Frydlant), Bohemian duchy, 38i
48, 63n; castle of. 77; duke of, see Wal-
lenstein. Albrecht Wenzel Eusebius von

Friedrich, see also Frederick

Friedrich III. elector of Brandenburg,
1688-1713 (King Friedrich I of Prussia,
from 1701; b. 1657, d. 1713), 394

Friedrich IV, elector of the Palatinate,
1583-1610 (b. 1574, d. 1610), 23, 25n,
26f., 36

Friedrich V, elector of the Palatinate,
1610-1623, and king of Bohemia, 1619-
1620 (b. 1596, d. 1632), 31, 33ff., 38n,
39f., 45, 48, 53. 62n, 73n, 83, 93

Friedrich Augustus, elector of Saxony,
1 694-1 733, and king of Poland as Augus-
tus II, 1697-1733 (b. 1670, d. 1733),
405f., 420, 429, 434, 442

Friedrich Wilhelm, the Great Elector of
Brandenburg, 1640-1688 (b. 1620, d.
1688), 72f., 82, 92n, 93, lOL 266, 292

Friuli, 2, 131. 141n. 145

Fronde. French revolts (1648-1653), 91

Frosasco, Francesco di. count (d. 1710),
letters of, concerning the siege of Vienna
(1683). 262n

Fugger, Ulrich. German merchant and
banker (b. 1526, d. 1584), 38n

Funfkirchen (Pecs). 280, 364

Futog (Futak), village in northern Serbia,
435, 438

Gabrieli, Andrea, Venetian composer (b.

ca. 1510, d. 1586), 45S
Gabrieli, Giovanni, Venetian composer (b.

ca. 1555, d. 1612), nephew of Andrea,

458

Gaeta, 199n. 205

Galata, section of Istanbul, on the north
side of the Golden Horn, 218, 410

Galati, city in Moldavia on the lower Dan-
ube, 10

Galen, Greco-Roman physician (b. ca. A.D.
130, d. ca. 200), 184n

Gallas (Galasso), Matthias, count, imperial-
ist general in the Thirty Years' War,
1618-1648 (b. 1584, d. 1647), 63f., ZI

Gallio, Marco, bishop of Rimini 1659-
1683, papal nuncio in Naples, 1668 (d,
1683), 199n

Gallipoli. island port in the Gulf of Taranto
(connected by a bridge with the main-
land). 204

Gallipoli (Turk. Gelibolu), town on the west-
ern shore of the Dardanelles in Turkey,

Index

475

150. 154. 171. 178. 371: straits of, see
Dardanelles

Gallo, Felice, secretary to Francesco Moro-
sini (In 1687-1688), J59

Gaioppi, Girolamo, of Guastalla (in north
central Italy), responsible for the main-
land fortress of Kara Baba opposite Ne-
groponte (in 1687-1688), 349

Garzoni, Girolamo, Venetian proveditor
dell' armata, 1687-1688 (d. 1688),
whose funeral monument may be found
in the church of the Frari in Venice, 305,
307. 308n, 355f.. 357n

Gazi Giray II, khan of the Crimean Tatars,
1588-1607 (b. 1554, d. 1607), 15

Gdansk, see Danzig

Gengis Delhi, officer of the Turkish sipahis
(in 1648), 153n

Genoese, 138n, 233, 236, 44L 443

Georg, duke of Brunswick (Braunschweig)-
Luneburg (b. 1582. d. 1641). 73

Georg Friedrich, count (from 1682 prince)
of Waldeck, 1664-1692. imperialist gen-
eral at Vienna, 1683 (b. 1620, d. 1692),
266

Georg Friedrich, margrave of Baden-Dur-
lach 1604-1622 (b. 1573, d. 1638), 23,

Georg, landgrave of Hessen-Darmstadt,
1626-1661 (b. 1605. d. 1661), 56

Georg Wilhelm, elector of Brandenburg,
1619-1640 (b. 1597. d. 1640), 4L 49,
51ff.. 58, 60, 62, 64f.. 69, 72

George, duke of Clarence, brother of Ed-
ward IV of England (d. 1478). 300

George L king of Great Britain. 1714-
1727. elector of Hanover, 1698-1727 (b.
1660, d. 1727), 292, 428, 447, 449

Georgia, in western Transcaucasia. 6

German (Holy Roman) Empire. 2 If., 24f.,
38, 43, 46n. 49, 62, 82n. 84, 87n, 102,
105. 26.1. .169. 4^H, 447. 448n. 451: and
the Thirty Years' War ( 1618-1648), 53f..
56. 64f.. 12, 132: relations of, with Otto-
mans. 92f., 102, 123, 157. 389: role of. at
the Peace of Westphalia. 88ff.. 96ff.; role
of. in the War of the league of Augsburg
(1689-1697). 390, .192. 396. 398: and
the Peace of Karlowitz (1699). 4Jlf.;
emperors, see Charles V. Rudolf II, Mat-
thias, Ferdinand II, Ferdinand III, Leo-
pold L Charles VI. Maria Theresa. Joseph
II; sec also Germany

German language, 43, 79f., 89n. 133n,
390n

Germans, 10, 79f., 99; in the Thirty Years'
War (1618-1648), 52, 63f., 69, 75, 85,
94; in the Venetian defense of Candia

(1659), 190, 222: in the Austro Turkish
wars (from 1683), 265ff., 273, 275f.,
278n, 365f., 370, 39L 395, 413, 435.
440 (and see Imperialists); in Turco-
Venetian Wars (from 1684). 292f., 295n,
297f., 303, 316, 319, 353n, 364

Germany, in Thirty Years' War (1618-
1648), 35, 45, 47ff.. 55, 57ff.. 62, 64ff.,
72, Z4, 83, 85, 8L 94, 96ff.. 145j re-
ligious conflicts tti, 18, 23, 2L 90, 93n,
98; other references to, 80, 102, 104.
249. 39 In, 402, 453n. 454; kings (or em-
perors) of, .see Charles V, Rudolf II,
Matthias, Ferdinand II, Ferdinand III,
Leopold L Charles VI, Maria Theresa. Jo-
seph II; see idso German Empire, Thirty
Years' War

Giarda. Cristoforo, bishop of Castro, 1640-
1649 (d. 1649), 106n

Gigault, Bernardin. marquis dc Bellefonds,
marshal of France (1670), 241n

Gikan, Montenegrin vladika (ca. 1713),
426f.

Giorgione da Castelfranco, Venetian
painter (b. ca. 1478, d. 1510), 4hQ

Giovani delta lingua, Venetian students of
the Turkish language, 19, 220. 280.
409f.(n)

Giron FranQois. marquis de Ville, Savoyard
commander of French regiments in Can-
dia (1667-1668). 193f.. 195n

Giustinian, Ascanio, Venetian bailie in Is-
tanbul, ca. 1705-1710. 410n, 417, 418n

Giustinian. Marc' Antonio, doge of Venice,
1684-1688 (d. 1688), 271f., 279f.(n),
303ff.. 309, 31 Iff., 316f., 319ff.. 327ff.,
334, 336n. 337f., 341, 344ff.. 350, 363

Glaser. Enoch, German writer, 80

Gliwice (Gleiwitz), city in Upper Silesia
(now in southern Poland). 266

Glorious Revolution (in England), 1688-
1689. 3^

Goetz. Johann von. imperialist general (b.

1599, d. 1645), 82n
Gogna, bay of, west of Canea, 126f.
Golden Book (Libro d'Oro). of Venice,

137f., 328n
Golden Horn, narrow inlet of the Bosporus,

harbor of Istanbul, 1
Goldoni. Carlo. Italian dramatist (b. 1707,

d. 1 793), 458
Gomenizza (Igoumenitsa), port on the

coast uf Epirus, opposite the island of

Corfu, 442

Gonzaga, Vincenzo L duke of Mantua,
1587-1612 (b. 1562. d. 1612). lOf.

Goppingen, town on the river Fils in north-
ern Wiirttemberg, 64

476

Venice, Austria, und the Turks in the Seventeenth Century

Gorizia, province in northeastern Italy, 451

Gotha. city in Thuringia (in central Ger-
many). 70n

Gottingen, city in west Germany, 61

Gozzadini, Gian Francesco, bishop of Re-
timo (1641-1643), 134f.

Gozzi, Garlo, Venetian dramatist (b. 1720,
d. 1806), 458

Gozzi, Gabriele, Venetian galley com-
mander (1647). 138n

Gozzi, Venetian family, l."^8

Grabusa (Vouxa). in northwest Crete. 121.
136. 199n. 202, 221f.. 228, 23L 326.
386

Gradenigo, Bartolo, Venetian proveditor
straordinario at Santa Maura (1691),

3JS

Gradisca d'Isonzo. in the province of Gori-
zia in northeastern Italy. 28n, 451

Gran (Esztergom), L lOf., 15, 20, 26L 27L
272n. 276, 364. 412

Grand Alliance, .see Augsburg. League of

Grand Canal, in Venice, 106, 459f.

Grand Council, of Venice, see Maggior
Consiglio

Grassi, Francesco. Venetian admiral at

Canea. 1660 (d. 1660), 190
Graz, in Styria (Austria), activity of the

press at. 7

Graziani. Giovanni, biographer of France-
sco Morosini, 179, 182f.(nn). 189n,
191f.(nn), 193, 223n, 228n, 272n. 291n,
296n. 298f.(nn). 346n, 356n, 360n, 388n

Great Northern War (1700-1721), 419f.,
442

Greece, 42n. 94. 172, 273, 280, 292, 302n,
305. 314. 319. 350. 381. 427. 443: Otto-
man kadiasker of (1644). 1 12ff.

Greek language. 134. 301

Greek Orthodox Church. Greek Ortho-
doxy, 16, 101, 133ff.. 400, 418, Ail

Greeks, in Ottoman dominions, 382. 384,
395, 400. 453: in Venetian Athens
(1687-1688). 302ff.. 313. 317. 321,
332ff., 337, 341, 358: in Venetian Crete,
107. 111. 1 16. 117f.(n), 122, 124, 135.
141n; in other Venetian dominions, 377.
379. 399f., 428. 430ff.; in Venetian
forces, 253, 29 In. 322

Gregory XV (Alessandro Ludovisi). pope
1621-1623 (b. 1554, d. 1623), 37ff.

Greifenklau, Alexander von Wollrath, impe-
rialist ambassador to the Ottoman court
(1645), 125n

Greiffenklau, Georg Friedrich von, archi-
episcopal elector of Mainz, 1626-1629
(b. 1573, d. 1629), 46

Gremonville, Jacques de, commander of
French troops on Crete (1660). L9Q

Gremonville. sieur de, commander of the
Order of Malta (after 1669), 241n

Grillo. Ambrosio, assigned as Venetian
dragoman for Andrea Valier and Alvise
da Molin (from 1668), 20L 209ff., 215,
259

Grillo, Giovanni Antonio, Venetian drago-
man in Istanbul. 1644-1645 (d. 1649),
112. l]3n. 114, 115n. 122

Grimani. Giovanni Battista (Gianbattista),
Venetian captain-general of the sea,
1647-1648 (d. 1648), 141, 145ff.

Grimani. Giovanni, Venetian "commis-
sario" in Dalmatia and Albania (1698),
399n

Grisons, canton in east Switzerland, 104
Gritti, Andrea, doge of Venice, 1523-1538

(b. 1455, d. 1538). 15
Gritti. Lodovico (b. 1480, d. 1534), son of

the doge Andrea. 19
Gritti, Marin, V'enetian direttore di con-

voglio (1684), 363f.
Grosswardein (Oradea, Hung. Nagyvarad),

city in ea!>tern Rumania, 192, 282. 412
Guebriant. Jean Baptiste Budes de, French

held marshal in the Thirty Years' War (b.

1602, d. 1643), 75
Guericke, Otto von, German physicist (b.

1602, d. 1686), IDQ
Guilleragucs, Gabriel Joseph de Lavergne,

viscount of. French ambassador at the

Ottoman court, ca. 1679-1685 (b. 1628,

d. 1685). 277
GUI Baba (d. 1541), tomb of, in Buda. 228
Gurji Pasha, Ottoman grand vizir (in 1653),

168

Gussoni, Vincenzo (or Vicenzo), Venetian
ambassador in England (ca. 1632-1634),
6Jn, 63n

Gustavus Adolphus (Gustavus II), king of
Sweden, 1611-1632 (b. 1594. d. 1632),
41. 44n. 46f.. 48ff., 74, 102, 296

Gyor (Raab), city in northern Hungary, 6,
10, 14, 103, 260ff., 264f.. 268, 402, 412

Gyulafehervar, city in Transylvania, see
Alba lulia

Hadewig, Johann Heinrich, German writer

(b. 1623. d. 1671), 80
Hagia (Santa) Sophia, in Istanbul, 150,

151n, 153, 289, 421
Hague, The, 58, 65, 71f.(nn), 424n
Haideragazade Mehmed Pasha, Ottoman

kapudan pasha (1650), 158f.
Haiduds. 387

Hainaut, Belgian county of, 65, 222
Halberstadt, city of, 73; diocese of, 37^ 4,1,

Index

477

45. 93: bishops (or administrators) of.
.see Christian of Bninswick-Wolfenbiittel

Hallam, Henry, Knglish historian (b. 1777,
d. 1859), iX^n

Halle an der Saale, eity in Saxony, 54^ hi

Haniburji, Hansestudt in northwest Ger-
many. 69, 73n; treaty of (1638), 69

Hampton Court, English royal residence in
Middlesex, 12 miles southwest of Lon-
don, 392

flanau, city in West Germany, 56^ 6D

Hanover, 294. 445n; electors of, .see Ernst
August of Brunswick-Liineburg, George I
of Great Britain

Hanoverians, in imperialist forces (1683-
1685), 273, 276; in Venetian forces
(1686), 296: .see also Bruns-
wick-Liineburg

Hanseatic league. 85, 89

Hapsburgs. Austrian and Spanish dynas-
ties, 2f.. 1 If.. 26, 29, 66. 223. 269, 39L
393n. 433f.. 437^ and the Thirty Years'
War (1618-1648). 30f., 35ff., 40ff.. 45,
47ff., 57, 59f., 62ff., 67f., 72, 74ff., 82f.;
and the Peace of Westphalia (1648), 90f.,
93n. 96f., 102: Eastern European posses-
sions of. 16ff., 248, 25L 390, i5ih kalian
possessions of, 42, 104. 438f.; military
forces of, .sec Imperialists; relations of,
with Ottomans, 4, 6, 49, 132, 157n, 257,
260, 285, 449; succession problems of,
24f., 27, 42, 68, 401, 433; see also Aus-
trians. Imperialists, names of individual
emperors, kings of Spain and others

Harborne, William, agent of the Levant
Company and ambassador to the Otto-
man court, 1583-1.S88 (d. 1617). 403

Harcourt, prince d', wounded at Negro-
ponte (in 1688), 35fj

Hardcgg, Count Ferdinand von, imperialist
commander at Raab, 1594 (b. 1549, d.
1595), ID

Harkany, battle of, .sec Darda, battle of

Harrach, Count Ferdinand Bonavcntura,
Austrian ambassador to Spain, 1697-
1698 (b. 1637, d. 1706), 263n, 267n

Har\'ey, Sir Daniel, English ambassador to
the Ottoman court, 1668-1672 (d.
1672), 213, 215, 249ff.

Hassan Pasha, of Bosnia, Ottoman com-
mander in Eastern Europe (1592-1593),
6f.

Iliissnn l^isha. in Ottoman forces at Candla

(1649), 156n
Hatvan, city In northern Hungary, 11
Hatzfeldt, Count Melchior von, imperialist
commander defeated by the Swedes at
Wittstock, 1636 (b. 1593, d. 1658), 69

Haugwitz, Count Friedrich Wilhelm von,

minister of Empress Maria Theresa (b.

1702, d. 1765), 45J
Haydn. Franz .losef, Austrian composer,

friend of Mozart (b. 1732, d. 1809), 451
Heidelberg, chief residence of the Electors

Palatine (until 1720), 37f., 93
Hcilbronn, city in northern Wiirttemberg,

37. 62: League of (16.33), 62, 64
Heiliggeistkirche, church in Heidelberg, 32
Heinrich, duke of Brunswick-Wolfenbiittel

(b. 1564, d. 1613), 25
Heissler, Donat .lohann, imperialist general

(d. 1696). 282f.
Hellespont, .sec Dardanelles
Henriettc Marle, daughter of Henry IV of

France and consort of Charles I of En-
gland (b. 1609, d. 1669), 4J
Henry IV, king of France. 1589-1610 (b.

1553. d. 1610). 3iL 25n. 26, 41, 223
Herakleion. see Candia
Ilercegovina (Herzegovina), 279, .168
Hermann, margrave of Baden, president of

the imperial war council (b. 1628, d.

1691), 261, 280f., 285
Hessen, in western Germany, 56
Hessen-Kassel, landgraviate in Germany,

50n, 83

Hessians, in the Venetian forces at Athens
(1688), 342

Hierapetra (lerapetra). town in southeast-
ern Crete, 147.

Himmelpfortgasse, street in Vienna, 433

Hochepied. Frau von, wife of the Dutch
consul in Smyrna (ca. 1715), 428

ilochst, town on the right bank of the Main
in West Germany, 37, 5fi

Hofburg, imperial palace in Vienna, 264

Hofkriegsrat (imperial war council), 261,
281

Hohenzollern. German dynasty, 72j .see
(ilsn Georg Wilhelm. Friedrich Wilhelm,
Friedrich 111. Frederick II of Prussia

Hollabrunn, town in northern Lower Aus-
tria, 265, 267

Holland, see Netherlands

Holstein, duchy of, 43, 46f., 17

Holy League (1537-15.18). 13

Holy U-ague (1570), 13

Holy League (1684-1697), 271ff.. 276.
279. 328. 364, 402n, 419, 4JJ

Holy Roman Empire, .sec German Empire

Holy See (Apostolic See, Curia Komana,
Papacy), L 3, lOff.. 20, 24, 26, 41. aJ n.
104f.. 106n, lOL no, L25, 132f., 142n.
144. 154n, 204. 221.316.326. 434. 437.
446: popes, .see Clement VHI. Leo XI,
Paul V, Gregory XV, Urban VIII, Inno-

478

Venice, Austria, and the Turks in the Seventeenth Century

cent X, Alexander VII, Clement IX, Inno-
cent XI, Clement XI

Holy Sepulcher, church in Jerusalem, 368.
418: Fathers of, 411)

Horn, Gustavus, Swedish marshal at
Nordlingen, 1634 (d. 1666), 64

Homi V'ltavice, town in southwestern Bo-
hemia (Czechoslovakia), 33

Hospitallers (Knights of S. .lohn of Jerusa-
lem, of Malta, of Rhodes), 2f., 155. 273.
427n; and the beginning of the War of
Candia (1644), llOff., 123f.; assisting
Venetian fleets during the War (1645-
1669), 128, 133, 14L 142n, 14L 162.
164. 167. 178ff., 186, 189f., 192ff., 198f.,
201ff., 214, 216, 223ff., 226, 426; assist-
ing Venetian forces (from 1684), 295f.,
316. 353f., 375n, 380, 384. 386, 443

Hozamzade Ali Pasha, of Rhodes, Ottoman
kapudan pasha (1650-1652), 159, 163f.,
167f., m

Huguenots, 4J_, 49

Hungarians, 2L 25, 3L 32n, 79, 138n, 238,
248, 257, 264f., 402f., 45J

Hungary, 3, 24ff., 28, 141n, 192, 249n,
257, 261ff., 266, 269, 362. 368. 381.
387. 390. 402f., 411, 413, 434. 449f.; in
the Austro-Turkish war (1592-1606),
6f., 9ff., 14ff.; in the Thirty Years' War
(1618-1648), 33, 36, 48, 73, 81f.(n),
132; imperialist reconquest of (1683-
1687), 2IL 273. 275, 277ff., 283, 285,
287. 366; kings of, see Rudolf II, Mat-
thias, Ferdinand II, Ferdinand HI, Leo-
pold L Charles VI, Joseph II

Husayn, Djindji Khoja, preceptor and fa-
vorite of Sultan Ibrahim. 1 12ff., Ill, 124

Hussein Ali Beg, Persian envoy to the Holy
See (1601), 16f.

Hussein Pasha, serdar of the Ottoman land
forces on Crete, ca. 1646-1649 (d.
1659), 147, 158

Hussey, Sir William, English ambassador to
the Ottoman court, 1691 (d. 1691), 379f.

Hussites, 37

Hydra, Aegean island, 358f.

lanina (loannina), city in Epirus (Greece),
2U

Ibrahim L Ottoman sultan, 1640-1648 (b.
1615, d. 1648), 8L 109, lllff., 116,
117n, 119f.(n), 123, 125n, 126, 129ff.,
139. 144. 145nn, 146, 148, 151ff., 165.
275, 38fl

Ibrahim Chelebi, Turkish galleon com-
mander killed by Hospitallers (1644),
111. 116. 117n

Ibrahim Effendi, Ottoman plenipotentiary
at Passarowitz (1718), 449

Ibrahim, Ottoman miiteferrika and envoy
to Prince Eugene of Savoy, 1715 (b. ca.
1670, d. 1745), 433

Ibrahim, Ottoman kapudan pasha (exe-
cuted in 1648), LSD

Ibrahim Pasha, Ottoman commander at Ne-
groponte (1688) and serasker in Greece
(1689, 1695), 365. 372n, 396n

Ibrahim Pasha, Ottoman serasker (exe-
cuted in 1685), 211

Idra, Grani da, author of a report on Negro-
ponte (1689), 372n

111 river, in Alsace, 65

lllyria, lllyricum, see Dalmatia

Imbros (Imroz), island near the Dardan-
elles, 182, 444n

Imperialists, diplomatic activities of, 20.
48, 66, 72, 82, 89ff., 405n, 446f.; in the
Austro-Turkish war (1592-1606). 14ff.;
in the Thirty Years' War (1618-1648),
32, 34n, 35, 38, 43. 47f., 52ff., 58ff., 63f.,
67ff., 73ff., 83f.; in the Turkish wars
(from 1683), 26L 273, 27L 279f., 28L
365f., 368, 376, 38L 389f., 40L 435f.,
438ff.; other references to, 105. 248f.,
261. 397f., 433f.

India, 5n

Ingolstadt, city in Upper Bavaria on the

Danube, 58ff.
Inn River, in central Europe, 105
Innocent X (Giovanni Battista Pamphili),

pope, 1644-1655 (b.l572, d. 1655), 89,

90n. 106. 121, 128, 133, 141f., 143n,

144. L62

Innocent XI (Benedetto Odescalchi), pope,
1676-1689 (b. 1611, d. 1689), 271.
272n, .116

Innsbruck, city in the Tyrol (in western

Austria), 9
Inquisition. 100
Ionian islands, 411. 450
Ionian Sea, 206. 23L 255, 452
Ipshir Mustafa Pasha, Ottoman grand vizir,

1654-1655 (d. 1655), 179f.
Iraklion, .see Candia
Ireland, 144, 394

Isabella, Hapsburg archduchess, daughter
of Philip II of Spain, co-ruler of the Neth-
erlands (b. 1566, d. 1633), 3nn

Ismail Pasha, Ottoman serasker in the
Morea (1686-1687), 279f., 302, 306f.,
308n, 309. 311, 314f., 322, 32L com-
mander at Thessaloniki (1687-1688),
327. 352

Ismail Pasha, Ottoman grand vizir, 1688 (b.
ca. 1620, d. 1690), 366

Index

479

Istanbul (Constantinople). L 4, 7f., 10, 12,
19, 22, 42n. 48n. 73, 105. 109. llOn,
112. 114f., 116ff.(n). 120ff., 127, 129,
131. 132f.(n), 139, 14U 146, 155f.(n),
157ff., 16L IM. 170, 178, 192, 207f.,
21 Iff., 215. 223. 228n, 23L 233, 235ff.,
255ff.. 265n. 274f.. 277n. 280, 281f.,
284f., 324, 348, 365, 369ff.. 379ff.. 387,
393. 396. 400. 401. 403f., 407ff., 412n,
413. 415. 417. 419ff., 424f., 425, 427f.,
431. 440. 44 In, 450nn. 456: in Alvise da
Molin's reports (1670-1671), 244ff.; po-
litical unrest in, 32, 150f., 153n, 154.
163f., 179, 185f., 195, 218ff., 258, 287ff.,
327. 329n. 372n, 416

Istria. 2, 140n. 209, 290n. 453n

Italian language, 80, 133n. 134. 229n,
286n. 409n. 423n

Italians. lOf., 88, 203, 204n; in Venetian
forces (from 1669). 228, 253, 29 In, 296.
353n

Italy. 4, llf., 51n, 104ff., 133, 143, 145,
162. 208. 242. 262n. 297, 335n, 363n,
397. 424n. 452f.(nn). 460: and France,
40, 132, 142, 394i and Spain, 3. 66, 104.
447f.; and the Empire. 98, 433f., 446f.

Ivanovic, Cristoforo, chronicler of the Ven-
etian occupation of Athens (1687-
1688). 306, 31 In

Izmir, see Smyrna

Jacobins, 453n

Jafer Pasha, vizir and Ottoman officer at
Peterwardein (1687). 287f.; Ottoman
commander at Navarino Nuovo (1686),
297

James L king of England, 1603-1625 (b.
1566, d. 1625), 3il 3L 40, 43, 45, 48,

292

Janissaries, Ottoman infantry, 8, 152,
153n, 154f., 158ff.. 164ff., 178f., 186f..
208. 212. 218. 234. 274. 276. 281ff..
285. 370. 376. 392n, 40L HO, 42L 430,
436. 439

Jankau (Jankov), battle of (1645), 78, 80
Jansenists, 453n

Jasna Gora, height of. location of the mon-
astery in Gz^stochowa (in southern Po-
land) with chapel containing painting of
the Black Madonna, 266

Jerusalem, .168

Jesuits, 30, 36, 82n, 402

Jews, 315, 323, 338, 451, 454n

Joachim Ernst, margrave of Brandenburg-
Ansbach. 1603-1625 (b. 1583, d. 1625).
23, 35

Johann Friedrich. duke of Brunswick-
Luneburg (b. 1625, d. 1679). 295n

Johann Friedrich, duke of Wiirttemberg,
1608-1628 (b. 1582. d. 1628). 23

Johann Georg L elector of Saxony, 1611-
1656 (b. 1585, d. 1656). 28, 30, 34f., 39,
45, 47, 51f., 54ff., 60, 62, 64ff., 69, 82, 93

Johann Georg III, elector of Saxony, 1680-
1691 (b. 1647, d. 1691). 266, 268f., 292.
298f.

Johann Sigismund, elector of Brandenburg,

1608-1619 (b. 1572. d. 1619), 25, 2S
Johann Wilhelm, duke of Jiilich, Cleves.

Berg, and Ravensburg. 1592-1609 (b.

1562. d. 1609). 25
John II Casimir. king of Poland, 1648-1668

(b. 1609. d. 1672), lOL 168
John III Sobieski. king of Poland. 1674-

1696 (b. 1624, d. 1696). lL251n, 266ff.,

271. 273. 278n. 283. 285, 368
John IV. king of Portugal. 1640-1656. duke

of Braganza from 1630 (b. 1604. d.

1656), ZL U2
John VII. count of Nassau-Siegen, 1607-

1623 (b. 1561. d. 1623), 51n
Johnson, Samuel (b. 1709, d. 1784). 133n
Joseph II, German Emperor, 1765-1790

(b. 1741, d. 1790). 451f.
Josephinum, academy of military surgery

in Vienna. 451
Jiilich, German duchy, 25
Julius II (Giuliano della Rovere). pope,

1503-1513 (b. 1443. d. 1513). L3
Jusulderem Ahmed Pasha. Ottoman com-
mander at Trikkala (1687), 327
Jiiterbog. battle of (1644), 77. 8Q
Jutland, 72

Kahlenberg, mountainous area south of
Vienna, battle of. 260. 267f.

Kalailikoz Ahmed Pasha, Ottoman grand vi-
zir (in 1704), 417, 418n

Kalamata, city in southwestern Morea. on
Gulf of Messenia, 18L 189, 296. 391n,
416n. 419

Kalavryta. town in the northern Morea, 315
Kalismene, naval roadstead on south shore

of Crete. 11 If., 117n, 124
Kamenets-Podolski (Caminietz), capital of

Podolia, 275, 283f.. 369f.
Kaplan Pasha, Ottoman commander at

Canina (in 1691), 316
Kaplirs (Capliers), Count Kaspar Zdenko,

imperialist commander at the siege of

Vienna in 1683 (b. 1611. d. 1686). 263
Kapuziner Kirche (Capuchin Church), in

Vienna. 264
Kara Ali, executioner of Sultan Ibrahim (in

1648), 153
Kara Baba, Ottoman fortress on the main-

480

Venice, Austrui, and the Turks in the Seventeenth Century

land across from Negroponte (Euboea),
304. 349. 354f., 358. 360f.. 382

Kara Ibrahim, Ottoman grand vizir, 1683-
1685 (b. 1620, d. 1687). 211

Kara Murad, Ottoman grand vizir 1649-
1650, 157f.; kapudan pasha, 1654-1655,
and grand vizir (in 1655), 170, 172ff.,
177ff.

Karamussal (Turk, kardmusdl), a small
sailing ship common in Levantine waters,

126

Kara Mustafa, Ottoman bevlerbey of Diar-
bekr (1715), 427, 432

Kara Mustafa Fasha, Ottoman kaimakam,
1666-1670, and grand vizir. 1676-1683
(b. 1634-35, d. 1683). 247ff., 252.
255ff., 264. 265n. 267ff., 271. 271-
272nn, 277. 278n, 279, 286, 366, 368

Kara Mustafa Pasha, Ottoman serasker on
Corfu (in 1716), 442, 443n

Karl, see also Charles

Karl Ludwig. claimant to electorate of the
Rhenish Palatinate from 1632 (b. 1617 or
'18. d. 1680). 62n, 69n, 70, 73n, 83, 93

Karlowitz (Sremski Karlovici), 403f., 405n,
436: Peace of (1699), 18, 256. 273, 362.
389. 393. 404ff., 4J If., 416n, 419, 42L
428f., 434, 449; battle of (1716), 4J5

Karlstadt (Karlovac), in Croatia, 6

Karntnerstrasse, street in Vienna, 264. 433

Karytaina, town in the central Morea, 391n,
419

Kaschau (Kosice), city in Slovakia, 36
Kasim. Turkish architect and advisor to

Sultana Valide Tarkhan (1653), L68
Kastri, in Argolis, .158

Kattegat, strait between Sweden and Jut-
land, Denmark, 11

Kaunitz. Wenzel Anton, count and prince
(b. 1711, d. 1794), chief minister of
Maria Theresa and Joseph II, 45 1

Kea (Zea, Zia), island in the Cyclades, 146.
150. 328

Kempen, battle of (1642). 25

Kenaan Pasha, Ottoman third vizir (ca.
1650). 16Q

Kerch, port on the Sea of Azov, 401

Khadidje, Sultana, wife of Damad Hasan
Pasha. 426

Khaircddin Barbarossa, corsair and Otto-
man admiral (b. ca. 1466, d. 1546),
170f., 185

Khalil Pasha, Ottoman serasker in Albania

(in 1690-1691), 376f.
Khalil Pasha, Ottoman grand vizir, 1716-

1717 (b. ca. 1655, d. 1733), 439f.
Khevenhiiller, Count Ludwig Andreas, im-

perialist cavalry commander at Peterwar-
dein, 1716 (b. 1683, d. 1744), 436

Kialepha, fortress on the Gulf of Goron,
296. 338. 13J

Kiiitbahir. town on the Dardanelles, 173

Kinsky, Franz, Austrian diplomat (b. 1634,
d. l'699), 405n

Kinsky, Ulrich, Bohemian nobleman, partic-
ipant in the Defenestration of Prague,
1618 (d. 1620). 29

Kircher, Athanasius (b. 1601?, d. 1680),
100

KlesI (KhIesI), Melchior. bishop of Vienna
and Wiener Neustadt (from 1598) and
cardinal from 1615 (b. 1522, d. 1630),
26f., 29

Klis, .see Clissa

Klosterneuburg, town just north of Vienna,
site of Augustinian monastery, 265. 267
Knights of Malta, .see Hospitallers
Knights of Santo Stefano, 1 10
Knin. vsee Canina

Knolles, Richard, historian of the Turks (b.
1550? d. 1610). 133n, 153n

Koblenz, city in western Germany, 76

Koesem, Sultana Valide, widow of Sultan
Ahmed I and mother of Murad IV and
Ibrahim, 152, 157f., 160ff.. 165ff.

Koluri, island in the Gulf of Aegina, 341

Komamo Komarom, Slovak and Hungarian
towns on the left and right banks of the
Danube, 10, 260f.. 264f., 402

Komulovic, Aleksandar, rector of church of
San Girolamo in Rome and abbot of Nona
(1594), 9

Konigsberg, in Prussia. 72

Konigsmarck, Countess Catharina Char-
lotta von, wife of Otto Wllhelm (b. 1655,
d. 1702?), 296, 354. 358f.

Konigsmarck, Count Hans (Johann) Chris-
toph von, Swedish general in the Thirty
Years' War, 1639-1648, and father of
Otto Wilhelm, 77, 81f.(n), 87, 296

Konigsmarck. Count Karl Johann von. Hos-
pitaller and nephew of Otto Wilhelm (b.
1659, d. 1686), 298

Konigsmarck, Count Otto Wilhelm von, son
of Hans Christoph von Konigsmarck,
Swedish general of the Venetian land
forces in the Morea, 1686-1688 (b.
1639, d. 1688), 296ff., 300f., 302n,
304ff., 317n, 318f., 321, 333, 335, 338,
34 If., 344, 348, 353ff., 360f., 395, 398

Kopriilu, family of Ottoman grand vizirs,
254, 289. 413. 420; see also Mehmed
Koprlilii. Ahmed Kopriilii Pasha. Mustafa
Kopriilu. Ahmudshazade Hussein
Kopriilii, and Numan Kopriilii Pasha

Index

481

Koran (al-Qu'ran), 153, 380

Koroni, see Coron

Kos, island in the Aegean Sea, 1 64

Kosice (Cassovla. German Kaschau), city

in southeast Slovakia, 82n
Kotor, see Cattaro

Kotzschenbroda (part of mod. Radebeul),
in Saxony. S2

Krems, city on the Danube in Ixjwer Aus-
tria. 263, 265, 2hl

Kronstadt (Rum. Brasov, Hung. Brasso),
city in Transylvania. 18

Kuefstein. Hans Ludwigvon, imperialist en-
voy to the Ottoman court. 1628-1629 (b.
1582 or m d. 1656). 44

Kurdistan, 6

Kiistrin. fortress town on the Oder, 53

l>a Golctta, Tunisian port. If.
La Marck. German county. 25
La Mira. on the river Brenta, 459
U Rochelle. 41. 43
Ui Spczia. 2L24

Labbia, Venetian family. 138

Laconia. 35 1 ; province of the Venetian

Morea. 398, 400n
I>agos, naval battle of (1693). 334
Liila Mehmed Pasha, Ottoman grand vizir.

1604-1606 (d. 1606). 21
Landau, town in the Rhenish Talatinate, 26
Larissa (Larisa), in Thessaly. 19n. 212ff.,

218ff.

Larnaca Bay, in Cyprus, 39vl

Lascari, Venetian commander at Monemva-
sla (1688), 3SJ

Lascaris Castellar, .lean Paul de, grand mas-
ter of the Hospitallers (1636-1657) in
1646, Ul

Latin language. 44, 89n, 134f., 157n. 301
Liitin rite, 134f., 418

Latins, in Venetian territories, 134ff., .195
Laun (Ix)uny). in northwestern Bohemia,

Laxenburg, suburb of Vienna, 266n. 27 In,
424n

Uch river, 59f.. 73, 83
Ixjgge, William, Lord Hartniouth, .sec Dart-
mouth, Lord (William Legge)
Uipzig, L 52. 54f., 6L 69, 14. 402n
Lcmnii'.i earth {terra si^illata), 1 S4
lx;mnos(Stalimene), IM, 185n, 186, 188f.,
381 f.

Ixins, battle of ( 1 648). 88, 90

Leo VI, Byzantine cmper<ir, 886-912 (b.

866, d. 912). 51n
l>eo XI (Alessandro de'Medici), pope, 1605

(b. 1535, d. 1605), 20
Lcondari, 419

Leopold L German Emperor, 1658-1705,
king of Hungary from 1655, king of Bohe-
mia from 1656 (b. 1640, d. 1705), lOlf.,
214, 248. 249n, 263, 266f., 269, 271_,
273ff., 279, 282f., 285. 367f.. 389ff.,
397f., 402, 404ff., 41 If.. 415, 424n. 449

Uopold L duke of Lorraine. 1697-1 729 (b.
1679. d. 1729). 398

Leopold Wilhelm. Hapsburg archduke, son
of Ferdinand II. bishop of Strasbourg
(from 1626). Passau (from 1626). Hal-
berstadt (1627-1648). archbishop of
Magdeburg (1629-1635). and Olmutz
from 1637 (b. 1614, d. 1662), Z4

Leopoldsberg, mountainous area south of
Vienna, 267f.

Lepanto (Naupactus), 254, 298f.. 319, 334.
345. 346n, 377ff., 399, 411. 414, 416,
418; battle of (1571), 1, 3. 55. 183. 330:
Gulf of, see Corinth, Gulf of

l>csina (Hvar), port on Hvar Island, Croatia,
290n

Leslie, Walter, imperialist officer in the
Thirty Years' War (b. 1606, d. 1667), 73n

IvCucadia, see Santa Maura

Levant Company, 48n, 133n, 208. 251.
403f., 415, 423

Liberacchi (Liberio Gerachari), Mainote in
Turkish service (ca. 1691), 378f.

Lido, island hard by Venice, 129. 290.
293f., 299n, 388

Liebenberg, Johann Andreas von, mayor of
Vienna (in 1683). 2M

Linz, 82n, 263, 271j treaty of (1645), 81

Lipari islands (Aeolian islands), in the Tyr-
rhenian Sea, 224

Lisbon, ZJ

Livadia (Levadia), town in Boctia, 322.

327. 361. 382. 388
Livonia, area bordering on the Gulf of Riga

in the Baltic Sea. 101
Livorno (Leghorn), borders on the Ligurian

Sea. 215

Ljubljana, city in Slovcnia-lllyria. 6

Lobel. Bastion, in the fortifications at
Vienna. 264f.

Ivocatelli. Alessandro. 17th-century histo-
rian. 272n, 290ff.(nn). 296ff.(nn),
305f.(nn). 31 2n. 324n. 329n. 337n.
340n. 344n. 346n. 353n, 355f.(nn),
358ff.(nn), 379n

Lohel, .lohann, archbishop of Prague,
1612-1622 (b. 1549. d. 1622). 29

Lonicllino, Stefano, commander of the pa-
pal galleys (in 1655), 181f.

London, L 208. 233. 394. 406, 447

Long War. .see Austro-Turkish war
(1593-1606)

482

Venice, Austria, and the Turks in the Seventeenth Century

Loredan, Francesco, Venetian ambassador

at Vienna (in 1699), 405n
Lorenzo da Brindisi, Saint, Capuchin father

In Donauworth, 1606 (b. 1559, d. 1619).

23n

Loreto, town in province of Ancona, 10ft

Lorraine, 68, 390, 398

Louis II de Bourbon, duke of Enghien (later
prince de Conde). French marshal in the
Thirty Years' War, 1643-1648 (b. 1621,
d. 1686), 74ff., 89, 99, 1112

Louis 11. king of Hungary, 1516-1526 (b.
1506. d. 1526). 281

Louis Xm. king of France. 1610-1643 (b.
1601, d. 1643), 35, 40, 42n, 49f., 53f..
56ff.. 64ff., 24

Louis XIV. king of France. 1643-1715 (b.
1638. d. 1715), 84, 89, 9L 93, 102,
252f., 26L 263, 274, 389, 424n. 433.
447n; his relations with Spain, 197f.,
216. 392: his relations with the Otto-
mans, im 215, 220, 223, 238, 247, 277,
340. 344, 386, 389, 40L his support of
the Venetians at Candia, 189f., 198,
220ff.. 226: and the War of the League of
Augsburg (1689-1697). 390ff.. 393n,
394, 396ff.

Louis XV. king of France. 1715-1774 (b.
1710. d. 1774). 433f.. AAl

Louis de la Tour d'Auvergne, count of Tu-
renne. sec Turenne. Count Louis de la
Tour d'Auvergne of

Louis, duke of Burgundy, grandson of Louis
XIV. father of Louis XV (b. 1682, d.
1712), 391

Liibeck. 46n. 52, 69; treaty of (1629), 46f.

Lubomirski, .lerome, Polish general, 1684
(d. 1706), 21A

Lucaris, Cyril, patriarch of Constantinople.
1612-1638 (b. 1572, d. 1638). llOn

Ludovisi. Alessandro. .see Pope Gregory XV

Ludovisi, Niccolo, prince of Piombino,
commander of the Christian armada,
1645 (d. 1664), 128, 142n

Ludwig, margrave of Baden, imperialist
Held marshal from 1682 (b. 1655, d.
1707). 274, 390, ii5

Luneburg. see Brunswick-Limeburg

Lusatia (Lausitz. Luzyca). 34f.. 39, 66, 93

lyusatians. 24, 30f.

Luther. Martin (b. 1483, d. 1546), L 43,
79f.

Lutherans, i 17f., 23, 29, 31, 34, 37, 43,

52, 54, 66. 72, 8L 90
Lutter am Barenberge, battle of (1626), 43
Liitzen, 61; battle of (1632), 6L
Luxembourg, 65, 263

Luxembourg, Duke Francois Henri de

Montmorency de, marshal of France (b.
1628. d. 1695). 394
Lysicrates. choregic monument of ("Lan-
tern of Demosthenes"), in Athens, 394

Macedonia, 432

Madonna deH'Orto, church in Venice, 459
Madrid, 2, 30, 41, 42n, 45, 63, 68, 85n, 91,
203

Magdeburg, archdiocese of, 43, 45] siege of

(1631), 52ff.
Magdeburgers, 52

Maggior Consiglio (Grand Council), of Ven-
ice, 137f., 19L 239ff., 328n, 375; hall of,
in the Doges' Palace, 387

Maghreb. 1

Magyars. 18

Main river. 32

Maina, district in the southern Morea, 2,

126. 315. 319, 323, 35L 329
Mainotes, 416. 43J

Mainz. 27f.. 56, 57n, 59f., 76; electorate of,

56: treaty of (1632), 56f.
Makronisi, island off Attica, 146
Malamocco. village on the Lido di Venezia,

129f., 360

Malatesta. Marchese Sigismondo Pandolfo.
lord of Rimini (b. 1417. d. 1468). 133n

Malis. Gulf of, Aegean inlet in east central
Greece. 327

Mallorca (Majorca), largest of the Balearic
Islands. 446

Malplaquet, battle of (1709), 442

Malta, 89n, 104. 11 Of., 113, l]5f., 117n,
119n, 120, 122ff.. 131, 133n, 183f.,
192f.. 204, 214, 218. 219n, 221; Knights
of, see Hospitallers

Maltese, see Hospitallers

Man in the Iron Mask, the, 91

Manfredonia. port on the Gulf of Manfre-
donia in Apulia. 2

Mannheim, city in northern Baden in Ger-
many on the right bank of the Rhine, 37,
21

Mansfeld. Ernst von. Protestant general in
the Thirty Years' War. 1618-1626 (b. ca.
1580, d. 1626), 33, 3L 40, 4J

Mansfeld, Count Karl von, imperialist com-
mander at Gran, 1595 (b. 1543, d. 1595),
10, 1 In.

Mantegna. Andrea. Italian painter of the

Paduan School, (b. 1431. d. 1506), 460
Mantua, 42, 48n, 105. 437: dukes of. see

Charles I of Gonzaga-Nevers, Charles H

of Gonzaga-Nevers
Mantuan succession, war of (1627-1631),

32, 48n, 105f.
Marathon, 328

Index

483

Marcello, Ferigo. Venetian nobleman at
Athens (1687). 313

Marcello, Giacomo, Venetian ducal
councilor ( 1646), lJ7f.

Marcello, Girolamo, Venetian convoy com-
mander (ca. 1684-1694). 364

Marcello, Lorenzo. Venetian captain-gen-
eral of the sea, 1655-1656 (b. 1603, d.
1656). 182f.

Marchegg, village in east Ix)wer Austria, on
the Bohemian border near Vienna, 265

Marco d'Aviano, Capuchin preacher, promi-
nent in siege of Vienna (in 1683), 263f.

Maria Antonia, daughter of Emperor Leo-
pold I and wife of Maximilian Emmanuel
of Bavaria (b. 1669. d. 1692), 269, 392

Maria Gasimira. consort of John III So-
bieski of Poland (b. 1639. d. 1716), 269

Maria. Infanta (Maria Anna), daughter of
Philip III and consort of Emperor Ferdin-
and III (b. 1606, d. 1646), 40, 45

Maria Theresa, daughter of Philip IV of
Spain, wife of Louis XIV of France (b.
1638, d. 1683), 197

Maria Theresa, German Empress, 1740-
1 780. who married Emperor Francis I (b.
1717. d. 1780). 438, 4SJ

Marie Adelaide, daughter of Vittorio Ama-
deo of Savoy, wife of Louis of Burgundy
and mother of Louis XV of France (b.
1685. d. 1712). 397

Marie Louise d'Orleans. consort of Charles
II of Spain (b. 1662, d. 1689), 392

Marlborough, John Churchill, first duke of,
1702-1722 (b. 1650, d. 1722), 422n.
442

Marly-le-Roi. town and royal chateau in

western suburb of Paris. 424n
Marmara. Sea of, L39, 14 In, 150, 1 78. 366.

384

Maros (Mure§). river in Transylvania (Ru-
mania) and eastern Hungary, 1J_, 280.
432

Marra Bey. Ottoman naval commander
wounded at Tenedos (1687), 288

Marradas, Baltasar, imperialist officer and
conspirator against Wallenstein, 1634 (b.
ca. 1560, d. 1638), 63

Marseille, 224

Martinengo. Venetian family. 328n
Martinitz. Jaroslav von. Bohemian royal

councilor, caught in the Defenestration

of Prague in 1618 (d. 1649), 29
Mary II, queen of England, 1689-1694,

wife of William III (b. 1622, d. 1694),

310.392

Matapan. Cape, in the southern Morea,
199n, 374

Matthias, German emperor, 1612-1619,
king of Hungary from 1608, of Bohemia
from 1611 (b. 1557. d. 1619). 20ff., 3D

Maurice of Nassau, prince of Orange,
1618-1625 (b. 1567, d. 1625), 51n

Maurice, duke (1541-1547) and elector
(from 1547) of Saxony (b. 1521, d.
1553), 66

Mavrocordato (Mavrokordatos), Alessan-
dro. Ottoman grand dragoman, ca. 1683-
1688 (b. ca. 1640, d. 1709). 262, 265n.
367ff., 389; Ottoman ambassador at Kar-
lowitz (1699), 405n, 406. 431; Ottoman
minister (in 1703), 416

Mavrocordato, Niccolo, son of Alessandro
Mavrocordato, hospodar of Moldavia,
1709-1716, 1718-1730 (b. 1670, d.
1730), 367

Maximilian L duke (1597-1623) and elec-
tor (1623-1651) of Bavaria (b. 1573, d.
1651), 23, 26f., XL 34ff., 39, 45ff., 53f.,
56ff., 6L 76, 83, 85, 8L 9a 92f., 97

Maximilian Emmanuel, elector of Bavaria.
1679-1726 (b. 1662. d. 1 726). 266. 269.
277. 367. 390. 392. 401. 406. 4J7

Maximilian Ernst, Hapsburg archduke,
brother of Emperor Ferdinand II (b.
1583. d. 1616), 20f.

Maximilian, Hapsburg archduke, son of
Emperor Maximilian II (b. 1558. d.
1618). llf.. 20f., 27f.

Maximilian, prince of Hessc-Kassel (b.
1689, d. 1753), 4J7

Maximilian Wilhclm, son of Ernst August of
Brunswick-Liincburg, commander of
Brunswick forces in the Venetian cam-
paign in Greece, 1685-1688, later impe-
rialist general (b. 1666, d. 1726), 292,
298. 305. 310n, 323, 325f.. 352, 356,
357n, 360

Mazarin, Jules, cardinal and prime minister

of France (b. 1602, d. 1661), 75, 9 If.,

132. 142. 145. 198
Mazeppa, Ivan, hetman of the Cossacks,

1687-1709 (b. ca. 1640. d. 1709). 419
Mecca. llOf.. U3, 116ff.(nn). ISQ
Mecklenburg, duchy on the Baltic, 48, 67,

92n

Medgyes (Medias), city in Transylvania, L9

Medici. Cosimo III de', grand duke of Tus-
cany, 1670-1723 (b. 1642. d. 1723). 2X3

Medici. Ferdinand II de'. grand duke of
Tuscany, 1621-1670 (b. 1610, d. 1670),
106. 121. 128. 142

Medici, Florentine family, 447

Mediterranean Sea, If , 4, 5n, 12, 99, 104.

484

Venice, Austria, and the Turks in the Seventeenth Century

110. 129. 195. 198n, 245, 254. 257, 259,

447f.. 454
Megara, 302, 304, 315, 428, AM
Megarid, 304

Mehmed III, Ottoman sultan, 1595-1603
(b. 1567, d. 1603), 15, IS

Mehmed IV. Ottoman sultan, 1648-1687
(b. 1641. d. 1692), 19n, 93f., 112n,
152ff., 155n, 15L 159, 162, 165f.. 168ff.,
179f., 182, 184n, 185f.. 207ff.. 212ff..
218f., 229n, 230f., 235ff.. 245n, 246ff.,
251n, 256f., 260f., 266n, 271. 274ff.,
279. 281ff., 287ff., 324. 32L 366, 368n,
370. 379f.

Mehmed Agha, Ottoman emissary to the
Hapsburg court (1687). 282ff.

Mehmed Effendi, of Brusa, appointed
Turkish kadi in Cairo (ca. 1644). 1 1 1

Mehmed Kopriilii, Ottoman grand vizir,
1656-1661 (b. 1583, d. 1661). 32, 159,
168. 185f.. 188ff., 192, 250, 289f., 370f.

Mehmed Fasha, commander of the Otto-
man fleet at Tenedos in 1687 (d. 1687).
288

Mehmed Pasha, Ottoman serasker in

Greece (1687), 327
Mehmed Pasha, Ottoman plenipotentiary

at Passarowitz (1718). iA^
Mehmed Reis Effendi (Mehmed Pasha

Rami), Ottoman emissary at Karlowitz,

1699 (b. 1655 or 1656. d. 1707),

404f.(n), 406, 416
Melek Ahmed Pasha, Ottoman grand vizir

(1650-1651), 158ff., Ui5
Meleki. slave at the Ottoman court (1651),

165

Melk, town in western Lower Austria on the

Danube; site of the famous Benedictine

abbey, 26.1
Melo, Francisco de, Spanish governor of

the Netherlands and commander at Ro-

croi in 1643 (b. 1597, d. 1651). 74
Melos (A/i7o). island in the Cyclades. north

of Crete, 149n. 155, 178, 192
Memmingen, city in Swabia, 105
Memo, Andrea. Venetian bailie in Istanbul

(1714). 409n, 427n
Merceria. in V'enice, 2.19
Mercy, Franz von, imperialist-Bavarian

commander in the Thirty Years' War.

1631-1645 (d. 1645), 75f., 80
Mergentheim, battle of, in Franconia

(1645). 76
Merseburg, city in Saxony. 54, 61
Mersenne, Marin (b. 1588, d. 1648), 100
Mesara, plain of, south of Candia, lAl
Messenia, area in the southwestern Morea,

431; Gulf of, 296; Venetian province of,
398. 400n

Messina, 129, 186. 199n, 204f., 224. 253,
448

Methoni, see Modon

Metternich, Prince Clemens Wenzel Nepo-
muk Lothar von (b. 1773, d. 1859), 295n

Metz, city in northeastern France, 90, 263;
diocese of 90, 91 n

Meuse river, in Lorraine, northeastern
France, 86

Mezokeresztes, town in northeastern Hun-
gary, 12

Michael the Brave, voivode of Wallachia,
1593-1601 (b. 1557. d. 1601), lOf.. 15ff.

Michiel. Angelo, Venetian avogador di Co-
mun (in 1646), 137

Michiel, Venetian rettor in Candia (1644),
119n

Mikulov (Nikolsburg), town in southern

Moravia, 267
Milan, city and duchy, 4L 43, 48n, 66, 95,

104. 145. 394, 433, 437, 447n
Milanesi. in the Venetian forces in the

Morea (1688). 353n
Mindel river, in Bavaria. 83
Minden, diocese of, in northwest Germany,

43, 45, 93

Miniconi, Marc'Antonio, Hospitaller chron-
icler of the fourth battle of the Darda-
nelles (1657). 188n

Minio, Alvise, Venetian naval officer at
Candia (in 1668), 196

Minotto, Giacomo, Venetian proweditore
straordinario at Corinth (in 1715), 428

Mirabella (Merabello), inlet of the Aegean
Sea, in northeastern Crete, 147, 149

Mistra. medieval fortress in Laconia (in the
Morea), 299, 315, 323, 334. 338, 343.
417n

Mistriotes. 315. 323, 343, 344 n

Mitrovica, town in southern Serbia, 261

Mnichovo Hradiste, castle and estate north
of Prague, acquired by Wallenstcin upon
the death of Vaclav (Wenceslaus) of Bu-
dov, 38, 39

Mocenigo. Alvise. Venetian bailie in Istan-
bul (ca. 1710-1714), 423n, 425, 427n

Mocenigo, Alvise III, Venetian convoy
commander (ca. 1684-1694), 364

Mocenigo, Alvise Leonardo, Venetian
provveditorc gencrale in Crete (1647-
1651), 147f., 149n. 158, 159n; captain-
general in 1651 and 1654 (d. 1654),
163f., 178f.

Mocenigo, Domenico, Venetian
captain-general of the sea in 1690-1692
(b. 1624, d. 1694), 363, 375ff.

Index

485

Mocenigo, Francesco, lieutenant to Doge
Francesco Morosini (in 16')3), .188

Mocenigo, Francesco, Venetian naval of-
ficer (in 1657), brother of Lazzaro, 187

Mocenigo, Lazzaro, Venetian naval otticer
(1651), 163: prae/ectus ndvium (1655-
1656), 179f., 18.1; captain-general in
1657 (d. 1657), 185ff., im

Mocenigo, Leonardo (Liiigi), Venetian arch-
bishop of Candia in 163.1-1644 (d.
1644). 1.14f.

Mocenigo, Tommaso, Venetian naval of-
ficer (in 1651), brother of Lazzaro (d.
1651), L63

Modena, city and duchy of, 131, 1j4 In

Modon (Methoni), fortress town in Mes-
senia, in the southwestern Morea, 2.18.
297. 314. 319. 323. 325. 333. 338. 3.59.
374. 416. 432

Mohacs. city in southern Hungary on the
Danube, 28L 300, 403; battle of (1526).
2S7

Moldavia, 9f.. 15ff.. 20, 190, 275, 367f.,

421 ■ 422f.; rulers of, see Niccolo Mavro-

cordato, Michael the Brave
Moldavians, in the Turkish forces at Vienna

(in 1683), 2hA
Molin, Alessandro da, son of Alvise da Mo-

lin, 215

Molin, Alvise (da), Venetian envoy to the
Ottoman court (1668-1669), 19n, 206,
209ff.. 225n, 228f.; amba.ssador to the
Ottoman court, 1669-1671 (d. 1671),
2.10ff., 244ff., 25L 255, 408f.

Molin, Antonio, proveditnr cstraordinario
in Rc^no (di Morea) (1689), 3fi4

Molin, Francesco da, doge of Venice,
1646-1655 (b. 1575, d. 1655). 97n.
125n, LIL 140n, 142n, 144. 145n, 157n,
159n. IhZ. 164n, 167n

Molin, Sebastiano da, Venetian naval of-
ficer (d. 1654), nt,

Molk Bastion, at Vienna, 2hA

Monaco, 22A

Monemvasia (Malvasia), fortified village on
a rocky island in the southeastern Morea.
126. 148, LSL 202. 299n. 300. 302,
387n, 338f., 343f.. 351. 359, 363, 364.
370ff., 388, .191 n, 396n. 398, 41h. 432

Monemvasiotes, I26n, 319

Monheim. town in western Bavaria. 73n

Montagu, Edward Wortley. British ambas-
sador to the Ottoman Court, 1716-1718
(d. 1761), 437f., 440f., 449n, 450

Montagu, I^dy Mary Wortley, wife of Ed-
ward Wortley Montagu, English traveler
in eastern Europe (b. 1689, d. 1762),
269f., 402f.. 436f.. 44 In. 450

Montault de Bcnac, Philippe, duke de Na-
vailles, commander of the French land
forces at Candia, 1669 (b. 1619, d.
1684). 216, 222ff., 211

Monte Abramo. on Corfu, 442, 443f.(n)

Montecuccoli, Raimondo, Hapsburg field
marshal and tactician (b. 1609. d. 1680),
5 In, 102f.. 192, 222

Montenegro, 252, 254. 426f.

Montespan, Marquise Fran9oise Athenais
de (b. 1641. d. 1707). 253

Monteverdi. Claudio, outstanding com-
poser of operas (b. 1567, d. 1643), 458

Montferrat, with its capital at Casale Mon-
ferrato (under Mantua from 15.1.1 and Sa-
voy from 1713). li 48n. 105: rulers of.
.see Charles I of Gonzaga-Nevers. Charles
II of Gonzaga-Nevers

Monzon, town in northeastern Spain, treaty
of (1626), 32. 41

Moore, Thomas, poet and correspondent of
Lord Bvron. 1816-1817 (b. 1779. d.
1852), 459

Morava river, flows through Moravia, 265

Moravia, area enclosed by Silesia, Slovakia.
Austria, and Bohemia. 24, 30, 34, 74, 77,
132. 267, 451

Moravians, 27n, 30f.. 71

"Morea". fort on the south shore of the
Gulf of Corinth. 299, 378, 416, 427, 4.12

Morea (Peloponnesus), Venetian invasion
of (1684-1687), 138n, ZTL 273, 275,
279f.. 287, 293, 294n, 295ff., 360ff., 454^
Venetian re^no of (1684-1715). 302ff..
314. 316. 320ff.. 33 Iff., 336ff., 344f..
.146n. 350f., 354, 358f., 376ff., 3ai. 385,
388. 396. .198ff.. 41 Iff.; Ottoman recon-
quest of (1715). 138n. 426ff.. 450, 452.
454: outbreak of the plague in (1687-
1 688). 314, 320, 333, 336, 338; other ref-
erences to. 2, 126, 13L 148, 189. 208,
253, 441

Morelli, Signor, Venetian recipient of a let-
ter addressed to Zorzi Benzon (in 1688),
356n

Moresini (Morosini). Iseppo, Venetian con-
voy commander (ca. 1684-1694), .164

Moresini, Zorzi. Venetian commander of
the^urirdiVi at Castel Bicorna in the area
of Canea (in 1644). 118n

Morlacchi (Morlacci), 228n. 257f.

Morniori, Emmanuele. Veneto-Cretan histo-
rian of the War of Candia, 107f.(n), 11 In,
115n, 125ff.(nn). 140f.(nn). 146n. 147f..
149ff.(nn). 153n. 155n. 161n

Moro, Bartolo. Venetian convoy com-
mander (ca. 1684-1694), 3fi4

Moro, Giovanni Battista, Venetian histo-

486

Venice, Austria, and the Turks in the Seventeenth Century

rian of the siege of S. Maura (1684),
291f.(nn)
Morocco, 1

Morosini, Bernardo, brother of Giorgio and
Tommaso, Venetian capitano delle navi
(in 1647-1648), 14L 149f.

Morosini, Daniele, son of Andrea, Venetian
"admiral" at the first battle of the Dar-
danelles, 1654 (d. 1654). 176f.

Morosini, Francesco (b. 1619, d. 1694),
Venetian capitano delle galleazze (in
1651), 163; commander of the Venetian
fleet (in 1655), 179ff.; captain-general of
the Venetian fleet (1657-1661), 184.
189ff.; captain-general of the V^enetian
fleet (in 1668-1669). 195ff.. 215ff..
220ff., 227; and the surrender of Candia
to the Turks (1669), 228f.. 231f., 2J4f.,
237f., 272n; trial of (1670-1671), 239ff.;
commander of the Venetian forces in the
invasion of the Morea and Attica (1684-
1688), 272, 276n. 280. 284. 290ff.. 294n,
295ff., 299n, 300ff., 356n, 357ff., 395,
398. 400. 428. 430. 442. 454: elected
doge (1688), 346f., 353, 364; activities
of, as doge (1688-1694), 369n, 370ff.,
377ff., 38i 387f.: death of (1694). 388:
tomb of, 459

Morosini, Francesco. Venetian captain of
the Gulf, in 1654 (d. 1654), 163, 116

Morosini, Giovanni, brother of Bernardo,
provveditore of the Venetian fleet
(1648), 149f.; captain-general (1660-
1664), 191ff.

Morosini, Giovanni. Venetian bailie in Is-
tanbul (1675-1680), 256

Morosini, Girolamo, Venetian provvedi-
tore generate da mar (in 1645-1646),
125n, 127f.(nn), 139

Morosini, Lorenzo, brother of the doge
Francesco, 243

Morosini, Marc'Antonio, brother of the
doge Francesco, 243

Morosini, Michele, brother of the doge
Francesco, 243

Morosini, Piero. nephew of the doge Fran-
cesco and Venetian captain of the Gulf
(1687). 32Q

Morosini. Tommaso. Venetian naval com-
mander (in 1646). 139f.; capitano delle
navi in 1647 (d. 1647). 1A6

Moscow, 16, 273, 283

Mosto. Giacomo da. Venetian convoy com-
mander (ca. 1684-1694), 364

Moulins. town in central France, 71)

Mount Saint Elias, on Negroponte, 348

Mozart, Wolfgang Amadeus (b. 1756, d.
1791), 451f.

Mount San Salvador, on Corfu. 444n
Mount Taygetus. in the southern Morea,
416

Muazzo. Francesco, Venetian historian of
the Veneto-Turkish wars (1684-1696),
291n, 317n, 320n, 343, 344n, 34L 353n,
392n

Miihlhausen, in Alsace, 52
Mulde river, in central Germany, 54
Munich, 38, 60, 85, 266, 406. 440; treaty of
(1619), 34

Miinster, city in Westphalia, 40, 82f., 85ff.,

9L 94n. 95, 9L 99, 109n. 132n, 145
Murad III, Ottoman sultan, 1574-1595 (b.

1546, d. 1595), ID
Murad IV, Ottoman sultan, 1623-1640 (b.

1612, d. 1640). 31, 36n. 4i 42n. 44,

108f.. IM

Murad Pasha, Ottoman grand vizir (1606-
1608), 22

Murano, island in the Venetian lagoon, 457

Mure§ river, see Maros river

Musa Pasha, Ottoman de/terdar (1646),

130: kapudan pasha, 1647 (d. 1647),

139f., 146, 14S
Muscovites, see Russians
Muscovy, see Russia
Museo Civico Correr. in Venice. 457
Mustafa L Ottoman sultan, 1617-1618,

1622-1623 (b. 1591, d. 1639), 153
Mustafa II, Ottoman sultan, 1695-1703 (b.

1664, d. 1703), 32L 380, 395f., 401f.,

405f., 408f., 41 In, 412, 413n, 414, 416f.
Mustafa, agha of the janissaries (1648),

153n

Mustafa Kopriilii Pasha, son of Mehmed (b.
16v17. d. 1691), Ottoman serasker at the
Dardanelles (1687). 281 ; kaimakam
(1687-1689). 289i grand vizir (1689-
1691). 370f., 379f.. 390, 42Q

Mustafa Pasha, commander of the Ottoman
garrison in Belgrade (1717). 439

Mustafa Pasha of Rodosto, Ottoman agha of
the janissaries (1687), 285, 288; grand
vizir (1688-1689). 365f.. 369n, 370f.

Mustafa Pasha. Ottoman beylerbey at Nau-
plia (1649). 156n

Mustafa Pasha. Ottoman commander at
Thebes (1687). 327: serasker in the
Morea (1686), 297; serasker at Negro-
ponte (1688), 356

Mustafa Pasha, Ottoman kapudan pasha
(1655), 180f.

Mustafa Pasha, Ottoman oflicer (1648),
150n

Mutoni, Antonio, count of S. Felice, com-
mander of Venetian bombardiers at Ath-

Index

487

ens (1687-1688), 299n. 310, 324. 330.

Mykonos, island in the Cyclades, 192. -1 86
Mytilcne, city on Lesbos, 147. 155n. 177f.,
182. 186. 381ff., 3S6

Nadin, village in western Croatia, 148
Nagykanizsa. town in southwest Hungary,
Ih

Namur, town (now in southeast Belgium),
394: county of, 65

Nani, Antonio, Venetian proveditor gene-
ral in Morea, 1703-1705 (b.l665, d.
1742). 415ff.

Nani, Giovanni Battista, Venetian diplomat
and historian (b. 1616, d. 1678). 104n.
106n, 109n, UL 138n. 146ff.(nn), 167n,
177n

Nano. Bernardo. Venetian provveditore

generale on Crete (1668), 194
Naples, city and Italian-Spanish kingdom,

42n. 48n, 73, 128, 142, 150n. 156n. 199,

203ff., 433f., 43L 446ff.
Napoleon L emperor of France (b. 1769, d.

1821), 452, 451
Napoleon, Venetian governor of Arcadia

(1688), 35 J
Napoli di Romania, .see Nauplia
Naumburg, city in east Germany, hi
Naupactus, .see Lepanto
Nauplia (Napoli di Romania), 117n, 141.

156n, 177. 181 ; under Venetian rule

(1686-1715), 297f., 303f., 309, 329,

333f.. 337ff.. 341, 349ff.. 358f.. 372n,

380. 383n, 387f., 398. 416; recaptured

by the Turks (1715), 430ff.
Navagero. Venetian provveditore generale

on Corfu (1691). 318
Navagier, Andrea, Venetian naval officer

(1684). 363
Navagier, Venetian proveditor on Crete

(1644), 119
Navailles, duke of, see Montault dc Bcnac,

Philippe de. duke de Navailles
Navarino, 125n, 126, 319, 338, 35L 359,

378. 431f.
Navarino Nuovo, 297. 39 In, 398. 416
Navarino Vecchio (Fylos, Zonkhio), 238.

297. 391n. Alh
Navon. family of Venetian dragomans in Is-
tanbul (ca. 1600). 19
Navon, Battista, a Venetian student of

Turkish (giovane di lingua) in Istanbul

(1609-1610), 19
Naxos, island, 134. 163, 164n, 190, 372n;

Venetian duchy of (1205-1566). 107
Neapolitans, 2, IL 144f., 195, 202f., 316
Neckar river, 37, 75

Neerwinden. battle of (1693). 394

Negri. Salamone, Venetian concerned with
Arabic and Turkish language instruction
(1706), 409n

Negroponte (Chalcis), 1S9, 348f., 368. 382.
396n; Venetian siege of (1688), 310n.
326. 330. 354ff.

Negroponte, channel of, 326. 334. 336.
348. 354. 358. Jfdn

Negroponte (Euboea). 1 46. 147n, 149n,
163. 189. 216. 219. 237. 312. 322. 327f.,
343. 359. 368. 372. 374. 376. 381. 383.
413f.(n), 418, 420, 428; Venetian inva-
sion of, planned (in 1687-1688), 302ff.,
307ff., 313f.. 316, 333, 33L 348f., 352ff.,
36 In, and see Negroponte (Chalcis),
Venetian siege of

Nepkoztiirsasag Utja, street in the old
quarter of Szekesfehervar (Stuhlweisscn-
burg), 228

Netherlanders, .see Dutch

Netherlands (Holland, United Provinces),
105, 109n, 113, 403, 405, 449; conllicts
of: with Spain and the Empire (to 1648),
3f., 32ff., 38n, 4L 51n, 58, 65, 68, 7L
73f., 84ff., 94, 9&: with France (after
1648), 197, 263. 392f., 396; States Gen-
eral of. 65, 84, 86. 252, 393f., 397, 424n,
429; Spanish (or Catholic) Netherlands,
.see Belgium

Neuer Markt, large, public square in
Vienna, 264

Neuf-Breisach (Neubreisach), village near
the Rhine (in eastern France), 70, 16

Neuhausel (Nove Zamky), town in southern
Slovakia. 6, 192, 26L 276f.. 364

Newman, John, secretar>' to Sir Daniel Har-
vey (1672), 251

Nicopolis, 346n, 366

Nijmegen (Nimwegen), treaty of (1678-

1679). 252. 397f.
Nikolsburg, peace of (1622), 36
Nis (Nish, Nissa), in southeastern Serbia,

261. 364f.. 369f., 390
Nisida, island in the Bay of Naples, 199n,

205

Nisyros, island in the Archipelago, 167
Nitra river, in southwest Slovakia, 261
Nointel, Charles Marie Frangois Oilier,

marquis de, French ambassador to the

Ottoman court, 1671-1679 (b. 1635, d.

1681), 246f., 25L 255, 277n, 340
Nordhausen, city in central Germany, 52
Nordlingen, town in Swahia. 55, 60, 76;

battle of (1643). 63f.
North, Sir Dudley, treasurer of the I>cvant

Company (b. 1641. d. 1691), 133n
North Sea, 43, 72, 86

488

rcmcc. Austria, mid the Turks in the Seventeenth Century

Nosmiihl, village in old Hungary, 402
Nottingham. Daniel Finch, earl of, .see

Finch, Daniel
Nove Zamky, .sec Neuhausel
Novigrad. in Dalmatia, 142ff., M8
Numan Kopriilii Pasha, son of Mustafa, Ot-
toman grand vizir. 1710 (d. 1719). 420f.
Nuremberg (Nurnberg). L 52. 60f., 99n;
congress of (1648-1651), 98f.

Obrovac, village in western Croatia, 1 48.
■168

Oder river, 4.1. 5.1. 267
Odescalchi, Benedetto, .see Pope Innocent
X

Ofen. .see Buda

Ohr, Hermann Philipp von. sergeant-gen-
eral of the Brunswick forces in Greece
(1687-1688). 326. 342, 352

Ohre river, in Bohemia, 66

Oldenburg, county in northwestern Ger-
many. iL4

Oiiva (Oliwa), near Gdansk, treaty of

(1660), mj
Olivares, Gaspar de Guzman, count-duke of

(b. 1.S87, d. 1645), 71. 74. lO.S
Olivicri, Antonio, Venetian student of

Turkish (in 1686), 280
Oilier, Charles Francois, .see Nointel,

Charles Marie Frangois Oilier, marquis

Olomouc (Olmiitz), city in north central

Moravia. ZL 2ixl
Olt (OltuI), river in Transylvania and Walla-

chia. 449n

Opava (Troppau), city in northern Silesia

on the Opava river. 2hJ
Opera, in Venice, 360
Oppenheim, town in western Germany, on

the left bank of the Rhine, eleven miles

southeast of Mainz, 16
Oradea, .sec Grosswardein
Orange-Nassau, Dutch family, 5 In, 84, 86
Orbetello, town in Tuscany, IA2
Orcan, son of Ibrahim I (d. before 1691),

380

Orthodoxy, sec Greek Orthodox Church
Osijek (Kszek, Esseg), city in northeastern

Croatia. 26L 27L 285. 287, 289, 364.

All

Osman, Ottoman kapudan pasha (in 1704),
411

Osman Pa.sha, Ottoman serdar at Vidin in

Bulgaria (1689), 365
Osman. son of SulHkar Effendi, agha of the

sipahis and Ottoman commander at Nau-

plia (1715). 4JJ

Osnabriick, city in Westphalia, 82f.. 87ff..

94f., 9L 99, 132n, 145; diocese of. 43
Otranlo, 200ff., 204. 255, 329^ strait of,

204

Ottobon|o|, Venetian family, 138. 328n

Ottobono, Marc'Antonio. Venetian naval
officer (1647), 138n

Ottoman empire, 32n, 152, 184f., 190.
218f., 254f., 266, 274ff., 28L 284, 286,
366f.. 369ff., 39L 393; and France. 4,
223n; and the German empire. 102f.,
157, 415: and Venice. 14.S. 258n; decline
of, 4, LL im 290, 362, 446, 455; see
also Ottomans, Turks

Ottomano, Padre (Domenico Ottomano),
putative son of Sultan Ibrahim (d. 1676),
1 11. 1 12n, 215

Ottomans, Turkish dynasty (1299-1923),
and England, 8, 48n, 257, 438; and Eu-
rope, 6, 9. 15. 17, 248f.. 272ff., 282ff..
286. 391ff., 401f., 413ff., 434, 440f.,
448f.: and France, 223, 25L 27L 389f.,
434: and the German Empire, 42n, 44.
157. 192f., 260. 389f., 447: and the
Peace of Karlowitz (1699), 403ff.; and
the Peace of Passarowitz (1718), 449f.;
and the Peace of Zsitvatorok (1606),
22f., 81, 93; and Venice, L 19, 107ff.,
112ff., I19n. 123ff.. 145n, 195, 206ff.,
221. 229ff., 235ff.. 244ff.. 254ff., 280,
294. .180f., il 1 n. 4 1 2ff., 425ff., 444. 448,
454: domestic affairs of, 8, 10, 12, 130f.,
151ff., 164ff., 185, 252, 257, 265n, 28L
289. 327f., 334, 365ff.. 400, 419ff., 452f.;
see also Ottoman Empire. Turks

Oxcnstierna, Count Axel Gustaffson, chan-
cellor of Sweden. 1612-1654 (b. 1583. d.
1654). 41, 59f., 62, 64, 65n, 68f.

PaciHci. Pierantonio, Venetian historian,

272n
Paderborn, 37

Padua, LVL 300. 453n; University of 257.
458

Pag, island off the Dalmatian coast, 143
Paganino, Carlo, Jesuit, chaplain of Alvise

da Molin (1668-1670), 209. 211.

214f.(nn), 225n, 229n. 235n. 245n. 255
Paget, Lord William, English ambassador to

the Ottoman court, 1693-1702 (b. 1637,

d. 171.1), 393, 404ff., 412
Palace Bastion (Burgbastei), at Vienna,

264f.

Palamidi, fortified height at Nauplia, 298.

339. 416. 430f.
Palatinate, Rhenish, 3, 34ff., 45n, 47, 66,

69n, 70, 73n, 76, 83, 92f., 95L 389, 392
Palatine Library (Biblioteca Palatina),

Index

489

given by Maxmilian I of Bavaria to the

Vatican (In 1622-1623). 37-38
Palazzo Corner lx)redan, in Venice, 459
Palazzo Dario, in Venice, 459
Palazzo Dona, in Venice, 256
Palazzo Farnese. in Castro. 106n
Palazzo Grassi, in Venice. 459
Palazzo Mocenigo. in Venice, 459ff.
Palazzo Morosini, in Venice, 239. 243
Palazzo Pesaro, in Venice. 459
Palazzo Rezzonico. in Venice. 459
Palermo, 448
Palestine. 277

Palffv, Johann von. imperialist general at
Temesvar. 1716 (b. 1663, d. 1750). 4:il

Palffy. Niklas. Hungarian commander of im-
perialist army at Raab, 1598 (b. 1552. d.
1600). 14

Palma. Jacopo. il Vecchio. Venetian

painter (b. ca. 1480. d. 1528). AhQ
Pamtili. Gianbattista. .see Pope Innocent X
Panagioti, Turkish dragoman (1668-1669).
215n. 2il

Paolos. Captain, a l>eghornese naval ofticer

captured by the Algerians (1689). 2H
Papa, city in northwest Hungary, lA, 16,

262

Papacy, .see Holy See

Papal states. Hi see Holy See

Pappacorda, Aloysius, bishop of Lecce,

1639-1670 (d. 1670), 204n
Pappcnheim, Gottfried Heinrich. Graf zu.

imperialist field marshal in the Thirty

Years' War (b. 1594. d. 1632). 52, 54f..

59, 61

Parga. village in southern Epirus. 188, 45Q
Paris. L 50. 59. 63ff.. 68. IX 94n. 91, 238,

247. 394. 424n
Parkany (Sturovo). battle of (1683), 27JL

272n

Parlenient de Paris, 75, 91

Parliament, of England. 132

Parma. 447: dukes of. see Farnese.

Odoardo L Ranuccio U
Paros. island in the Cyclades, 163. 164n.

185. 193.:i86
Paruta. Paolo. Venetian historian and am-
bassador to the Holy See. 1592-1595 (b.

1540. d. 1598). 12ff.
Parthenon, in Athens. 308ff.. 312n. 311,

329. 336. 339ff.. 359n
Passarowitz (Pozarevac). Peace of (1718).

36L 426. 449f.. 452f.. 459
Passau. 2L 263^ Peace of (1552), 45, 66,

Passava. town in the southeastern Morea,

296

Pasta. Vincenzo. Venetian commander cap-
tured at Modon (1715). 422

Patmos. island in the northern Dodecanese,
163. 118

Patras. 298f., 301, 305, 315, 319, 334, 33L

345. 378, 39S. 418f.(nn)
Paul IH (Alessandro Farnese), pope 1534-

1549 (b. 1468, d. 1549). 13, 218
Paul V (Gamillo Borghese). pope 1605-

1621 (b. 1552. d. 1621). 2(1, 24, 26f., 34,

Paul. James. Englishman in the Levant

(1698). 393n
Pausanias, 340

Paxos. island south of Corfu. 188

Pedro de Toledo, duke of Ferrandina. com-
mander of the Neapolitan and Sicilian
galleys at Canea (1668). 203f.

Pelessa. Tommaso. Albanian (1597). 9n

Peloponnesus, .see Morea

Penaranda. Count Guzman de. Spanish en-
voy at Munster (1646-1647). 84f.

Pera. suburb of Istanbul. 1 . 124, 245, 258n,
274. 288. 410, 413n. 415nn. 42 In, 423n,
427n. 430n, 441n. 452n

Peronne. town in northern France on the
Somme river, 71

Persia, 6f., 9, 20, 30n, 11, 44n, 109, 168,
219; shah of, see Abbas I

Persians, 31, 131

Pesaro, Giovanni, Venetian senator (1645),

129

Pest. 14f.; .see Buda

Petalies (Petalia, Petali Islands), see Spill
Islands

Peter I the Great, czar of Ru.ssia, 1682-
1725 (b. 1672, d. 1725). 213, 283, 400f..
404. 406. 419ff., 423n, 429, AM

Peterwardein (Petrovaradin. Petervarad),
287f., 3M, 403, 405n, 412,435; battle of
(1716), AOX 435ff., 439f., 44i 446

Petrina, Filippo, Venetian naval oHicer
(1688). 349

Pfaffengasse. the "priestly catwalk " in Ger-
many. 56

Phanar. Greek quarter of Istanbul. 400
Phanari, town in the east-central Morea,
419

Philip H, king of Spain (and, from 1580. of
Portugal), 1556-1598 (b. 1527, d. 1598),

L9, 28

Philip HI, king of Spain. 1598-1621 (b.
1S78. d. 1621), 2. 3nn. 28

Philip IV, king of Spain, 1621-1665 (b.
1605, d. 1665), 41, 45, 56ff., 63, 65f., 68,
11, 75, 83ff., 89, 9L 93, 105, i:i2

Philip V, king of Spain, 1700-1746 (b.

490

Venice, Austria, and the Turks in the Seventeenth Century

1683. d. 1746). 424n. 433f.. 437, 446ff.,
450

Philip, duke of Orleans and regent of
France, 1715-1723 (b. 1674, d. 1723).
434. 446f.

Philipp Ludwig. count of Pfalz-Zimmern,

1610-1655 (b. 1602. d. 1655), 62n
Philipp Ludwig, count palatine of Neuburg

am Rhein, 1569-1614 (b. 1547, d.

1614). 23, 25
Philippopolis. see Plovdiv
Philippsburg. fortress town on the Rhine,

59f.. 76, 398
Phocaea, New (Yenifo(;a). city on west

coast of Asia Minor. 154. 156n. 178. 181.

324. 328. 383: Phocaea. Old. 153n, 15S,

156n. 151
Piazza Navona. in Rome. 37, 128n
Piazza San Marco, in Venice. 457
Piccolomini. Ottavio, imperialist general in

the Thirty Years' War. 1618-1648 (b.

1599. d. 1656), 6i 72, 73n
Piedmont, large area in northwest Italy. 91,

IA5

Picro della Francesca, Italian Renai.ssance

painter (b. ca. 1420, d. 1492), 460
Pignatelli. Venetian family. 328n
Pilsen. city in western Bohemia. 85n
Pinelli. Giovanni Pietro, Venetian printer

(1668). 197n
Pinerolo, fortress town in Piedmont, 91,
397

Piombino. town in Tuscany, 142

Piraeus (Porto Lion). 3oif.. 305f., 308n,
309. 312ff., 316n, 317. 320n, 322f.,
324n. 325, 329, 330n. 33 Iff., 334n. 335,
336nn. 338f., 340n. 341, 343, 344n. 347

Pisani. Andrea. V'enetian captain-general
1715-1718 (d. 1718). 442f.. 445

Pisani. Andrea. Venetian nobleman at Ath-
ens (1687). 313

Pisani, Carlo, brother of captain-general
Andrea, Venetian naval othcer (1717),
445

Pisani. Carlo. Venetian govemator de' con-

dannati (1687-1691), 308, 376f.
Pisano, Giovanni Luigi. procuratore di S.

Marco (from 1646). 131n
Pius V (Michele Ghislieri). pope 1566-

1572 (b. 1504, d. 1572). 12ff.. 218
Plaka. area north of Acropolis in Athens,

3J5

Plovdiv (anc. Philippopolis, Filibe), in Ru-

melia, 26L 289
Podolia, region of mod. Ukraine, 251, 273.

275. 283. 285. 369. 412
Poland, 3, 9, LI 49. 132, 266, 273, 275:

and Russia, 419f., 422. 423n; and Swe-

den. 101 f., 420. 422; and the Ottomans,
6, 248f., 251f., 367ff., 449n; and the
Peace of Karlowitz (1699), 404, 406.
412; kings of, see Sigismund III Vasa,
John II Casimir. John III Sobieski. Fried-
rich Augustus of Saxony (Augustus II),
Stanislaus I Leszczynski

Polani, Niccolo, Venetian naval officer at
Candia (1668), 196

Poles, at the siege of Vienna ( 1 683), 265ff.;
other conflicts: with the Ottomans. 15ff.,
20, 32, 120, 13L 248, 251, 272ff., 28L
328. 368ff., 389, 404. 405n, 414; with
the Swedes, 48, 101, 422; with the Rus-
sians, 422. 423n

Poltava, battle of (1709), on the right bank
of Vorskla river, 40Jn, 419f.

Pomerania, region of north central Europe,
49, 59, 62, 68f., 92f.

Pompei, Count Tomeo. commander of the
Venetian garrison on the Acropolis in
Athens (1687). 317,

Ponentini. "westerners." 120n

Ponte Picciolo. area twenty miles from Is-
tanbul. 219

Pope. Alexander (b. 1688. d. 1744), 365

Poros. island near the Argolid, 34 If.

Porte, see Ottomans

Porto Gaurio (Gavn'on), harbor on north

end of island of Andros, 344
Porto Lion, see Piraeus
Porto l*oro, town and harbor of the island of

Poros in the Aegean Sea at mouth of the

Saronic Gulf. 341. 343. 346n, 348f.,

352ff.

Porto Raphti, in eastern Attica, 354, 365

Portugal, Portuguese, ZL 73, 95, 132, 4J7

Poseidon (Neptune), figure of. on the west
pediment of the Parthenon. 339f.

Pottendorf. town in east Lower Austria,
twenty miles south of Vienna. 367

Prado, national Spanish museum of paint-
ing and sculpture in Madrid. 41

Prague. L 9, 14, 16f., 22, 24f., 27f., 402;
Defenestration of (1618), 29, 30n; in the
Thirty Years' War (1618-1648), 35, 36n,
38, 56, 60f., 73n. 78; Peace of (1635), 66,
72, 93; siege of (1648), 87f., 90

Pressburg (Bratislava). 33f., 261f., 265.
438. 45Q

Prevesa (Preveza). Prevesani. 29 If.. 295.
319. 349. 377f.. 445f., 450

Priuli, Alvise. Venetian naval officer at
Candia (1668), 196; Venetian convoy
commander (ca. 1684—1694), 364

Priuli. Antonio, Venetian proveditor gene-
rale da mar (1675). 253f.

Priuli, Girolamo, Venetian naval officer at

Index

491

Candia (1668), 196; convoy commander
(ca. 1684-1694). 364; proveditor
straordinario at S. Maura (1691), 378
Prodano (Prote), island in the Ionian sea
(one mile off the southwestern Morea),
359

Protestantism, 4, 18f., 27f.. 3L 43, 55, 62,
64. 402

Protestants. 3, 79f.; and the Hapsburgs (to
1618), 18, 23ff., 27ff.; in Bohemia, 29ff.,
35. 37n; in Hungary and Transylvania,
16, 18, 26, 8 In; in the Thirty Years' War
(1618-1648). 33, 38, 43, 45ff.. 51f.. 55,
57,59,62,64,68,82,85,87, 89f.. 95,
99: see also Calvinists, Evangelicals,
Lutherans

Provence. 221

Prussia, Prussians, 47, 12

Prut (Pnith) river, battle of (1711), 401n,
421f.: Treaty of (1711). 422, 423n

Psara (anc. Psyra), Greek island in the Ae-
gean, northwest of Chios, 149. Ill

Puchot. Pierre, count of Desalleurs. French
ambassador to the Ottoman court, 1711-
1716 (b. 1643. d. 1725). 424f.. AAA

Punitz (Poniec). battle of (1704), town in
western Poland, 442

Pyrenees, Peace of the (1659), 92, 104, 189

Quadruple Alliance ( 1718). 446ff.

Quarantia Criminale, of Venice, IBl

Querini, Giacomo. Venetian bailie in Istan-
bul (1671-1675), 244, 255f.

Querini, Giovanni, Venetian archbishop of
Candia (1644-1669), 135f.

Querini, Piero. Venetian naval officer at
Candia (1668). 196

Querini. Pietro, Venetian capitun estraor-
dinario of the gnlcasses (1687-1688),
307f., 348

Querini, Zorzi, Venetian convoy com-
mander (ca. 1684-1694), 364
Quirinal, in Rome. 214n

Raab, .see Gyor

Raab (Raba) river, 10, 192, 222, 260. 268
Raciborz (Ratibor), town on the Oder,
266f.

Radzin, treaty of (1681), 251

Raffaele, Venetian commander at the first

battle of the Dardanelles (1654). 116
Raggion V'ecchie. of Venice, 256n
Ragusa (Dubrovnik). in Dalmatia, 125n,

279. 4Jln

Ragusel. 236, 256, 279, 28 Iff., 312, 323.
392n

Rain, town in western Bavaria, 59
Rakoczy. Francis L Hungarian nobleman

and general (b. 1645, d. 1676), 190.
248f.

Rakoczy, Francis (Ferenc) II, Hungarian
general and "prince" (b. 1676, d. 1735),
249n, 260

Rakoczy, George L prince of Transylvania,

1631-1648 (b. 1591, d. 1648), 42n,

80ff., 95f., 131f., 141n
Rami Pasha, Ottoman grand vizir (1703),

416. .see cdso Mehmed Reis Effendi
Rastatt. treaty of (1714). 424n. 433. 446.

450

Ravaillac. FranQois (b. 1578. d. 1610), as-
sassin of Henry l\' of France, 26

Ravensburg, town (and county) in southern
Wiirttemberg, 25

Ravenstein, town (and county) in North
Brabant, 25

Raye, William, English consul in Smyrna
(1695), 395f.

Rebuti. Captain, Venetian naval officer
(1690), 373n

Redentore. church in Venice. 105

Redjeb Pasha. Ottoman kaimakam (1687),
2S4

Regensburg, 2L 39n. 63, 68, 88, 249; Diet
of (1630). 47f.; Reichstag of (1608). 23;
Reichstag of (1640-1641). 72, 73n:
Truce of (1684). 274, 389f.

Reggio di Calabria, town (and province) in

southern Italy, 2, 204
Reichstag. 24, 9 Iff.; for specific Reichs-

tage, .see under the name of the city
Repce river (Germ. Rabnitz), in Austria

and northwest Hungary. 260
Retimo (Rethymnon). city in northern

Crete. 108n. 12L 122n. 125n. 141, 196;

diocese (Roman Catholic) of. 134f.
Rezzonico. Venetian family. 328n
Rheinfeldcn. battle of (1638), 69
Rhine, administrative "circle" of, 62
Rhine river, 37, 62, 64f.. 6L 70. 75f., 85f.,

93, 105, 13L 390, 398
Rhineland. 43, 63. 68. 76
Rhodes, city and island. 2, 110, 1 16, 1 17n,

151n, 155, 164, 178. 200. 208. 277.328:

Knights of. see Hospitallers
Rialto bridge, in Venice. 459
Richelieu. Armand Jean du Plessis. due de.

cardinal (from 1622) and (from 1624)

chief minister of France (b. 1585, d.

1642). 40f.. 42n. 49f.. 53f., 58f., 61f.,

64f.. 67f.. 70, 72, 74f.
Ringstrasse, in Vienna. 264
Rio di San Maurizio. in V'enice. 239
Risano (Risan). village in southwest Mon-
tenegro, 252, 411

492

Venice, Austria, and the Turks in the Seventeenth Century

Rist, .lohann, German poet (b. 1607, d.
1667), 80

Riva, Giacomo da, Venetian naval com-
mander (1648-1649), 150. 154f..
156f.(n)

Riva, Venetian lieutenant general (1669),

Rivoli, town in Piedmont, 67n

Rochechouart, Louis-Victor de. count
(from 1675 duke) of Vivonne, French na-
val commander at Candia, 1669 (b. 1636,
d. 1688). 224ff.. 228n. 253

Rocroi. battle of (1643). 74f.

Roe, Sir Thomas, English ambassador to
the Ottoman court, 1621-1628; diplo-
mat in the Thirty Years' War. 1629-
1630. 1638-1643 (b. 1581?, d. 1644),
44n, 48n, 73n

Rogers. Samuel, English poet and man-
about-town (b. 1763. d. 1855), 460f.

Roman Catholic. Catholicism, sec Catholi-
cism. Catholics

Romania, 202, 373. 418nn

Rome, L 9, 12, 16, 38, 109n, 125n, 135,
IA2. 144. 154n, 162. 188, 202. 205. 300,
316. 436

Ronciglione. town in central Italy (near

Lago di Vico), 106n
Rose Hill, in Buda. 228
Rospigliosi, Giulio. .see Pope Clement IX
Rospigliosi, Cardinal Jacopo, brother of

Vincenzo (b. 1628. d. 1684), 203, 204n
Rospigliosi, Lucrezia. mother of Jacopo

and Vincenzo. 205
Rospigliosi, Vincenzo, nephew of Pope

Clement IX, papal commander in the War

of Candia (1668-1669), 198ff., 214n,

222. 223n, 224f.. 226n, 222
Ross, Ludwig (b. 1806. d. 1859). excavator

on the Parthenon (1835-18.36). 304n
Rossi. Costantino de". bishop of \'cglia

(Krk), 1640-1653 (d. 1653), 108
Rossini, Gioacchino Antonio (b. 1792, d.

1868), composer of Italian operas, 458
Rothenburg ob der Tauber. town in western

Bavaria by the Tauber river. 26
Rottweil. town in southern Wiirttemberg,

on the Neckar river. 75f.
Roundheads, opponents of the Royalists in

England, 22
Roussillon, former province in southern

France, legally added to France by the

Treaty of the Pyrenees (1659).

previously a county subject to Barce-
lona. 21

Rovere. Giuliano della. see Pope Julius II
Rovigno (Rovinj) d'Istria, town in north-
western Croatia, on the Adriatic. 290n

Rovigo, town in the Veneto, 453n

Royal Palace. Old (Stary Kralovsky Palac),

in Prague, on the llradcany, 29
Royalists, English, 22

Rubia, Venetian family (ennobled in 1646),
138

Rudolf II, German emperor, 1576-1612,
king of Bohemia, 1575-1611; king of
Hungary, 1572-1608 (b. 1552, d. 1612),
6, 7n, 9'f.. 13f.. 17f.. 20ff., 29ff., 152

Ruffo, Fabrizio, Hospitaller commander in
the War of Candia (1661), 192

Riigcn. island principality in the Baltic, 92f.

Rumanians (Vlachs). 15f.. 18, 123

Rumelia, fort on the north shore of the Gulf
of Corinth, 299, 334, 378,

Rumelia, Ottoman fortress on the Darda-
nelles, 384

Ru mclia, Ottoman province. 303f.; Otto-
man territories in Europe, 2R1
Rumelians, 264

Ruppa. Wenzel von. Bohemian Protestant
leader (1618), 29

Riisselsheim, fortress town in western Ger-
many. 56

Russia (Muscovy), 9. lOlf., 132, 283, 369,
401. 406. 41 1. 419f.. 422, 423n, 425:
Czars of. .see Peter I

Russian language, 422n

Russians (Muscovites), 4 14; and Sweden,
49. 101. 419f.; and the Ottoman empire,
32. 120, 13L 25L 25L 273, 27L 40L
413f., 420ff., 425f., 433, 452f.

Russo-Turkish wars (1768-1774, 1787-
1792), 452f.

Ruzzini. Carlo, Venetian diplomat at Karlo-
witz, 1699 (b. 1653. d. 1 735), 404. 405n.
407. 409n, 4JJj at Utrecht (1712), 446n:
at Passarowitz (1718), 449n; envoy to
the Ottoman court (1719-1720), 452n
(and later doge, in 1732-1735)

Rycaut. Sir Paul. English diplomat and his-
torian (b. 1628. d. 1700), 133n, 153n,
208

Ryswick (Rij.swijk). town in southern Hol-
land, .WL 398n: treaties of (1697), 389,
397f., 401. 404n

Saarbriicken, city and county at the mouth

of the Sulz river, 2£>2
Saarland, territory between (modern)

France and Germany. 93
Sabbionera. II, bastion on the east wall of

Candia, 225, 227
Sacco, Pompeo. professor of medicine in

the University of Padua, 1694-1702 (b.

1634. d. 1718). 399n
Sagan. duchy of, 48

Index

493

Sagrcdo, Agostino. Venetian captain of the
galeasses (1687). 307-8; proveditor
dell'nrmuta (1690), 376: councilor to
the doge Francesco Morosini ( 1693). 388

Sagredo, Giovanni, Venetian diplomat and
defender of Francesco Morosini, 1670 (b.
1617. d. 1682), 241f., 243n

Sagredo, Niccolo. doge of Venice. 1675-
1676 (b. 1606. d. 1676), 253f.

Saim Pasha. Ottoman c<mimander in 1687
at Zeitounion (Lamia, in east central
Greece), 327

Saint Anne, chapel of. at Wallenstein's es-
tate of Mnichovo ilradistc, 38f.

Saint Basil, Orthodox monastic Order of,
L35

Saint George of Skyros, 178
Saint-Germain-en-Laye, royal residence

northwest of Paris. 59. 67n. 68; treaty of

(1635). m treaty of (1679). 252
Saint James' Palace. Westminster (Lon-
don). 424n
S. Johannes, Venetian ship in the Greek

campaign (1688). 349n, 353f., 355n, 358
Saint lycopold. onetime mosque, became a

church in Kriau, .^66
Saint Stephen, Hrst king of Hungary (b.

975. d. 1038). 228
Saint-Vaast-la-Hogue. naval battle of

(1692). 394
Sala del Collegio, in the Doges' palace, in

Venice. 2&J
Sala dello Scrutinio. in the Doges' palace.

Venice, 347. 387f.
Salih Pasha. Ottoman grand vizir, 1646-

1647 (d. 1647), LML L5J
Salamon, Bartolommeo, Venetian captain

at Arcadia (1688), 35J
Salines, harbor on Larnaca Bay in Cyprus,

393

Samos, island in the Sporades, 164, 193,

288

Samun. region near the Sava river in north-
western Slovenia, 285

San Francesco dclla Vigna, church in Ven-
ice. 346n

San Francesco di Pera. Venetian church in

Galata (Istanbul). All)
San Giovanni, fort near Sebenico. 149
San Giovanni in Bragora, church in Venice.

105

San Girolamo. Yugoslav church in Rome. 9
San (liuliano, church in Venice. 445n
San Lazzaro dcgli Armeni, island in the

Venetian lagoon, 191. 360
San Marco, church in Venice, 388, 457n,

458f.

San Martino, church in Venice, 1 29

San Niccolo, cove on Crete, 1 1 1

San Niccolo, cathedral church of Canea,

121

San Pietro di Castello, church in Venice,
458

San Todero, island in Canea Bay, 127f.,

158. 198ff.. 373n
Santa Caterina, Dominican convent in Can-

dia, L14

Santa Maria dei Miracoli, church in Venice,

45ii

Santa Maria della Salute, church in Venice.

105f.. 36a 363, 459
Santa Maria dell'Anima, church in Rome,

Santa Maria Formosa, church in Venice,
312n

Santa Maria Gloriosa dei Frari, church in

Venice, 190n, 30L 356. 458f.
Santa Maria sopra Minerva, church in

Rome, L6, 32
Santa Marina, fort on i.sland of San Todero,

2()0f.

Santa Maura (Ivcucadia, Ixivkas). island and
fortress in the Ionian islands, 189, 252.
254, 297. 299n, 319, 346n, 349, 377ff.,
399, 433, 443n, 444, 450; captured by
Venetians (1684), 290f.. 295

Sant'Andrea. bastion at Candia. 20J, 224f.,
221

Santa Pclagia, fortress island northwest of

Candia. 196, 214
Santa Sophia, .see Magia Sophia
Santa Veneranda. fort on Suda Bay. 190
Santi Angeli. Alessandro. Venetian ob-

sen'er at Negroponte (1688). 355f.
Santi Giovanni e Paolo, Dominican church

in Venice, 459
Santo Spirito, church in Venice. 12
Santo Stefano, church in Venice, 388. 459;

parish of, 239
Santo Stefano, port on the Tyrrhenian

coast (Tuscany), 1 42
Santorin, island in the Cyclades. 16.^
Sanudo, Benetto, Venetian captain of the

Gulf (1687), 308: capitanio dcUe gul

k-azze (1690-1691). 316
Sapienza, island off Modon, 297. 432
Sardinia, 224, 335n, 433. 446ff.
Sari Ahmed. Ottoman, beylerbcy of Rume-

lia (1715). 430
Sarikiatib, Turkish scribe (1650), 160f.
Saronic Gulf. 301, 344, 388
Saseno (Sazan), island off Albanian coast,

374nn

Sava river. In Yugoslavia, 7j 285, 435,

438f., 449n
Savona, 224

494

Venice, Austria, und the Turks in the Seventeenth Century

Savoy. 3i 4X 68, 104. l*>0. 193, 397.
433n, 442: dukes of. see Charles Emman-
uel L Vltlorio Amadeo L V'ittorio Ama-
deo II

Savoyards, 4L 66, 392

Saxons. 18, 54f.. 60, 69, 74, 26L 296, 299

Saxony. 39, 49, 54. 57, 63ff.. 77, 82, 93,
100, 132. 402; electors of. .see Johann
Georg L Johann Georg III. Friedrich
Augustus

Scandcrbeg (George Castriota), Albanian
national hero (b. ca. 1404. d. 1468), 1

Scardona (Skradin), village in western
Croatia, lAB

Schaubert, Eduard, architect, excavator on
the Parthenon (1835-1836), 304n

Scheldt river, in northern France and the
Netherlands, 86

Schiller, Johann Christoph Friedrich von.
German poet, dramatist, and historian
(b. 1759, d. 1805), 63

Schleswig. duchy of. 43, 46f.. 42

Schlich (Schlick). Leopold, imperialist en-
voy at Karlowitz (1699). 405n

Schonbom. Johann Fhilipp von. bishop of
Wiirzburg. 1644-1673; archbishop-elec-
tor of Mainz. 1649-1671 (d. 1673), 90

Schottel (Schottelius), Justus Georg, seven-
teenth-century German dramatist (b.
1612. d. 1676). 80

Schulenburg. Matthias Johann (or Johann
Matthias), Count von der, commander of
the Venetian defense at Corfu, 1716 (b.
1661, d. 1747), 426, 441ff.

Schwabach. city in west central Bavaria. 61

Schwartzenhorn, Johann Rudolf Schmidt
von. imperialist envoy to the Ottoman
court in 1649 and 1653 (b. 1590. d.
1667). 157n. 168

Schwarzenberg, Adam. Graf von, chief min-
ister of Elector Georg Wilhelm of Bran-
denburg, 1613-1640 (b. 1584. d. 1641).
72

Schwarzenberg, Adolf. Graf von. imperial-
ist general in Hungary. 1598-1600 (b.
1547. d. 1600), 14ff.

Schwarzenberg. Johann Adolf von, ob-
server of the Thirty Years' War (fl. 1640),

Schwechat. southeastern suburb of Vienna,
262. 269; river near Vienna. 424n

Schweidnitz. town in Lower Silesia, battle
of (1642). 74

Schweinfurt, city in northwest Bavaria. 60

Schwyz. Swiss canton, 94

Scio, see Chios

Scots, 144, 295n

Scottish Gate (Schottentor). In Vienna,
264f.

Scuola di Santa Maria della Carita, in Ven-
ice, 460

Scuola Grande di San Rocco, in Venice,
460

Scutari, city in northern Albania, 254

Scutari, section of Istanbul on the Asian
side of the Bosporus, 153f., 179

Sebenico (Sibenik). town in western Croa-
tia, 148f., 228n

Segna (Senj. Zengg). port in western Croa-
tia (on the Adriatic). 2, 32

Seid Feizullah, mufti in Istanbul (1702),

Sejm (Polish parliament), 266, 368
Sclestat (Schlettstadt), town in Alsace, 65
Selim II (Selim the Sot), Ottoman sultan,

1566-1574 (b. ca. 1524. d. 1574), 1
Selim, son of Ibrahim 1 (died before 1691),

380

Selino. small fortress on Suda Bay. 167
Senate. Venetian, and the Thirty Years'
War (1618-1648). 42, 94n; and the War
of Candia (1645-1669). 120ff.. 129f.,
132. 138f., 140n, 142n, 144f., 157n,
]64n. 189, 191f.. 194, 198n. 206f.. 208n,
209ff.. 213ff.. 219ff.. 228n. 229ff.. 235ff..
243: and the invasion of Greece (1684-
1688). 303f.. 306. 3Jlff.. 316f., 319.
321n, 322, 324, 328n. 329, 334, 336n,
337f., 341, 344f.. 347, 350, 363] other
negotiations, etc.. with the Ottomans,
244f.. 249, 254, 256, 259f.. 279f., 369n,
387f., 407ff.. 452n; other correspon-
dence with generals and administrators.
372ff.. 377f., 383. 416ff., 445n
Sensengasse, street in Vienna. 4.S1
Scpilli. Emmanuele. chief physician of the

Venetian fleet (1688). 342n
Seraglio, in Istanbul, 152, 154, 162, 164ff.,
249. 287, 289. 370f., 420, 421; Old Sera-
glio, 167

Serbia. 362. 369. 39a 4£LL iQA, 449
Serbs. 9

Serenissima. .see Venice
Serrai (Siroz), in Macedonia. 432
Scssa. Gianbattista. Venetian sergeant ma-
jor (1654). 122
Seven Towers (Yedikule). prison in Istan-
bul. 168. IIL 190. 238, 427n, 421
Sfacchia (Sphakia, Khora Sfakion), port on
the southern coast of Crete, U, 118n,
120n

Shafirov, P. B. (Peter Pavlovich), Russian
minister to Peter I (b. 1670, d. 1739),
423

Shirley, Sir Anthony (b. 1565, d. 1636?),

Index

495

English adventurer and Persian envoy to

Pope Clement VIII (1601), 16f.
Shirvan. area in northeast Persia (Iran), 6
Shrewsbury, Charles Talbot, duke of, see

Talbot, Charles
Siavush Pasha. Ottoman serasker (1687),

288f.

Sicilians, 2; in the War of Candia (1645-

1669). 194f., 202f.
Sicily. 194, 199, ZiiX 2it 335n, 447f.
Siegen. city in Westphalia, .Sin
Sigismund III Va.sa, king of Poland, 1587-

1632: king of Sweden. 1592-1599 (b.

1566, d. 1632). lA 42n. 41
Siklos, town in southern Hungary, 280, 364
Silesia, region in east central Europe, 26,

30, 34, 44n, ML 6L 14. 9(L 132, 282
Silesians, 24f., 3J

Silihdars, usually custodians of Ottoman
weaponry, 287. 401. 4JL2

Silistra (Silistria), city in northeastern Bul-
garia (ruled by Wallachians and later by
Turks). KL 256n

Simon of Compicgne, French Capuchin in
Athens (ca. 1669). 318

Simontornya, town in west central Hun-
gary, 280, 364

Sinan Pasha, Ottoman grand vIzIr, 1593-
1595 (d. 1596), 8f.

Sinj. town in southern Croatia, 1 48

Sipahis, Ottoman cavalry, 8, 158f., 208.
234. 276. 287. 372n, 401. 431f., 436.
439: in Ottoman politics, 152. 153n, 154.
169. 179. 282f.. 370

Siponto. .sec Manfredonia

Sisak (Sziszek), town in northern Croatia. 7

Sltia (Seteia), town in eastern Crete, 12L,
lAl

Si'ush Pasha, Ottoman grand vizir (1651-

1652). 162, 164f.. 167f.
Skiathos, island in the Northern Sporades,

189, 352

Skopelos, island in the Sporades, .134
Skyros, island in the Sporades, 177f.. 182
Slankamen. village in northern Serbia, 407,

435: battle of (1691), 3m 435
Slavonia, 2L 287, 412. 449
Slavs, in the Venetian forces in Greece

(1684-1688), 296, 353n
Slawata, Wilhelm. imperialist councilor de-
fenestrated at Prague (1618), 29
Slovakia, 192, 26L 282
Smyrna (Izmir), 132n, 153n, 156n, 161,

178, 208. 213. 219. 255. 312. 324. 349.

365. 393. 395. 396n, 456; Gulf, of (Izmir

Korfezi), 208
Sohicski, .fakoh. son of King .lohn HI So-

bieski of Poland (b. 1667, d. 1734). 269

Sobieski, John, see John III Sobieski

Sobiewolsky, Major, Hessian in the Vene-
tian army at Athens (1687). 31 On

SoH Mehmed, Ottoman grand vizir, 1648—
1649 (d. 1649?), 152ff., 157

Sofia (Sophia), in Bulgaria, ZhL, 289, 365,
369f., 38L 449n

Somme river, 68

Sophia Aleksyeevna, half-sister of Czar
Peter L regent of Russia. 1682-1689 (b.
1657. d. 1704), 273, 283

Sophia, daughter of Friedrich V of the Pala-
tinate and Elizabeth Stuart, wife of Ernst
August of Brunswick-Liineburg (b. 1630,
d. 1714), 292

Soranzo. Giovanni, Venetian bailie in Istan-
bul (1644-1647). 1 12ff., 120n, 121ff.,
127n. 132, 140n. 142n. 145, 154n

Soranzo, Lorenzo, Venetian ambassador ex-
traordinary to the Ottoman court (1699),
408ff.

Sotern, Philipp Christoph von, archbishop-
elector of Trier, 1624-1651 (b. 1567, d.
1652), 46, 56, 58ff.

Southey, Robert, English writer popular in
his time (b. 1774, d. 1843), 133n

Spain. 3, 8f.. 51n. 71, 100, 132, 218, 392,
401. 424n. 43i and France, 26, 32, 4L
49, 71, 91, 105, 197, 216, 26i 392.
396f.; and Italy, IZ, 104f., 446ff.: and the
Netherlands, 3, 32f.. 84ff.. 132; and the
Ottoman empire. 8f.. 12, 42n, 120: and
the Thirty Years' War (1618-1648). 39,
43, 47, 50, 62, 74, 82, 84ff., 91, 96; and
Venice, L 132, 144, llh

Spalato (Split), city on the Dalmatian
coast, mS, 142, 143n, 144, 148, 209ff..
228n, 23L 236, 444

Spalmadori islands, 361n, 384n

Spandau, area west of Berlin, 52f.

Spaniards, Spanish, 2, 5f.. 40, 42n, 51n,
1 00, 44 1 . 443: in conflicts with the
Dutch, 69, 84, 1 13, 132; in conflicts with
the French, 84, 90ff., 145, 19L 252; in
Italy, 41, 47, 48n, 66, 397, 433f., 446ff.;
in the Thirty Years' War (1618-1648),
43, 50, 63, 65ff., 74, 83ff., 87, 90ff., 95f.;
in the War of Candia (1645-1669), 128,
142. 184. 203f., 211i

Sparre, Charles, brigadier In the Venetian
forces in Greece, 1688-1689, and com-
mander at Valona, 1691 (d. 1691), 357,
36 In, 372n, 371

Spencer, Robert, second earl of Sunder-
land, English secretary of state, 1679-
1681, 1683-1688 (b. 1640, d. 1702),
258

496

Venice, Austria, and the Turks in the Seventeenth Century

Speyer. city in the Rhineland, 56^ 76; dio-
cese of. 37. 56. 5^

Spezzia (Spetsai), island in the Gulf of Ar-
golis. 259

Spili Islands (Petaiics), 348f.

Spinalonga, island fortress in eastern Crete.
122. 1.^6, 178. 221f., 228, 231.326.411.
432

Spinola. Ambrosio. Genoese-Spanish gen-
eral in the Netherlands (b. 1569. d.
1630), 35, 4J

Sporades. islands in the Aegean, 147. 164.
179, 189. 334

Srem (Sriem). region in northern Serbia,
285

Sremska Mitrovica (ancient Sirmium),
town in northwest Serbia. 406

Staatsoper (opera house), in \Menna, 264,
433

Stadtlohn, town in northwest Germany,

battle of (1623), 40f.
Stalimcne, .see Lemnos
Stanchio, 38 If.

Standia (I)ia), island north of Candia, 149.
194n. 19L 202, 225

Stanhope, .lames, Hrst Earl Stanhope, Brit-
ish secretary of state, 1718 (b. 1673, d.
1721), iAh

Stanislaus 1 I^szczynski, the learned king
of Poland 1704-1709. 1733-1735. and
dukeof Ivorraine. 1735-1 766 (b. 1677, d.
1766), 419f.

Stanyan, Abraham, British ambassador to
the Ottoman court, 1719-1720 (b.
1669?, d. 1732), 449n, 452n

Starhcmberg, Count Ernst Riidiger von. im-
perialist commander at the siege of
Vienna. 1683 (b. 1638, d. 1701). 2fi3

Steenkcrque, battle of (1692). 394

Stephansdom, cathedral church of Vienna.
4.13

Stettin (Szczecin), province and city in
Pomerania. 49, 69

Stiron, commander of a Venetian regiment
at Monemvasia (1689), 372n

Stockholm. 68, 72n. 73. 77f.. 97, mi

Stralsund. city in Pomerania. 49f.

Strasbourg (Germ. Strassburg). city in east-
ern France on the 111 river. 52, 65, 85.
263. 398: diocese of. 31

Strassoldo. Carlo di. Venetian mercenary
commander at Santa Maura. 1684 (d.
1686?), 290, 29 In, 296

Strassoldo, Niccolo, brother of Carlo. Ven-
etian volunteer at Santa Maura (1684),
290f.(nn)

Stuart, Elizabeth, daughter of James I of En-

gland and wife of Friedrlch V of the

Palatinate (b. 1596, d. 1662), 3L 34, 73n
Stuhlweissenburg (Szekesfehervar, Alba

Regia), city in west central Hungary, 15,

17, 26L 277f., 289, 3M. 412
Styria (Germ. Steiermark), 16, 28, 451:

Hapsburg archdukes of, see Emperor

Ferdinand II
Styrians. 32n
Suazich. L85

Suda (Souda). naval base on Suda Bay in
northwestern Crete. 121f.. 128n, 131.
136. 140. 143. 147. 155n, 158. 215.
221f.. 22K 231f., 234, 235n. 326, 411.
4J2

Suda Bay (Ormos Soudhas). in western
Crete. 13L 139, 14L 167, 190, 193, 201
Suda. Gulf of, 234

Sulaiman L shah of Persia, 1668-1694 (d.
1694), 281

Suleiman L the Magnificent, Ottoman sul-
tan. 1520-1566 (b. 1494. d. 1566), 208,
218. 278. 366. 329

Suleiman II, brother of Mehmed IV, Otto-
man sultan, 1687-1691 (b. 1642. d.
1691). 165, 170, 219, 289, 297n, 327,
337n, 366, 369ff.. 372n. 379ff.

Suleiman. Agha. master of the seraglio
under Sultan Mehmed IV (1651-1653),
165ff.

Suleiman Pasha, of Bosnia (d. 1687), Otto-
man serasker in Hungary (1684), 273f.;
grand vizir (1685-1687), 277. 279f.,
282ff.. Mm

Suleiman Pasha. Ottoman grand vizir and
husband of the Sultana Aischc (in 1655),
180

SulHkar F^ffendi. Ottoman ambassador to
the imperial court (1688-1689), 367ff.,
389. 4A1

Sultana Valide, mother of Sultan Mustafa
II, 41 2ff.: and sec Kocsem, Tarkhan, also
Sultanas Valide

Sultanzadc Mehmed Pasha, Ottoman grand
vizir (1644-1645), 124, IMh serdar on
Crete in 1646 (b. 1602, d. 1646), 139f.,
lAl

Siinbiillu, master of the Ottoman seraglio
{kislara^asi),d. 1644. lllff., 117f.(nn).
123. 124n

Surnazen, Ottoman defterdar (1653), after-
wards governor of Temesvar. 169f.

Sutton, Sir Robert. English ambassador to
the Ottoman court. 1701-1716 (b. 1671,
d. 1746). 405n. 412ff.. 420ff., 428ff.,
437. 44 In, 449, 450n

Swabia, 23, 52, 76, 87; imperial "circle" of,
46, 62, 390

(

Index

497

Swabians. in the imperialist forces at
Vienna (1683). 2hh

Sweden, and the Thirty Years' War (161 8-
1648). 34. 41, 49f., 59f.. 62, 64, 67ff., TL
73: and the peace of Westphalia (1648),
82f.. 88f.. 92. 95, 97ff.; and France, 67ff..
198. 263. 390: other references to, 78,
lOlf.. 406, 422

Swedes, Swedish, in the Thirty Years' War
(1618-1648), 35, 49, 51n."53ff., 58ff..
67ff.. 72ff.. 85, 87, 91, 94, 9L Ulf.; di-
plomacy of. 77ff.. 88ff., 92; in the Great
Northern War ( 1 700- 1 72 1 ). 4 1 9ff .; other
references to. 13Jf.. 222, 249, 295n. 296

Swiss. 4L 94, 295n, 353n. 36 In

Switzerland, 51n

Syria. 2, LU, 179, 383

Szahadsag Ter, public square in Stuhlweis-
senburg (Szekesfeher\ar). 278

Szatmar, county in northeast Hungary
(Szatmar-Bereg), 2J

Szcjjed. city in southern Hungary, 280.
364

Szckesfehervar, see Stuhlweissenburg
Szeklers. IS

Szentgotthard. town in western Hungary,
battle of (1664), 32n, 102, 192, 222

Taganrog, fortress town on the Sea of Azov,
401. 422

Talamone. town on the Tyrrhenian coast
(north of I'orto S. Stefano). 142

Talanda, Greek city inland from Negro-
ponte, 327, ^

Talbot, Charles. Earl (from 1694. Duke) of
Shrewsbury. English secretary of state,
1689-1690, 1694-1699 (b. 1660, d.
1718), 370f.. 393

Taranto. city in southern Italy (on the Gulf
of Taranto), 2QA

Tarkhan. Sultana Valide. mother of Sultan
Mchmed IV. 158, 165ff.. 218

Tarkhunji Ahmed Pasha. Ottoman grand vi-
zir. 1652-1653 (d. 1653). 168ff.

Tarsia. Christoforo. Venetian dragoman in
Istanbul (ca. 1706-1714). 409n

Tarsia, Giacomo, Venetian "giovane di lin-
Huti' (1668-1669). 19n, 220; Venetian
dragoman (1699). 405n, 410

Tarsia, Greek family of Venetian drago-
mans, 367. 409n; .see fdso Christoforo,
Ciiacomo. and Tommaso Tarsia

Tarsia. Tommaso, Venetian grand drago-
man in Istanbul (ca. 1683-1699), 259.
367. 405n. 41 On

Tartary. lands of the Tatars (in Eurasia),
219

Tasta, Andrea, Venetian naval commander

(1647), 138n
Tata, town in northern Hungary (cast of

Gyor). 262
Tatars (Tartars), m, 12, 20, 22, 123, 14 In.

261. 264f.. 273, 275, 221, 280, 282f..

285. 366. 368, 370f., 420f., 439; Khans

of, .see Gazi Giray II, Davlat Giray
Tchorlulu Ali Pasha, Ottoman grand vizir,

1706-1710 (b. ca. 1670, d. 1710?),

419ff.

Tcatro "la Fcnice", in Venice, 458
Tebaldi, Pio, Venetian historian, 272n
Teglia. Matteo del. Florentine agent in Ven-
ice (ca. 1688), 31 On
Tekirdag (Rodosto), on the Sea of Mar-
mara. 366

Tellez Giron, Pedro, duke of 0.suna. Span-
ish viceroy of Naples, 1616-1620 (b.
1574. d. 1624). 2n

Temesvar (Timi^oara), in western Ru-
mania. 16, 166. 170. 277. 280. 440f.;
siege of ( 1 7 16), 436f., 446; banat of. 4J 2,
437. 449

Ten. Council of. Venice, see Council of Ten
Tenedos, Aegean island three miles off
coast of Asia Minor, 2, 139, 171, 288.
372. 410. 444n; held by Venetians
(1656-1657). 184ff.; invasion of. con.sid-
ered by Venetians ( 1691 ), 381f., 384ff.

Tenos (Tinos), town and island in the Cy-

clades, 125n, 126, 140, 155, 16L 178f.,

192. 221. 229n. 411; captured by Turks

(1715). 427f., 430, 432, 450
Terzena Chiaiassi. overseer of the Turki.sh

armada (1669). 237
Thebes, In Boeotia, 302. 306. 309. 311.

314f., 322, 326f.. 334, 34i iM, Ml,

372. 382. 427f., 421
Thelss (Tisza) river. U, 42, 280, 40L 436f.
Thcmistocles. Athenian statesman (b. ca.

525. d. ca. 460 B.C.). 255n
Thessalonica. Latin kingdom of (1204-

1224). 107

Thessaloniki (Salonica, Saloniki), in Mace-
donia, 213, 23L 327, 348, 352, 427, 432
Thessaly, 212, 327

Thirty Years' War (1618-1648), 29ff..
104f., 131f.; and Italy. 104f.; effects of:
on Europe, 94, 99ff.. 402. 454: on Ger-
many, 75, 79f.; 94, lOOf.; military inno-
vations in. 51n, 99f., 102, 295n; other ref-
erences to, mfe, 145, 296. 316

Thokdiy, Imre, Hungarian rebel com-
mander 1678-1691 (b. 1656, d. 1705),
26i 265, 266n, 283, 365f.. 370, 392n

498

Venice, Austria, and the Turks in the Seventeenth Century

Three Islands, Venetian area, 231. 399; see
also Gephalonia, Corfu, Zante

Thuringia, important area (and state) in
central Germany, 6J

Thurn, Count Heinrich Matthias von, Bohe-
mian Protestant commander prominent
in the Defenestration of Prague (1618),
29f., 33

Tilly, .lohann Tserclaes, count of, Bavarian-
imperialist commander in the Thirty
Years' War, 1620-1632 (b. 1559, d.
1632), 35, 3L 39ff., 43, 46, 52ff., 58ff.

Tinos, see Tenos

Tintoretto (Jacopo Robusti), Venetian
painter (b. 1518, d. 1594), 459f.

Tisa river, see Theiss river

Titian (Tiziano Vecellio), Venetian painter
(b. ca. 1490, d. 1576), 460

Tocco, Leonardo III, duke of Leucadia,
1448-1479 (d. ca. 1499), 290n

Tokaj (Tokay), town in northeast Hungary
famous for its wine, 21, 81

Torgau, port on the Elbe in central Ger-
many, 54

Torone, town on the Chalcidic peninsula,
189

Torre, Francesco della. imperial ambassa-
dor to Venice, 1679-1695 (b. 1629, d.
1695), 222

Torrington, Viscount, see Byng, Sir George

Torstensson, Lennart, Swedish commander
in the Thirty Years' War, 1631-1646 (b.
1603, d. 1651), 73f., 77f., 81n, 82

Totis (Tet), town in northwest Hungary,
14n

Toul, city on the Moselle river, 263; dio-
cese of, 90f.

Toulon, port on the Mediterranean in
southeast France, 223f.

Tournai, city in Hainaut, on the Scheldt
river; diocese of, 222f.

Tour\'ille, Anne-Hilarion, comtc de, French
admiral (b. 1642, d. 1701). 394

Traisen river, in central Ixjwer Austria. 267

Transylvania (Hung. Erdely, Germ. Sie-
benbiirgen). as held by the German Em-
pire (in 1699), 411. 449f.; in the Austro-
Turkish War (1593-1606), 9, 15ff.; later
warfare in, 13J_, 189, 273. 362. 368.
389f.. 392n, 434f.; Protestants in, i
17ff., 26, 269; other references to, 123.
248; rulers of, .see Sigismund Bathory,
Stephen Bocskay, Gabriel Bethlen,
George I Rakoczy, Michael 1 Abafi

Transylvanian Alps, 18, 437

Transylvanians, ZV, 25, 3JL 32n. 79

Trau (Trogir), Dalmatian village west of
Spalato. 4A4

Trauttmannsdorf, Count Maximilian von,

chief imperial representative at Miinster

and Osnabriick, 1645-1648 (b. 1584, d.

1650), 82f., 90, 96ff.
Trent (Trento). 9j Council of (1545-1547,

1551-1552, 1562-1563). 30, 79, 88
Trevisan, Venetian family (ennobled ca.

1684-1704), 328n
Treviso, city in the Veneto, 446n, 453n
Trier, archdiocese and electorate, 27f., 58;

city of, 57; treaty of (1684), 391n
Trikkala (Trikala), city in western Thessaly,

211. 315. 327
Tripoli, city in Libya. 2, 110, 170, 127
Tripolini, 427n

Tripolis (Tripolitza), city in the Morea, 181,

302f., 309, 31i 39 In, 399f., 412
Tripolitania, 1

Tromp, Marten, Dutch admiral (b. 1597, d.

1653), 132
Troy, ancient city in Asia Minor, 173, 175
Trumbull, Sir William, English ambassador

to the Ottoman court, 1687-1691 (b.

1639, d. 1716), 365f., 370f., 379f.
Tserclaes, Johann, count of Tilly, see Tilly,

Johann Tserclaes, count of
Tshalik, Ottoman agha of the janissaries

(murdered 1703), 416
Tulln, town in Lower Austria, 267
Tunis, Tunisia, If., 1 10. 126. 156n, 1 70.

177. 180

Turenne, Henri de la Tour d'Auvergne, vi-
comte de. French commander in the
Thirty Years' War. 1638-1648 (b. 1611,
d. 1675). 75f.. 85. 87, 99

Turenne. Louis de la Tour d'Auvergne, vi-
comte de, commander of Venetian forces
in Greece (1687-1688), 305, 323, 356.
35«i

Turin, treaty of (1696), 396

Turk Ahmed Pasha, Ottoman commander
at Nauplia (1715), 430

Turkey, 44, 212, 228n, 450; see also Otto-
man empire

Turkish language, 19, 44, 114, 157n, 220.
280. 285. 409. 422

Turks, in the late 16th century. Iff.; in the
Austro-Turkish war (1593-1606), 8ff.,
20, 21n; and the Thirty Years' War
(1618-1648), 31f., 34n, 36n. 43, 49, 73,
95ff.; in the War of Candia (1645-1669),
104. 105ff., 120ff., 139ff.. 154ff., 162ff.,
167ff., 205, 208, 214ff., 236ff.; in the
siege of Vienna (1683), 260ff.. 267ff.; in
wars against the imperialists (from
1683). 271ff., 300, 362, 364. 366ff.,
401 ff., 406; in the Venetian invasion of
Greece (1684-1688), 290ff., 297ff., 317,
320. 324. 326ff., 33 Iff., 343ff., 348f.,
35 If., 354ff., 360f., 365, 372ff.; in the re-

Index

499

conquest of Greece (1714-1715). 426ff.;
in the siege of Corfu (1716), 442ff.; in
wars against the imperialists (from
1715), 434ff ., 446. 449; military organiza-
tion of. 5f., 8, 102; other warfare, etc.:
with the F>mpire and western Europe. LL
26f., 30n, im 257f.. 452ff.; in Eastern
Europe. 248f., 25 If.; with Russia. 401.
421f.; with Venice, 253ff.. 389ff., 410,
412ff.. 452ff.; their military strength
(from 1645), 21, 13L lAL 143, 158,
186f., 208, 24L 264, 285, 30L iU, 32L
365, 373, 37L 382, 4iL 435, 439, 442:
their naval strength (from 1646), 139.
141n, 146, 163f.. 172f.. 177, 180, 182f.,
185f., 192, 324, 2SSh their losses (from
1669). 226, 401. 436. 440; see also
Ottomans
Tuscan Archipelago, 1 42
Tuscany, duchy of, 128n. 296. 447
Tuscans, their galleys in the Levant, 2, 190.
441. 443

Tuttlingen. town in the south of

Wurttemberg. 75f.
Twelve Years' Truce (1609-1621) between

Holland and Spain, 32, 86
Tyrol, 27, 29, 294
Tyrrhenian Sea, 142, 1&2

Udine, city in northeastern Italy, 453n
Ughetto, Venetian in Candia (1644), 117n
Ugocsa, county in Hungary, 21
Ukraine, 25L 257, 369, 412, A19
Ulcinj, see Dulcigno

Ulema, scholars of the Moslem law and reli-
gion, 152, 289, 42L 427

Ulm, treaty of (1620), 35; truce of (1647),
83, 85

Una river, .southwest of Fetrovac, 6

Unac (Unats), river in western Bosnia, 449n

Unitarians, 17

United Provinces, .see Netherlands
Unterwalden, Swiss canton, 94
Upper Rhine, administrative circle of. 62
Urban VIII (Maffeo Barbcrini), pope,
1623-1644 (b. 1568, d. 1644), 41, 50,

i05f., ms

Uri, Swiss canton, 94

Uskoks (Uscocchi), 2, 9, 28, 32

Ussun Mehmed Agha, Moorish eunuch cap-
tured by the Hospitallers (1644), 113

Utraquists. Protestant sect, 31

Utrecht, treaties of (1713), 424n, 446f.,
450

Vah river, in western Slovakia, 260
Valier, Alessandro, Venetian noble in the

Athenian expedition (1687-1688), 313,

326

Valier, Andrea, Venetian noble chosen by
the Senate to serve as "gentleman en-
voy" to the Porte (1668). 206ff.; prove-
ditor general da mar (1673-1674).
254f.

V'alier, Bertucci, doge of Venice, 1656-
1658 (d. 1658), 1S9

Valier. Pietro, Venetian senator who pro-
posed resumption of warfare with the
Turks (1683), 259

Valier, Silvestro, doge of Venice, 1694-
1700 (d. 1700), 399n, 407f., 410f.(nn)

Valois, French dynasty (1328-1589), 40

Valona. city in southwestern Albania,
108f., llOn, 374ff.

Valpovo, village in northeastern Croatia,

2a7

Valtellina, valley of the upper Adda river,

4L 66, 68, 104ff.
Van Swieten-Gasse, street in Vienna, 451
Vnni Effendi, mufti in Istanbul (1683),
friend of the kaimakam Kara Mustafa Pa-
sha, 250

Varpalota, town in central Hungary on
southeast slope of Bakony Mts., 14

Vasvar, treaty of (1664), 102f., 192, 248f.,
257

Vatika, town in the southeastern Morea,
338f., 351

Vauban, Sebastien de (b. 1633, d. 1707),
French military engineer, 5 In, 70

Vechta, town in Oldenburg in northwest
Germany. 94

Veglia (Krk). island off the coast of Dalma-
tia. 143

Velazquez, Diego Rodriguez de Silva y (b.
1599, d. 1660), famous painter of the
Spanish School, 4J

Vendome, Louis .loseph. duke of (b. 1654,
d. 1712). marshal of France, 424n

Vendramin. Niccolo. Venetian convoy
commander (ca. 1684-1694). 3fi4

Venetians, in the War of Candia (1645-
1669), 32f., 106f., llOf., 114ff.. 120,
123ff.. 125n, 127ff., 136ff., 155ff., 162ff.,
167ff., 178ff., 201 ff., 223ff., 232, 240f.,
25 1 . 364; in the invasion of Greece
(1684-1688), 94, 260. 271ff., 275f.,
279ff., 286f., 290ff., 316, 318f., 321ff.,
.137n, ^^8(., 34 Iff., 35 Iff., 360n, 361 f.,
364; in the Turco-Venetlan war (1714-
1716). 426ff.. 430ff., 441f., 452; other re-
lations with the Ottoman empire. Iff.,
12f.. 19, lOOf., 154n, 252, 254, 258ff.,
265n, 286f.. 372ff.. 380ff.. 394ff.. 404.
405n, 411n, 414ff.; civilization of, 453n,
457f., 460; commercial activities of, 4,
99, 110, 124f., 132, 233f.. 236, 255, 259.
363, 409, 453n, 456f.; government of

500

Venice. Austria, and the Turks in the Seventeenth Century

Crete ruled by. lOL 116. 122f.. 133ff..
188f.; government of the Morea and At-
tica ruled by. 315ff., 322, 338. 344f..
350. 364f.. 398ff.. 431i land forces of
(from 1645). 12L 125n. 144. 148n, 225,
295. 305. 307. 312n. 3J5. 353. 377:
losses of. 149, 176, L83. 197, 226, 241.
357: naval forces of (from 1646). 139.
149f.. 155f., 159, 163. 173, 178, 180.
182. 199: .see o/.so Venice

Veneto, 105, 133, 294. 363. 418, 445n.
452, 453n. 455ff.

Venice, city and republic, and the Thirty
Years' War (1618-1648), 30. 34. 41. 81.
104f.: and the War of Candia (1645-
1669),8L90.94,97f.. UO, 112ff.. 115n,
116. 118f.(nn). 121ff.. 125n. 129ff.. 13L
139ff.. 143ff.. 167. 185n. 187ff.. 195f..
198, 201ff.. ZQii. 207n. 209ff.. 228n,
229ff., 235ff.; and the Greek wars (1684-
1716). 94. 297f.. 305f., 309, 313, 317,
319ff.. 328ff.. 333ff., 340f.. 343f.. 346f..
350f.. 359f.. 362, 364. 375. 3fiJff.. 385.
.187. 441f.. 444ff.; and the Treaty of Kar-
iowitz (1699). 404ff.. 41 Iff.. 42L condi-
tions in (after 1716). 450. 452ff.: as a
tourist attraction. 459ff.; effects of
plague in, 105f.. 36.1. 459; contracts of.
etc., with mercenaries, 292ff.. 299. 316,
323. 324n. 330. 334i relations of: with
Hapsburg empire. 2f., 20, 28n, 98, 104f..
132. 184. 295n, 398. 433f.. 450; with the
Holy See. 6. 20. liM. 144f., 172, 198.
199n. 433f.; with other European states,
32f.. 132, 198, 24L 272, 273n. 393n,
398. 446. 447n; with the Ottoman em-
pire, L 6. 12ff.. 19, 108ff., 233, 244ff.,
249. 252ff., 256ff.. 272. 274. 278n.
279ff.. 302, 367ff.. 374, .1S9. 39L 395.
408ff., 418f.. 421. 424ff.. 433f., 452f.,
see also Venetians

Venier. Lorenzo, Venetian naval officer
(1687), ^2H: capitan estraordinario
delle navi. 1688-1689 (d. 1689). 348,
352. 353n. 35A. 359. 373n

Venier. Lxjrenzo. Venetian naval officer at
Tenedos (d. 1646). L39

Venier, Marco, Venetian bailie in Istanbul
(1596). 12n

Venini. Paolo, Venetian glassmakcr, 457

Verden, diocese of. 43, 45. 92

Verdi. Giuseppe (b. 1813, d. 1901), Italian
operatic compo.ser, 458

Verdun, fortified city in northeastern
France. 263: diocese of, 90f.

Vergil (Fublius Vergilius Maro. b. 70 B.C..
d. 19 B.C.). 242f.

Verneda, Giacomo, Venetian engineer.

later lieutenant-general, in Greece,
1687-1688 (d. 1692), 329f., 332. 337.
■134

Verona. 7, 445n. 453n

Veronese (Caliari), Paolo (b. 1528, d.

1588). Italian painter of the Venetian

School. 460
Versailles. 274

N'eszprem. city and county in western Ilun-

gar\', 14. 249n. 262
Vicenza. 453n

Vidin. city in northwestern Bulgaria, 364ff.

Vienna, L 9. 26. 32n, 42. 123f., 125n, 238.
272. 21A. 282. 367f., 392. 394n, 421,
425f.. 43L 433. 435f.. 438. 440; descrip-
tion of (from 1716). 264. 267. 269f., 402.
450ff.; in the Thirty Years' War (1618-
1648). 3i 41. 44f.. 56f.. 58n. 60, 69.
70n. 73. 18, 9L 96f.; siege of (1529),
263n: siege of (1683). IL 32, 103. 244.
250. 260ff.. 27L 273n, 274f., 278, 366,
412: treaty of (1606). 2 If., 26; treaty of
(1624). 36n

Vienna, University of, 264

Viennese, 450f.

Villars, Claude lx)uis de, French marshal
(b. 1653, d. 1734), 424n

Villcroi. Francois de. French marshal (b.
1644. d. 1730). 424n

Villiers. George, first duke of Buckingham
(b. 1592. d. 1628). 41

Vincennes, eastern suburb of Paris. 70

Vincenzi. Zuanne. Ragusan envoy to Ven-
ice (1687). 2S5. 286n

Visegrad. town in north-central Hungary.
LL 20. 213

Vittorio Amadeo L duke of Savoy. 1630-
1637 (b. 1587. d. 1637). 66

Vittorio Amadeo II. duke of Savoy. 1675—
1713; king of Sicily. 1713-1720; king of
Sardinia. 1720-1730 (b. 1666, d. 1732),
262n. 394, 396f.. iAl

Vitylo. .see Kialepha

N'ivonne. count de. .sec Rochechouart.
Louis Victor de

Vlachs, .see Rumanians

Vltava river (Germ. Moldau). in central Bo-
hemia. 87

Voinok Ahmed. Ottoman kapudan pasha.
1648-1649 (d. 1649), 150, 154f., 156n,
158

Volos (Pagasai). city in southeastern Thes-
saly. 119

Volos. Gulf of (Gulf of Pagasai), in Thes-

saly, 179, 327
Vonitza (Vonitsa), port on the Gulf of Arta,

445f., 450
Vorksia river, 419

Vrana, village in western Croatia, 148

Index

501

Waitzcn (Hung. Vac), city in north-central

Hungary, 273, 276f.
Wallachia (Walachia), 9f., 17, 190, 256n,

275. 288. 366. 44 1 n, 449; rulers of, see

Constantine Brancovan. Michael the

Brave

Wallachians, 264; see also Rumanians
Wallenstein, Albrecht Wenzel Eusebius
von. duke of Friedland. imperialist gen-
eral in the Thirty Years' War (b. 1583, d.
1634). 38f., 43, 45ff., 56, 59ff., 63, 7L
105

War of Candia, .sec Candin, war of

War of the Spanish Succession (1701-
1714), 413. 415, 419, 424, 446n, 45D

Warsaw, lOL 2hh

Wawel Hill, in Cracow, 268

Weidling, suburb of Vienna, near the Dan-
ube. 267

Weissenburg, .sec Alba lulia

Weissenfels, city in Saxony. 6J

Werben. town in Saxony, near the Elbe, 54

Werdmiiller. ,lohann. master of artillery in
the French forces at Candia (1667). 193

Werth. .lohann von, imperialist-Bavarian
commander in the Thirty Years' War,
1618-1648 (d. 1652), 75f'. 80, 85

Weser river, in northwest Germany, 55,
59n. (i\

Wesselenyi. Ferenc, Hungarian palatine ad-
ministrator, leader of a conspiracy
against Emperor Leopold I (d. 1667), 248

Westminster (contains Whitehall), borough
of London on north bank of the Thames,
38()n

Westphalia, Peace of (1648), 82ff., 86,
88ff., 95ff., 102, 109n, 133, 142, 390.
398

Wettin family, ruling house of electoral
Saxony, and elsewhere, 70n; unii see
under the names of individual family
members and territories

White Mountain (Bila Hora). battle of (on 8
November 1620), 35-38

Whitehall, in Westminster, site of English
government oHices, 249. 365. 379. 387,
393, 404. 412. 413n. 414ff., 420, 424,
428. 438. 440. 44 In. 449n

Widman (Vidnian), Martino, Venetian gal-
ley commander (ca. 1647), 138n

Widman (Vidman), Venetian family (enno-
bled in 1646), L3a

Wienerwald (Vienna Woods), 267

Wilhelm. brother of Bcrnhard, duke of
Sach.sen- Weimar, 1605-1662 (b. 1598,
d. 1662). 70

William H, prince of Orange and stadholder
of the Netherlands, 1647-1650 (b. 1626,
d. 1650), 84n

William III, king of England, Scotland, and
Ireland, 1689-1702 (b. 1650, d. 1702),
370. 390. 392ff., 39L 405f.

William the Silent, prince of Orange, 1544-
1584, stadholder of the Netherlands,
1555-1584 (b. 1533, d. 1584), 69

Williamson, Sir Joseph, secretary to Ixird
Arlington, 1662-1674. English secretary
of state, 1674-1678 (b. 1633, d. 1701),
213. 215. 249f.

Winchilsea, William, known as Viscount
Maid}5tone (b. 1651, d. 1672). 218f.

Wismar. chief city of Mecklenburg, 67, 92;
treaty of (1636), 67ff.

Wittelsbachs, Bavarian dynasty (1180-
1918), 3L 45, 53, 6L 66. 83; mid see
individual rulers and territories

Wittenberge, city in Brandenburg on the
Elbe. 54

Wittenweiher, battle of (16.18), Tfl
Wittstock. battle of (1636), 69
Wolfenbuttel, battle of ( 1 642), 75
World War L 367

Worms, city on the Rhine in west Germany,
16

Wrangel. Karl Gustav, Swedish admiral and
general in the Thirty Years' War, 1644-
1648 (b. 1613, d. 1676), 77f., 81n, 83,
85. 87

Wiirttemberg, duchy of, 64, 20, 73, 75, 83,

100. 292. 323
Wiirttembergers (t Vittemhcr^), in the

Venetian siege of Negroponte (1688),

36ln

Wiirzburg. city in northwest Bavaria, 27, 56
Wyche (or Wych), Sir Peter, English am-
bassador to the Ottoman court, 1627-
1641 (d. 1643), 44n, 105, 109f.

Xanten, treaty of (1614), 25

Yedikule. .see Seven Towers

Yugoslavia. 1 48. 367: and see other
territories of modern Yugoslavia

Yusuf Pasha (.loscf Maskovic), Ottoman vi-
zir and kapudan pasha, 1645-1646 (d.
1646), 116, 124, 126f.. 130, 148, L53

Yusuf Pasha, Ottoman grand vizir (from
1711), 422n

Yusuf Pasha, Ottoman second vizir (1650),
160

Zaguri. Pietro. Venetian admiral in the Ae-
gean (1688), 349f.

Zaguri, V^enetian family (ennobled in
1646), 138

Zane. Matteo, Venetian bailie in Istanbul
(1591-1593), 8

Zane, Venetian family, 190n

502

Venice, Austria, and the Turks in the Seventeenth Century

Zante (mod. Zakinthos), island in the Io-
nian Sea, 12, 141n, 199n, 202f., 205f.,
210. 21A 224, 227n, 238, 253f., 298f.,
319. 325. 330. 339. 341. 349f., 356n.
359. 368. 379n, 399, 427n. 44L 443n.
445n, 452

Zaporozhian (or Dnieper) Cossacks, 9, lOn
Zara (mod. Zadar), in Dalmatia, iZ, 14 In,

142ff., 148, 162, 4M
Zattere, in Venice, 12
Zeeland, Dutch province in the southwest

Netherlands, 86
Zeitounion (Lamia), city near the Gulf of

Malis in east central Greece, 327
Zemonico, village in western Croatia, 148.

258f.

Zeno, Antonio, Venetian commander at
Chios, 1694-1695 (d. 1697), 395

Zeno, Antonio, Venetian ships' captain
(1654), 175

Zenta (Senta), city in northern Serbia, 436;
battle of (1697), 390, 40L 104

Zhuravno (Zuravna), village on the Dnies-
ter river, treaty of (1676), 251. 368
Zia, see Kea

Zin Ali Pasha, of Hercegovlna, captured by

Venetians (in 1690), 372n
ZHn (Gottwaldov), city in eastern Moravia,

21n

Zsitvatorok, Peace of (1606), 22f., 27, 30n,
32, 36n, 41, 42n, 43f., 81, 93, 15L 168

Zuccato, Giuseppe, secretary to the Vene-
tian Signoria (1688), 346n

Zulian (Giulian). Blasio, Istrian commander
of the Venetian fortress of S. Todero (d.
1645), 127

Zumarshausen, battle of (1648), 82

Zuravna, .see Zhuravno

Zustignan, Daniele, Venetian paymaster at
Candia (d. 1668). 196f.

Zweibriicken (Fr. Deux-Ponts), city and
duchy in the Rhenish Palatinate, 26J.
398

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